Copyright © 1981 by
ADAM AND ADAPA:
TWO ANTHROPOLOGICAL
CHARACTERS
NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
Because of the enormous impact of the Bible upon
both the
Jewish
and Christian communities, any ancient Near Eastern
literary discovery that may offer a parallel to
some segment of
biblical literature is greeted with interest. One
such literary
discovery is the Adapa
myth. Its early discoverers and investigators
claimed it as a true Babylonian parallel to the
biblical story of
Adam.1
However, after the initial flush of excitement, other voices
arose to point out the differences between Adam and Adapa,
claiming that no parallels exist between them.2
This position is
retained in some of the more recent examinations
of the material,
but with the provision that some of the issues
raised in the Adapa
myth also occur in the biblical material.3
Finally, renewed attempts
at showing an essential parallel between Adam and Adapa (with
due allowances for functional shifts in the
material) have been
made.4 Such a "seesaw
effect" of ancient Near Eastern parallels to
the Bible is quite typical and suggests that the
word "parallel,"
1 See conveniently the
discussion by A. T. Clay, The Origin of Biblical
Traditions, Yale Oriental Series
12 (
2 This reaction is well
illustrated by A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, 2d ed.
(
fundamentally as far apart as
antipodes." This general conclusion had been
anticipated by G. Furlani,
"Il
Nazionale dei Lincei. Classe
di scienze, etc. 6/5
(1929): 113-171.
3 See, e.g., B. R. Foster, 'AVisdom and the Gods in Ancient Mesopotamia," Or,
n.
s., 43 (1974): 352-353; E. A. Speiser, "The Idea
of History in Ancient Mesopo-
tamia," in Oriental and Biblical Studies (
G.
Buccellati, "Adapa,
Genesis, and the Notion of Faith," OF 5 (1973): 61-66;
P.
Xella, "L''inganno' di Ea nel
4
Recently W. H. Shea, "Adam in Ancient
Mesopotamian Traditions,
AUSS 15 (1977): 27-41;
reprinted in Bible and Spade 6 (1977): 65-76.
179
180 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
though difficult to replace, may be inappropriate and
quite
inadequate to take account of the complex
relationships that exist
between biblical and extrabiblical
literary traditions.5 It is the
purpose of this essay to address that problem
with specific reference
to the Adapa myth.
1. Adapa and the
Suggested Parallels with Adam
The Adapa myth tells a
simple story about a wise man, Adapa,
in the city of
Ea
(Sumerian Enki), the god of the great deep and of the
world of
man, and served the city of
devotion by, among other things, providing fish.
Once a sailing
mishap on a fishing expedition made him curse the
south wind,
thereby breaking its wing, whereupon the land
was deprived of its
cooling and moist breezes. For this offense he
was summoned to
the high god Anu
(Sumerian An) to give account of his deed. First,
however, he received this advice from his god
Ea: (1) to appear in
mourning garb at the gate of Anu
so as to receive sympathetic
assistance from the two heavenly gate keepers,
Tammuz and
Gizzida (vegetation gods); (2) to refuse the
bread and water of death
offered to him, but to accept oil for anointing
himself and new
garments. With this advice, which he followed
carefully, Adapa
succeeded admirably in his heavenly audience (to Anu's surprise),
whereupon he was returned to earth (for he was but
a man) with
forgiveness for himself, release from feudal
obligations for his city
(Eridu), and healing for the illness which his offense had
brought
upon mankind.
Now we can turn to the so-called
"parallels" between this
story and the biblical story of Adam, notably Adam's
fall (Gen. 3).
5 S. Sandmel,
"Parallelomania," JBL 81 (1962): 1-13, warned against it. See
now also W. W. Hallo, "New Moons and Sabbaths:
A Case Study in the Contrastive
Approach,"
HUCA 48 (1977): 1-18.
6 The best English translation
is by E. A. Speiser in ANET, 101-103. Of the four
extant fragments, three (A, C, D) derive from the Ashurbanipal library (7th cent.
B.C.),
and the fourth (B) comes from the Amarna archives
(14th cent. B.C.).
ADAM AND ADAPA 181
(a) The name Adapa has
a tantalizing similarity to that of
Adam,
a fact that has led to the suggestion that a simple phonetic
development may explain their relationship, i.e., a
labial shift from
m to p, rather than vice versa.7 Moreover, the final ending a in
Adapa also appears in the Hebrew 'adama, meaning "ground"/
"soil." Finally,
a-da-ap is reported by E. Ebeling
to occur
in a syllabary text with
the meaning "man."8 Whatever
the merit of these linguistic considerations, the
etymology of Adam
is itself uncertain. Is it
"soil"/"ground," ('adama) or "red" ('
or "blood" (dam)?9 As for the name Adapa,
it appears frequently
with the epithet "the learned, the wise,"10
and is in fact now
known to be the name of the first of the seven
antediluvian sages
(apkallu),11
each of whom is associated with an antediluvian king.12
Adapa is identified as the one who ascended to
heaven, following
the account of our myth in a text published by E.
Reiner,13 who on
the basis of the epithets apkallu and especially ummanu has
7 See Shea,
pp. 38-39.
8 See ANET, p. 101, n*, where
reference is given to Ebeling's Tod
and
Leben, 27a.
9 TDOT, 1: 75-79. The name adamu
(syllabically spelled) is now reported to
have been found on the
M.
Dahood, "
274).
From the same city a calendar with the month name da-dam-ma-um has
appeared (see G. Pettinato,
"Il Calendario di Ebla al Tempo
sulla base di TM 75.G.427," AfO 25 [1976]: 1-36). W. H. Shea, who kindly drew
my attention to this item, has presented a
discussion of the calendar in question in
AUSS 18 (1980): 127-137, and
19 (1981): 59-69, 115-126. Also the Sumerian a-dam
(pasture) may offer an opportunity to speculate upon the
etymology of Adam
(see W. W. Hallo, "Antediluvian Cities," JNES 23
(1970): 58. Taken at face value,
the Genesis account would appear to tie Adam to 'adama (ground), from which
the man was taken and to which he will return.
10 See ANET, 313-314, 450; A. K. Grayson, "The Weidner
Chronicle," Assyrian
and Babylonian Chronicles, Texts from Cuneiform Sources 5 (New
York, 1975), 147:
33;
Foster, pp. 344-349.
11 Apkallu, "wise man, expert,
sage," refers to the seven antediluvian sages and
is an epithet of Adapa. CAD, A/11, 171-172.
12 See T. Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List (
13 "The Etiological Myth of
the 'Seven Sages,'" OrNS
30 (1961): 1-11.
182 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
concluded that Adapa is
to be identified as a "master craftsman"
with reference to the scribal arts, hence a vizier.14
W. G. Lambert,
however, has argued on the basis of another text
that the epithet of
Adapa should be read mumanna, and that its
determinative produces
a double name, Umanna-Adapa,15 which
was transferred into Greek
as the Oannes of
Berossos.16 In fact, he suggests that adapa
functioned as an epithet of Umanna
(Oannes) with the meaning
"wise."17 Since, however, this likely
represents a secondary devel-
opment of the meaning of this
word, it consequently does not
answer our question about etymology. At any rate, some
etymo-
logical relationship between Adam and Adapa now seems likely,
although any original meaning behind them both is
not thereby
elucidated. The functional meaning of Adam, namely
"man"
(homo sapiens),
may take us as closely as we can get to the names
of our characters.
(b) Both Adam and Adapa
were apparently tested with food
(and drink, in the case of Adapa);
and, according to some inter-
preters, both failed the test,
hence the parallel between the two
accounts. But whether Adapa
in fact failed is a moot question. It
would mean that he failed unwittingly by completely
obeying his
god Ea in refusing the bread and water of death,
which actually
turned out to be emblems of life. Ea, in turn, would
have to be
understood as deceiving Adapa
by keeping divinity from him
(making him refuse the heavenly food) for a selfish reason,
namely
that he wanted to retain the service of Adapa in Eridu.18 However,
14 Ibid.,
pp. 8-9.
15 "A Catalogue of Texts
and Authors," JCS 16 (1962):
64.1.6; and p. 74. See also
W.
W. Hallo, "On the Antiquity of Sumerian Literature," JAOS 83 (1963): 176.
16 See the edition by F. Jacoby,
Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 3/C
(
17 See W. G. Lambert, "Three
Literary Prayers of the Babylonians," AfO 19
(1959-60):
pp. 64, 72, n. 72; "A Catalogue of Texts and Authors," p. 74.
18 Thus E. Burrows, "Note
on Adapa," Or,
no. 30 (March 1928), p. 24;
T.
Jacobsen, "The Investiture and Anointing of Adapa
in Heaven," AJSL 46 (1930):
201-203
(reprinted in Towards the Image of Tammuz
[
pp.
48-51); The Treasures of Darkness (New Haven,
Conn., 1976), pp. 115-116;
J.
Pedersen, "Wisdom and Immortality," Wisdom in
East, ed. M. Noth and D. Winton Thomas (
Shea, p. 34.
ADAM AND ADAPA 183
this interpretation of the matter has met with some
challenge from
investigators who have warned against
introducing into the myth
the familiar concepts of temptation, deception, and
fall.19 Another
suggestion has it that Ea gave Adapa
the best advice he knew
regarding the bread and water, and that Adapa followed it
obediently. This would imply that Ea underestimated
the willing-
ness of Anu to receive and
pardon Adapa and hence unfortunately,
unnecessarily, and perhaps
unwittingly warned his protege about
the presumed dangerous bread and water of heaven.20
But this
explanation, as W. H. Shea
rightly points out,21 is weakened by the
fact that Ea everywhere appears as the god of
wisdom, cleverness,
and cunning, and that indeed at the very moment of
giving his advice
Ea
is introduced as "he who knows what pertains to heaven."22
A possible solution to this problem
(i.e., how can wise and
cunning Ea fail so miserably with his advice or
be so deceptive
with his favorite son?) would
be that once again Ea was indeed
right with his advice,23 that the bread
and water of life would in
fact become bread and water of death to a mere mortal,24
and that
the unpredictable element in the Adapa crisis was Anu, who turned
19 See, e.g., F. M. Th. Bohl, "Die Mythe vom weisen Adapa,"
WO 2 (1959):418;
B.
Kienast, "Die Weisheit
des Adapa von Eridu," Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopo-
tamicae, F. M. Th. Bohl Festschrift (
"Zur Deutung der
altbabylonischen Epen Adapa and Etana," Neue Beitrage zur
Geschichte der Alten Welt I, ed. E. C. Welskopf (
20 Thus Komoroczy,
39; S. N. Kramer, "Mythology of
Mythologies of the
Ancient World,
ed. S. N. Kramer (Garden City, N.Y., 1961),
p. 125.
21
Shea, pp. 33-34.
22 ANET, p. 101.
23 Ea (Enki)
traditionally helped gods and humans in crisis situations. He
restored Inanna from
the underworld, reviving her with the water and grass of life
(see T. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness, p. 58). He
successfully warned
Ziusudra/Utnapishtim about the coming flood
and assured the survival of mankind
(ibid., p. 114; ANET, p. 93). He averted a rebellion
among the lower gods by
proposing and arranging the creation of man (W. G.
Lambert and A. R. Millard,
Atra-Hasis [
cleverly placing a spell over him and having him
killed (ANET, p. 61).
24 "Fur
den Sterblichen rind Nektar
and Ambrosia Gift," Bohl, p. 426. Also
cf.
Kienast, pp. 237-238; Buccellati,
p. 63.
184 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
the tables on Ea in the matter of the food and who,
by laughing at
Adapa (B, line 70; D, line 3), showed himself to be
the real
culprit.25 In any case, the meal may not at all have been
intended as
a sacred investiture of Adapa
into divinity,26 but merely a meal
provided in response to the requirements of
hospitality.27 But can a
mortal accept such hospitality (including a robe and
oil) to the
extent of sharing the ambrosia and nectar with Anu? If this
interpretation is at all correct, the
heavenly food may at one and
the same time be food of life and food of death,
depending upon
the one who eats it. A similar duality may be
reflected in the
biblical picture of the two trees: one of life,
leading to eternal life
(Gen
3:22); the other of knowledge, presumed to offer godlikeness,
but actually leading to mortality (Gen. 3:3-5;
2:17).28
25 Though Anu
represents the highest authority in the world, he is not
nearly so resourceful and calm as is Ea. A case in
point is Anu's reaction to
Adapa's offense: "`Mercy!' Rising from his
throne: ‘(Let) them fetch him
hither!'" (ANET, p. 101). Again, he was apparently unable to face the
threat
of Tiamat (ANET, p. 63). Also, the Atra-Hasis myth finds him unable to
propose a solution to Enlil's
problem, namely, a rebellion among the lower
gods (Lambert and Millard, Atra-Hasis, pp. 49-55). In
general, Anu appears
less resourceful and predictable than Ea, like a
weak and insecure chairman
of the board!
26 Thus Burrows, p. 24. The idea
is that Anu, impressed with Adapa's
power
and skill, decided to include him among the gods-an
old illustration of the maxim:
If
you can't beat them, join them (or make them join you).
27 Jacobsen,
"The Investiture and Anointing of Adapa in
Heaven," pp. 48-51.
28 According to Gen 2:9 the tree
of life stood in the midst of the garden as did
also the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. Gen
3:3 locates the forbidden tree in the
midst of the garden, but does not otherwise name it,
whereas Gen 3:22 speaks of the
tree of life from which man must now be kept.
Concerning the two trees, located at
the same place, man is forbidden to eat from one,
never commanded to eat from the
other, but subsequently hindered from reaching it.
The tree of life (plant of life)
occurs relatively frequently in ancient Near Eastern
literature (B. S. Childs, "Tree of
Knowledge,
Tree of Life," IDB 4, 695-697),
the tree of the knowledge of good and
evil is practically unknown outside Genesis (see,
however, M. Tserat, "The Two
Trees
in the Garden of Eden," Eretz-Israel 12
[1975]: 40-43). It is tempting to
suppose that this "double tree" in the
midst of the garden indicates two postures
that man can take: (1) He can eat of one (presuming
to be a god) and die, or (2) he
can refuse to do so (remaining human), but staying
alive with access to the other
tree. He cannot eat from both.
ADAM AND ADAPA 185
From this it would follow that Ea's advice to Adapa, which
proved valuable in every other respect, must also be
taken in this
sense with reference to the heavenly food. Ea does
not deceive Adapa
to keep him mortal and in his service in Eridu. He saves his life from
what ordinarily would mean certain death through a
presumption
to be a god. If this is correct, the alleged
parallel between Adapa and
Adam
over failing a test involving food falls away, but another
emerges: Both were subject to a test involving
food and both received
two sets of advice; namely, "do not eat"
(God and Ea) and "eat"
(serpent and Anu). One, Adapa, obeyed and passed his test; the
other, Adam, disobeyed and failed. But even this
situation is
complicated by a further consideration; namely, the
relationship
between obedience/disobedience and immortality.
(c) It is frequently suggested that Adapa, like Gilgamesh,
sought immortality, that his visit before Anu was ill-fated by
depriving him of his nearly realized quest (thanks
to his blind
obedience to Ea's
deceptive advice), and that the Adapa myth is an
etiology explaining human mortality.29
However, Adapa
did not
possess immortality originally (A, line 4);30
and no absolute proof
exists that he sought it, but was hindered by Ea's schemes.31 Not
even Anu's laughter and Adapa's return to earth, which is recorded
in the late fragment D,32 necessarily
implies forfeited immortality
on the part of Adapa.
Instead, it may indicate Anu's amused
satisfaction over Adapa's wisdom and loyal obedience, which
enables him to refuse that heavenly food, the
acceptance of which
would be an act of hybris. Hence he is rewarded with
life on earth,
rather than with punishment by death.33 At the most, the myth
29 Foster, pp. 352-353; Bohl, pp. 416-417.
30 The fundamental distinction
between gods and men in the ancient Near East
is precisely the inability of the latter to
achieve immortality (with the exception of
Utnapishtim, the
hero of the Flood). Yet even the gods are not unalterably
immortal, for they too depend upon eating and
upon care and are vulnerable before
a variety of adverse circumstances. Cf. Bohl, p. 426.
31 Recently Komoroczy,
p. 38.
32 It comes from the Ashurbanipal library and is attributed to an Assyrian
scribe.
For
the relationship between this fragment and the main fragment B (from the
Amarna archives) see Bohl,
pp. 427-429.
33 See Kienast,
pp. 237-238; Komoroczy, pp. 38-39.
186 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
affirms that immortality is the privilege of the
gods and cannot
belong to man, even to the wisest of all.34
Here is a direct contrast
between Adam and Adapa:
Adapa is restrained by Ea from seeking
immortality (presumptuously or even accidentally) in
the court of
Anu; Adam is restrained (unsuccessfully) from
losing it. However,
once Adam has lost his immortality, he too must be
kept from
seeking it anew (Gen 3:22f).
(d) Adam and Adapa are
both summoned before the divinity to
give account of their actions. Adam's offense is
clearly that he
broke the prohibition regarding the tree of the
knowledge of good
and evil, with the implication that in grasping for
this knowledge
he aspired for divinity.35 But what is Adapa's offense? On the basis
of the presumed parallel with Gen 3, the answer
has often been that
like Adam so Adapa
offended (unwittingly) in the matter of eating
(and drinking), except that Adapa
declined to eat where Adam
declined to avoid eating.36 However, Adapa's non-eating can hardly
be considered an offense at all, except possibly
an offense by Ea to
which fate made Adapa a
party.37 If, on the other hand, the offense
is defined as that which brought about the summons
before the
divinity, then Adapa's
offense was clearly breaking the wing of the
south wind. Three things may be observed concerning
this act.
First,
Adapa broke the wind with a word. He clearly was in
possession of magic power,38 something
which may explain the
incantation in fragment D employed to dispel
illness. Second,
34 Foster, p. 353.
35 The term "good and
evil" is generally understood to mean "everything," and
seeking such knowledge represents human hybris. See J. A.
Bailey, "Initiation and
the Primeval Woman in Gilgamesh and Genesis
2-3," JBL 89 (1970): 144-148.
But
see also B. Reicke,
"The Knowledge Hidden in the Tree of Paradise," JSS 1 (11956):
193-201;
R. Gordis, "The Knowledge of Good and Evil in
the Old Testament and
the
36 See Shea,
p. 39.
37 The role of fate appears to
be prominent in some Mesopotamian traditions,
perhaps because the gods were not always partial
to virtue, but took advantage of it.
Cf.
Foster, p. 352.
38 Thus Jacobsen, "The
Investiture and Anointing of Adapa," pp. 50-51;
Foster,
p. 349.
ADAM AND ADAPA 187
Adapa issued the curse while fishing in the service
of the temple of
Eridu, that is, while performing his religious
duties. His anger
over capsizing is directed not against his god Ea,
who sent him out
to sea, but against the wind that blew over his
boat. In other words,
he broke the wind in his eager devotion to Ea,
possibly not
counting the consequences vis-a-vis
the land.39 Third, in
breaking
the wind, Adapa seriously
disturbed the land (the world of
southern
authority over its maintenance. By maiming the
south wind,
Adapa halted the cooling life-giving breezes from the
sea, leaving
the land exposed to the scorching sun. G. Roux
found in this
condition an explanation of the presence of Tammuz
and Gizzida
(both fertility gods) at Anu's
door.40 They suffered the
lack of the
fertile, moist wind and had sought help from Anu, who in turn
inquired about the situation and upon being told
cried, "Mercy!"
(B,
line 13) and sent for Adapa. It would also explain Ea's advice to
Adapa that he approach the gate where the fertility
gods were
waiting, in mourning (over their miserable
condition) so as to
express his contrition and gain their sympathy
and help. In that,
Ea
and Adapa were eminently successful. This success is
indicated
by Adapa's recognition
before Anu, his acceptance of the signs of
hospitality,41 which, very much to Anu's astonishment,42 he knew
how to receive while discreetly refusing that to which
he was not
entitled (the heavenly bread and water). At this
point a clear
contrast with the story of Adam emerges, for
excuses and a self-
defense, not contrition and obedience,
characterize Adam's con-
frontation with God.
39 See Kienast,
p. 237.
40 G. Roux, "Adapa, le vent et 1'eau," RA
55 (1961): 13-33. That only seven days
are involved does not speak against this conclusion
(thus Foster, p. 352), for the
story is a myth in which realities are stylized into
symbols.
41 Here I follow Jacobsen
("The Investiture and Anointing of Adapa,"
pp. 48-51;
The Treasures of
Darkness,
p. 116) against Burrows ("Note on Adapa,"
p. 24).
Adapa is not being invested as a heavenly being (only
to lose it all by refusing his
meal). Rather he is being accepted and forgiven of
his offense, thanks to his
contrition, caution, and the good offices of Tammuz
and Gizzida.
42 According to fragment B, Anu laughs and says, "Take him away and return
him to his earth" (B, line 70). The later
Assyrian scribe responsible for fragment D
188 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
(e) Although Adapa,
unlike Adam, is not the first man on
earth, he does represent mankind in a special sense.
According to frag-
ment A, line 6, he is a
"model of men," a human archetype; and as
B.
R. Foster suggests, this particular aspect of Adapa's
character iden-
tifies him as a wise man whose
abilities extend in several directions.43
First,
he is a sage whose superior knowledge given him by Ea
makes him general supervisor of human activities in
the city of
Eridu. He bakes, cooks,
prepares the offering, steers the ship, and
catches the fish for the city (A, lines 10-18).
Second, he is a vizier to
the first antediluvian king, Alulim.44
Thus he is the first apkallu
(antediluvian wise man) and as such is identified with the Oannes
of Berossos,45 about whom it is
reported that he daily ascended
from the sea in the form of a fish and taught
mankind the arts of
civilization.46 Third, Adapa is wise
in scholarship, having authored
a literary work (unknown except in this
fragmentary text).47 In
consequence of these characteristics, Adapa became the epitome of
wisdom and a model of it to later generations.48
When this fact is
combined with his association with the first
king, he is the typical
man, even the primal man. Although unlike Adam, he
is not the
first man, still he is a sort of prototype, so that
the matters pertaining
to all mankind are explicable in reference to him
(as, for instance,
is apparently the case with regard to mortality, as
portrayed in this
myth). What Adapa does, or
what he is, has consequences for
subsequent generations of mankind, not because he
passed on to
them some form of original sin, but because through
his wisdom
offered this added explanation by attributing the
following words to Anu: "Of the
gods of heaven and earth, as many as there be, who
(ever) gave such a command, so
as to make his own command exceed the command of Anu?" (D, lines 5f.). Anu is
surprised that his ruling in the matter had been
anticipated and met with such a
wise response-perhaps a little annoyed, as well, at
being found out!
43 Foster, pp. 345-349.
44 Hallo, "
45 See above, p. 182.
46 Jacoby, pp. 369-370.
47 Lambert, "A Catalogue of
Texts and Authors," p. 70.
48 See n. 17, above; also Xella, "L"inganno' di Ea nel
pp.
260-261.
ADAM AND ADAPA 189
he was chosen to establish the context within
which subsequent
generations of mankind must live. Here a parallel as
well as a
contrast between Adapa
and Adam emerges. Both are primal men,
but the heritage which each one passes on to
subsequent genera-
tions varies considerably.
2. Contrasts Between Adapa and Adam
From considerations such as the foregoing, it
can only be
concluded, so it would seem, that although the
stories of Adapa
and Adam exhibit some parallels (notably in regard
to the name
and primal position of the two chief characters),
they also reveal
important contrasts. Therefore, those interpreters
who insist upon
reading the Adapa myth
without assistance from the familiar
categories of Gen 3 do make an important and
necessary point.
The
story of Adapa is a myth (or legend) set in the
earliest time
(antediluvian) of southern
a somewhat whimsical way) to give expression to
certain
distressing situations. The most immediate of these
concerns
is human mortality. The response of the myth is
that man
cannot gain immortality, for that is the exclusive
prerogative of
the gods. Even Adapa, the
foremost among men, after whom all
mankind is patterned--with all his wisdom,
skill, and power--
cannot achieve it. Immortality, therefore, cannot be
had by humans;
it belongs exclusively to the gods, who alone are
the ultimate
rulers of the universe.49 Yet, the alternative to immortality is not
death, but life on earth--temporal and subject to the
fickles of fate,
but not without satisfactions. To this life Adapa is returned, a
wiser man who is aware of the distance between heaven
and earth.
"As
Adapa from the horizon of heaven to the zenith of
heaven cast
a glance, he saw its awesomeness" (D, lines
7-8).
But more importantly, the myth concerns itself
with human
authority, even arrogance, before the gods. Here
the myth is
ambivalent. Obviously, Adapa's
authority is being curtailed, for he
49 Foster, p. 353. This point is
made most forcefully in the Gilgamesh epic,
during the conversation between Utnapishtim
and Gilgamesh (Tablet XI; ANET,
93-96).
190 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
is summoned to give account of his action; but his
wisdom,
obedience, and cunning is such that he gets away
with more than
we would expect. He obtains a reception, life, and
some trophies.
This
is possible because the gods, though immortal, are themselves
vulnerable. They depend upon Adapa's
provisions for the temple
and are subject to his rash breaking of the south
wind, thereby
throwing the whole land into disarray. The
liberation given to
Eridu (D, line 10) may be a
recognition of the fact that there are
limits to the gods' dependence and reliance upon
mankind.50 That
the myth thereby becomes an exaltation of Eridu51
does not seem
entirely persuasive.52
However, just as the world of the gods is vulnerable,
so is the
world of humanity. The myth ends with a reference to
illness
which could permanently terminate even the limited
and temporal
existence of mankind. The healing promised through
an appeal to
the goddess Ninkarrak (D,
lines 17-18) is appropriately attached to
the myth of Adapa's
successful confrontation with the gods. Just as
the wing of the south wind, and hence life in land
and city, can be
healed, so also can human illness,53
through a proper relationship
with the gods, who are both the rulers of the world
and its
providers of life.
In short, the myth of Adapa
is an attempt to come to terms
with the vicissitudes of human life, as it exists,
by insisting that so
it is ordained. It suggests that by wisdom,
cunning, humility, and
50
This appears to be an issue in the Atra-Hasis flood
story. The high gods set
mankind to work in order to appease the low
gods; subsequently mankind rebels
and by its size frightens the high gods into
sending a flood, whereupon they suffer
from the lack of mankind's service. See Lambert and
Millard, Atra-Hasis. The
suggestion that the flood represents a disruption
identifiable as an overpopulation
problem only underscores the fact that the gods
are vulnerable before their creatures
and unable to control their own solution to their
problem (see T. Freymer-Kensky,
“The
Atrahasis Epic and its Significance for our
Understanding of Genesis 1-9,"
BA
40 [1977]: 147-155).
51 Thus Komoroczy,
pp. 39-40.
52 "Nicht
die Stadt, sondern der Mensch and sein Erleben stehen
im Mit-
telpunkt," so Kienast, p. 235.
53 That it refers only to the
healing of broken shoulder blades or arms, viz. the
broken wing of the south wind, is not likely. For this
suggestion see Bohl, p. 428.
ADAM AND ADAPA 191
obedience human beings can receive (or extract, if
needs be) from
the gods, who too are vulnerable, whatever
concessions, short of
immortality, will make life meaningful and
satisfactory.
Gen 2-3, on the other hand, seeks to explain why
existing
conditions are what they clearly ought not to be.
Therefore, Adam,
unlike Adapa, is not
struggling with distressing human problems
such as immortality, nor is he strapped down with
duties of
providing for city and temple, nor is he caught up
in the tension
between his obligations to his God and
hindrances to such obliga-
tions arising from an evil
world54 or from inner wickedness.55 He is
a natural creature whose simple lack, loneliness,
is met in a fully
satisfactory and permanent way (Gen
2:20-24). The only other
potential difficulty in this harmonious existence
lies in his capacity
to disobey his God.
Moreover, not only in his existence before God,
but also in his
confrontation with God does Adam
differ from Adapa. That con-
frontation arises from an
experience of weakness in yielding to
temptation, not from blind devotion, as in the case
of Adapa. Also,
Adam
fails to manifest contrition similar to that of Adapa.
And
finally, again unlike Adapa,
Adam refuses to take responsibility for
his deed; he hides from it and subsequently blames
his wife.
Adam's
fall is therefore much more serious than Adapa's
offense,
perhaps because of the considerable height from
which Adam
tumbled.56 Both the height of his former position and the depth
of
his present one are not parallel to those
experienced by Adapa.
Even the nature of the relationship
between man and God is
different in Gen 2-3. God is not vulnerable before
Adam, yet he
54 For a discussion of these
common human tensions, see
the Old Testament, SBT 4 (
55 Ibid.,
pp. 66-74.
56 Contrary to J. Pedersen
("Wisdom and Immortality," p. 245), the fall of
Adam
thus does not parallel the experience of Adapa before
Anu. To be sure, both
Adam
and Adapa made approaches towards divinity by means
of wisdom, but
Adapa did so from the position of human inadequacy.
Adam, on the other hand, suf-
fered no such lack. He
enjoyed a relationship with his God through filial obedience
and was in possession of all wisdom (cf. Gordis, "The Knowledge of Good
and
Evil," p. 125).
192 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
appears hurt by Adam's fall and takes action in
Adam's behalf
(cf.
Gen 3:21). Adam, on the other hand, is dependent upon God,
but appears to ignore that fact (cf. Gen 3:8).
In short, then, we conclude that parallels do
indeed exist
between Adam and Adapa,
but they are seriously blunted by the
entirely different contexts in which they occur.
3. Analysis of the "Seesaw" Parallelism
How, then, shall we explain this
"seesaw" parallelism? Does
Adapa represent a parallel to the biblical Adam, or
should Adam
and Adapa rather be
contrasted? The suggestion of this essay is that
in Adam and Adapa we
have the representation of two different
anthropological characters, perhaps
capable of being illustrated by
an actor who plays two distinct roles, but who is
clearly recogniz-
able in each.
The Adapa character
assigned to this actor is suitable for its
cultural milieu. It is that of a wise man. The
epithet apkallu
supports it, and his identification with Berossos' Oannes confirms
it. His wisdom is ordained by his god Ea, and it
comes to
expression in the devotion and obedience with which
he conducts
his affairs. Adapa is not
a "sinner," but a "perfect man." He is
therefore a model man, arising from the sea, like Oannes, to
instruct mankind. He is a human archetype who
compares best to
such biblical personalities as Noah, Joseph, Moses,
Job, and
Daniel,
who are also models of wisdom, devotion, and
obedience,
and who represent ideals to be imitated.57
Naturally, inasmuch as
Adapa lives in a polytheistic world, so he must
contend with all its
conflicting interests. These are not unlike the
conflicting interests
with which biblical man is confronted, except that
the perpetrators
in the latter case are humans. For man to survive
in such a world
takes wisdom, integrity, reliability, devotion, and
humility before
the unalterable superiority of the divine powers.
But the ideal
human character can succeed in this. He may not
achieve all that
57 Cf. Foster, p. 353; Speiser, p. 310. According to Buccellati,
p. 65, Adapa is
characterized as a man of faith, and
hence he can be compared to such biblical
personages as Noah and Abraham. The notion of faith
emerges in Adapa's total
commitment to his god's counsel. See also Xella, p. 260.
ADAM AND ADAPA 193
he desires; he remains mortal and shares in the
suffering to which
humanity is liable, but he does stand to gain
real satisfactions from
his life and can attain to a noble status and enjoy
divine
recognition. Here is a clear parallel between Adapa and certain OT
ideals, particularly in the wisdom literature.
The Adam role, however, is that of the first
man, who is
sinless and destined to immortality--of one who,
even though a
created being, is in the image of God and who
enjoys his presence
continually. We very much suspect that the same
actor is indeed
playing, because of the similarity of the names
of our characters,
because of their primary position among the
antediluvians, and
because of certain distinct experiences they had
in common (e.g., a
summons before divinity, and a test involving
food). But the
precise role which Adam plays is foreign to the
Mesopotamian
literature. Unlike Adapa,
Adam, though made of clay, originally
has the potential for immortality and is totally
free before God.
Further,
Adam serves the earth, rather than temple. Moreover,
although he possesses enormous wisdom (so as to
name the
animals, Gen 2:20), he is not portrayed as a
teacher of civilization
to mankind. Rather, he exists above and before
civilization, in a
pristine state of purity, nobility, and complete
harmony. Further-
more, his confrontation with God is not in sorrow or
mourning,
comparable to the experience of Adapa;
he is subsequently brought
low while blaming his misadventures upon a woman.
In this,
Adam
is clearly not an ideal to be followed, but a warning to all--a
failing individual, rather than a noble, heroic
one. Here a clear
contrast emerges between our two characters.
According to an old proposal,58
recently resurrected,59 the actor
who played these two characters--the noble Adapa and the ignoble
Adam--was
brought to the ancient Near East by west Semitic
peoples. On the scene staged by the Mesopotamian
artists he
characterized man as the noble, wise,
reliable, and devoted, but
humble, hero who is resigned to live responsibly
before his god.
However,
in the biblical tradition, the characterization came
through in quite a different way, which has put
its lasting mark
58 By A. T. Clay, The Empire of the Amorites, Yale Oriental
Series 6
(New Haven, Conn., 1919); also, The Origin of Biblical Traditions.
59 See the recent suggestions by
Shea, pp. 39-41; Dahood,
pp. 271-276.
194 NIELS-ERIK
ANDREASEN
upon the concept of man in the Judeo-Christian
tradition--namely,
that before God, man is (or rather has become)
basically sinful,
failing, ignoble and untrustworthy, bent upon
usurping the place
of his God. This portrayal, to be sure, is not
meant to reduce the
spirit of man to pessimism and despair, but to remind
him that
despite all the wisdom, cunning, reliability,
and devotion of which
he is capable and is duty-bound to exercise, he is
also always a
sinner whose unpredictability, untrustworthiness, and irresponsi-
bility can never be totally
ignored nor denied.60
Does the Adapa myth
then present us with a parallel or a
contrast to the story of Adam? The best answer to
this question
may well be that Adam and Adapa
represent two distinct charac-
terizations of human nature. The
parallels we have noted in the
accounts may suggest that the two
characterizations have a common
origin, whereas the contrasts between them may
indicate that
two branches of Near Eastern civilization took
clearly distinguish-
able sides in the dialogue over human nature. Yet
these lines are
not so different that the resulting two
characterizations of man are
unable to dialogue.
60 It would seem that W. Brueggemann, In Man
We Trust (
pp.
44-45, takes this aspect too lightly. He correctly observes that the purpose of
the
fall narrative is not "to dwell upon
failure," but to affirm and reaffirm God's trust
in man. But he further states, "The miracle
grows larger, for Yahweh is willing to
trust what is not trustworthy. The gospel out of the
tenth century is not that David
or Adam is trustworthy, but that he has been
trusted" (ibid., p. 45). This is
surely good theology, but it hardly succeeds in
refurbishing man, as Brueggemann
would have us do. The story of Adam's fall, it seems
to me, insists that even at its
best, mankind is not as good as it ought to be or as
we might wish it to be.
This material is cited with gracious permission from:
Andrews University Seminary Studies
SDA Theological Seminary
Berrien Springs , MI 49104-1500
http://www.andrews.edu/SEM/
Please report any errors to Ted Hildebrandt at: thildebrandt@gordon.edu