~ ~ ,~.
/1; "!5!~I.~:i Bradley B. Blue: THE HOUSE CHURCH AT CORINTH 235
: ii)~~~"i~,,'
! ~1~~fI';;, to cope with the actual or potential threat to the populace. The office of
~ ~;j~liiw;' "curator of the grain supply" (curator annonae) was crucial in the an-
t ~~;j\lf'~C" cient world during severe shortages.49 "In Corinth, as elsewhere, cu-
'""'""',"',
; ";i~i~~wJ\rc", ratores annonae were
Probably not annually elected officers. Instead
'"'"""""""'"
;*tltIJ,\c"c, they seem to have been appointed in times of threatened or actual
'CO""""""""
~\;f1.lr~i~i;"c; famine, and often".. the office fell upon men of wealth who used
~i')lt~I;"" their private resources for the relief of the city,"50 This phenomenon
!j{l~ril'",' of appointing a wealthy patron in time of crisis was not rare. As S. C.
II,ii~IJ:, Humphreys has recently observed: "In many cities the concepts of po-
f ;~!;;*~f~t%;,j litical office and of liturgy. ..had completely merged."51
; :;~\;~It~::,: The epigraphic evidence from Corinth indicates that on numer-
;"";"'11"
,F;;lWiIIJj,: ous occasions it was necessary to appoint men to the office of curator
A~(\~fl~:Il",' annonae in order to alleviate the tension precipitated by a potential
j~r~~~~I,~~; or actual shortage and, thereby, dispel potential unrest. In the 1st cen-
~i\\);~~~~1~i)" fury A.D. a wealthy benefactor by the name Tiberius Claudius Dinip-
~;,~1c~lfi, pus held the office of curator annonae no. fewer than three times at
~,:;:~~lIj:j~" Corinth.52 In addition to the many other offices he held at Corinth, he
t""."""""" ,
:i~~~~I~~j'"", was also agonothete Neroneon. What is most striking for our study is
8, the dating of the inscriptions.
i~JJj.$,\: 49 For the most recent treatment of famine in the ancient world see: P. Garnsey,
"",ifc"""""", v .
ndV__J
S1PGdCRWh.ttakdTadendv ..
ii~iif£~w~?ii'", ramtne a ruuu upp y; .arnsey an, I er, e., Ii a ramtne m
;¥1:.1;~j, Classical Antiquity (Cambridge Philological Society Supplement 8; Cambridge: Cam-
Ji'f\tlt!f!;," bridge Philological Society, 1983). It was, of course, common for the government to reg-
i!';g~(~Ii\&\'\"'; ularl
ydistributegrain (usually monthly), cf. Garnsey and Saller, The Roman Empire,
"'"W"",ic'""",
llii!!fj"",\ 83-88. On the grain supply of Rome see G. E. Rickman, The Corn Supply of Ancient
'it~j'I~, Rome (Oxford: Clarendon, 1980). It is most striking that even though the Jewish commu-
'~~~~r'J1"" nity had a common purse and other mechanisms to attend to the needy, the poorer in
riitj~
I~1tJ! their midst still received the dole, cf. M Smallwood, The
Jews under Roman Rule. From
"~~ """""'"
'~i!jjf?~\, Pompey to Diocletian. A Study in Political Relations (Studies in Judaism in Late Antiq-
~~!tJt, uity 20; 2d ed.; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981) 136-37.
I~rll~!;'c\ 50 A. B. West, ed" Corinth. Results of Excavations Conducted by the American
~~I~!!¥ti",ic School of Classical Studies at Athens. Vol. 8, Part 2, Latin Inscriptions, 1896-1926
~I:f'l~~("," (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1931) 73; cf. Wiseman, "Corinth and Rome,"
~11\~)tt~1'i', 499.
,1mJ$J$I'iiWc\" 51 S. C. Humphreys, "Public and Private Interests in Classical Athens," Classical
\~II~fc'i"" Journal 73 (1978) 98.
~~Wltl'i' 52 The significance of the Dinippus inscription.s h.as recently been bro~ght to my
i~ll~fj',ii' attention by B. Winter. His own assessment of the significance of the matenal appears
i'f,~'it~r~ljWi"", as "Secular and Christian Responses to Corinthian Famines," Tyndale Bulletin 40 (1989)
(,i"'i!~t'1i" 86-106. For the Dinippus inscriptions see West, Corinth. Latin Inscriptions, nos. 86-90,
ij;;J~;~~~1i,\ and J. H. Kent, Corinth. Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of
"""";'~c~i:i Classical Studies at Athens. Vol. 8, Part 3, The Inscriptions, 1926-1950 (Princeton, NJ:
"""""cv"""" c
;i,,;;tji~iWic" The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1966) nos. 158-63.
iiii""""iCV"
i{t~"i;",i~ili;~c",i -No. 158 = "[Members of the tribe ] (erected this monument) to Tiberius Claudius
'11~17~(')'i' Dinippus, [son of Publius, of the tribe Fabia], who was duovir, [duovir quinquennalis],
iJ~tf~~I)~'" augur, priest of Britannic Victory, [military tribune of Legion VI] Hispanensis, chief en-
;;i"";\""",, ",i; gineer, curator of the grain supply three times, [agonothetes] of the Neronea [Caesarea
"""",i,";;;j and the Isthmian and Caesarean games]." The fact that Dinippus received the highest
236 CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
A B. West has suggested that Dinippus' presidency of Neronea
Caesarea should be assigned to the early part of Nero's reign, most
likely the celebration of A.D. 55. Furthermore, he places the quinquen-
nalic duovirate (the highest magistracy of the colony) in the year A.D.
52/53.53 Most importantly, it is probable that Dinippus was curator
annonae at the time of the severe famine during the re~n of Claudius
which, most probably, can be dated in the year A.D. 51. "That Dinip-
pus' service was rendered during this time is not at all improbable,
and for the next few years Corinth would have good reasons for hon-
oring him. Thus it is not strange to find him Eresiding over the next
Isthmian celebration, the first of Nero's reign." 5 J. Wiseman also dates
Dinippus' curatorship to the severe famine during the year in which
Gallio was governor of Achaea (A.D. 51-52).56 If this dating is accurate,
then it would have occurred shortly after Paul's departure in A.D. 51.
We find corroborating evidence for a famine in Paul's response to
the Corinthians' queries in 1 Corinthians. The issues addressed in
1 Corinthians 7 (i:e., matrimonial status and procreation) are certainly
symptomatic of eschatological events57 and, without question, the
trauma surrounding a (potential) famine would have precipitated
honor that the city could bestow (agonothes) suggests considerable wealth and benefac-
tion (cf. Wiseman, uCorinth and Rome," 500).
8Boulagoras of Samos also was a wealthy benefactor who was appointed three times as
the com supply commissioner of his city (Supplementum Epigraphicum GrlBcum 366,
cited in A R Hands, Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome (Aspects of Greek
and Roman Life; London: Thames and Hudson, 1968) 176 (0.3); cf. Garnsey, Famine and
Food Supply, 14-15).
53 West, Corinth. Latin Inscriptions, 72-73; cf; Kent, Corinth. The Inscriptions,
74-75.
54 West, Corinth. Latin Inscriptions, 70.
55 West, Corinth. Latin Inscriptions, 73.
56 Wiseman, uCorinth and Rome," 505. The most likely date for GaUio's term of
office is from spring to spring, A.D. 51-52, cf. Wiseman, uCorinth and Rome," 503-4;
Murphy-o'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth, 146-50; and V. P. Furnish, uCorinth in Paul's
Time: What Can Archaeology Tell Us?" Biblical Archaeology Review 15 (1988) 19.
57 That is, should a man have sexual intercourse with his wife? See the evidence
collected by G. O. Fee, u1 Corinthians in the NIV," JETS 23 (1980) 307-14; cf. idem, First
Corinthians, 275, as well as the additional material in Winter, uCorinthian Famines,"
94, n. 43. Herein lies the insight into the text which is gained by a detailed study of at-
tendant circumstances. On this score, Winter has been able to'provide (what is in our
opinion) a satisfactory explanation of the impetus behind the questions raised by the
Corinthians in addition to providing the background to serious problems (e.g., at the
table). Given the recent famine which would have been interpreted as an eschatological
event (cf. Mark 13:3-37), Fee is surely correct when he renders dvuYICQ (1 Cor 7:26) as a
present reality (First Corinthians, 328-29; cf. Winter, uCorinthian Famines," 93). With-
out question, famine at Corinth (and elsewhere) was a constant threat and concern (cf.
1 Clem. 56:9).
Bradley B. Blue: THE HOUSE CHURCH AT CORINTH 237
su,ch anxiety.58 Given all these indicators, it is most likely that the is-
sues which Paul addresses in view of the present distress (Oto. 't"T]v
f;vEcr't"oocrav dvaY1Cllv, v 26) have arisen on account of the recent famine.
Once Again: Paul's Response
If this historical reconstruction is accurate, then the problems al-
luded to in 1 Cor 11:17-34 can be explained in light of the recent de-
velopment, i.e., the famine. That this was indeed the cause of the
problem is the most likely given the alternatives. In a time when fam-
ine threatened the populace, the householders as well as the slaves
and freedmen who fell under their auspices would have had
sufficient food and drink.59 Therefore, as in Theissen's (and others')
interpretation, the injunction to "wait for one another" makes little
sense. The alternative, "share with one another" (as over against "de-
vouring your own meal"), however, befits the problem: those who
have the security of ample food during a difficult period such as a
famine should share with those who could have otherwise contrib-
uted to the common meal according to their means.60 This is precisely
the principle invoked in later tradition (from Corinth!, cf. 1 Clem. 38:2)
which also knows of famine (56:9).
Without undue embellishment, this interpretation could be help-
ful in understanding what Paul is alluding to when he writes, "about
the other matters, I will provide directions when I come" ('t"o. of:: AOt1to.
roc; iiv EA6ro ota't"a~o~at, 11:34b). Assuming that he had dealt with the is-
sue of commensality Gewish and Gentile) during his lengthy stay at
Corinth, Paul was later confronted with a new development concern-
ing which (some of) the Corinthians sought his advice. From our histor-
ical reconstruction we demonstrated that there was a famine at Corinth
shortly after Paul's departure and a curator was appointed to establish
the mechanism by which the potential unrest could be quenched and
the populace assured that food would be distributed to the needy. Iron-
ically, it would seem, this spirit of benefaction at Corinth was lacking
when the believers gathered for the Lord's Supper. To this end, Paul
instructs them to share. It is consonant, then, to suggest that Paul would
have addressed the issue of (regular) distribution of food to those who
58 Winter, "Corinthian Famines," 93.
59 Garnsey argues that "euergetism [public generosity of the wealthy]. ..was an
institution devised by the rich in their own interests. As the grain stocks of the commu-
nity were in their barns, they could time their release to suit themselves; that is why
the same class produced euergetists and profiteers," Famine and Food Supply, 272.
60 Bornkamm, Early Christian Experience, 128; E. von Dobschiitz, Christian Life
in the Primitive Church (Theological Translation Library 18; trans. G. Bremer; New
York: Putnam, 1904) 61-62.
E. ~I
238 CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
were in need. This is precisely his recommendation during the gather-
ing of the believers.
The Corinthians who were evidently not willing to display gen-
erosity during the gathering might have argued that the mechanisms
for distribution of the needed staples were well established and con-
firmed by the appointment of a curator.61 If the needy were lacking
(daily or otherwise), provisions could be obtained through the govern-
mental channels. Perhaps Paul's response concerning these matters
(La AOl7ta) was too involved and required his presence rather than his
words. It may very well be that he would have established an alterna-
tive mechanism within the church to ensure that the economically
disadvantaged were taken care of by the church and not the city. To
be sure, similar mechanisms were already at work in Judaism.62
Summary
The central importance of the Lord's Supper and the common meal
in the early church established. the incontrovertible necessity of house
gatherings. The radical implications of the gospel message necessitated
cultural and religious disestablishment which could only be manifest at
61 Winter, "Corinthian Famines," 102-3.
62 The recently published inscription from Aphrodisias (in Caria-140 km/87 mi.
east of Ephesus) by J. Reynolds and R Tannenbaum confirms that benefactors (includ-
ing God-fearers) contributed to programs within that community, in this case a commu-
nity soup kitchen (7ta.EUa). The raison d'etTe for the erection is given as: EiC; d7tEv91luiav
.cp 7tAtl9t £ICnoa[v], translated as: "erected for the relief of suffering in the commu-
nity. .." or, alternatively: "erected for the alleviation of grief in the community." This
would correspond to the Hebrew 'Tn~n (found both in the Mishna, Tosephta, and both
Talmudim as the name of a charitable institution; cf. G. F. Moore, Judaism in the First
Centuries of the Christian Era: The Age of the Tannaim [3 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Har-
vard University Press, 1927-1930] 2.176-77, and E. Schiirer, The History of the Jewish
People in the Age of Jesus Christ red. and rev. G. Vermes, F. Millar, M. Black, and M.
Goodman; 4 vols.; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1973-1987] 2.437. This charitable institution
was Qrganized in Jewish communities and was required by Mishnaic law "for the daily
collection. ..and distribution of cooked food gratis to the poor and vagrant" (Jews and
Godjearers at Aphrodisias: Greek Inscriptions with Commentary [Cambridge Philo-
logical Society Supplement 12; Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society, 1987]). They
date the inscription from the 3d century AD. (19-22). The discovery was reported by
K T. Erim in AJA 81 (1977) 306, and Assyriological Studies 27 (1977) 31. Reynolds and
Tannenbaum conjecture that, although the literary sources are later than the NT
period, the reference to the 1'1 olaICovia 1'1 ICa9JlIlEplvtl (the daily seririce/distribution) in
Acts 6:1 might indicate a daily distribution of food to widows (and perhaps others in
need) by the early Christian community of Jerusalem, which is likely to have been cop-
ied from a Jewish community institution such as the one found at Aphrodisias. If this is
indeed the case, it is conceivable that such charities were extant in Palestine in the
thirties of the 1st century AD.
Bradley B. Blue: THE HOUSE CHURCH AT CORINTH 239
the "table," The boundaries which defined Judaism as a race and reli-
gion were drawn at the table; therefore, the desegregation of the Chris-
tian message had for its appropriate setting the table, Similarly, the
boundaries which defined social and economic classes were forcefully
exposed at a meal. It was uncommon for different classes to eat together:
"The interests brought together in this way probably marked the Chris-
tians off from other unofficial associations, which were generally so-
cially and economically as homogeneous as possible",63
In the case of the meals at Corinth and the famine, it appears as
though the Christians tolerated existing mores: in the case of a food
shortage the appointment of a curator would hopefully lessen the dis-
crepancy. Paul, however, seems dissatisfied with the existing scheme,
The only way in which the Christians can become the body is to eat
of one body, together, This meant sharing, particularly in the context
of a Christian gathering, Love for one another must be manifest above
all when a meal was shared, and the significance of the bread and cup
must displace former conceptions which tolerated inequality and un-
even distribution,64
63 Judge, Social Pattern, 00.
64 In this respect, Klauck's claim that, in part, "Die Hausgemeinde war... .Ernst-
fall der christlichen Bruderlichkeitn is on target (Hausgemeinde und Hauskirche,
101-2), although he does not use the expression in this particular context.
~.- -I