THOMAS HOOKER
Preacher, Founder, Democrat
BY
GEORGE LEON WALKER
NEW YORK
DOD MEAD, AND COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
Copyright, 1891,
Bv Donn, MEAD, AND Co.
All rights reserved.
University Press
JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.
PREFACE.
ONE
striking difference in the advantages possessed
by a biographer of the more distinguished personages
of the Massachusetts and of the Connecticut colonies
is the comparative destitution, in the latter case, of
the aids afforded by contemporaneous diaries,
his
tories, and portraits. The lack of such writings
in the Connecticut annals is a little surprising; the
want of portraits may be considerably accounted for
by the remoter and poorer
conditions of the inland
settlement.
No portrait or other contemporaneous representa
tion of Mr. Hooker remains. The picture which
prefaces this volume is taken from Niehaus's statue,
ordered by the Commonwealth of
Connecticut for the
State Capitol; in the making
of which the artist com
pared the likenesses of various and widely
separated
members of Mr. Hooker's lineal
posterity, among
whom exists, however,
a strong family resemblance.
Attired thus in the
characteristic costume of the time,
the figure affords a not
improbably fair representation
of the great Founder of the Colony.
vi PREFACE.
The present
writer had occasion,
in 1884, in nar
rating the two hundred and fifty years'
history of the
Hartford Church,
of which Mr. Hooker was the first
pastor, to publish,
in a volume of local imprint and
limited circulation, together
with the biographies of
subsequent pastors, the story of Mr. Hooker also.
Subsequent repeated visits to the scenes of Mr.
Hooker's English ministrations, as well as investiga
tions at home, have added to the facts there narrated.
Still, in addressing on the same theme the
wider con
stituency of the MAKERS OF
AMERICA series, the writer
could not, without
awkwardness and even affectation,
avoid the frequent
use of language in which he had
already narrated the same biographical and historical
incidents. He has therefore drawn without hesitation
on his own previous
statements, so far as the altered
proportions of a separate biography and added facts
and illustrations suited
him to do.
The valuable
bibliography of Mr. Hooker's pub
lished writings (found in
Appendix IL) was compiled
by J. Hammond Trumbull, LL.D.,
to whom indebted
ness is due, also, for the discovery and rescue from
oblivion of the most important
manuscript docu
ments illustrative of Mr. Hooker's
chief title to
remembrance.
HARTFORD, CONN.,
September 1, 1891.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. BIRTH AND BOYHOOD ASSOCIATIONS 1-17
II. EDUCATION AND RESIDENCE AT CAM-
BRIDGE 18-31
III. HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY 32-51
IV. LIFE IN HOLLAND AND DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA …. 52-70
V. IN MASSACHUSETTS AND REMOVAL TO
CONNECTICUT 71- 93
VI. HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT 94-154
Section I. 94-117
" II. 118-133
" III. 134-154
VII. THOMAS HOOKER'S WRITINGS 155-177
I. HOOKER'S WILL AND INVENTORY 178-183
II. HOOKER'S PUBLISHED WORKS 184-195
INDEX . . . . 197-203
LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
CHAPTER I.
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD ASSOCIATIONS.
Come, Hooker, come forth of thy native soile.
JOHNSON: Wonder-Working Providence, 1654.
THOMAS HOOKER was
born at Marfield in Leicester
County, England, probably on July 7, 1586. This
little
hamlet of Marfield -- variously spelled in
Leices
ter records as Mardifeud, Marclefelde, Markfelde,
Markfild, Marefield, as well
as Marfield -- is one of
four tithings which make up the
parish of Tilton, or
Tilton super montem, as the old chronicles often have
it; the other three being
Tilton, Halstead, and What
borough. These four tithings
or towns have for their
common place of worship the stately
gray-stone
church of St. Peter, dating from
the days of King
John, built on the hill-top corner of the Tilton pre
cinct of the parish,
and commanding one of the
widest and most beautiful landscape-views of Midland
England. Around the church lies the churchyard,
with four gates giving access to
the four precincts of
the ground allotted
as a burial-place to the inhabitants
1
2 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
of the four tithings which constitute the parish. The
church itself is an interesting specimen of Early Eng
lish architecture, with embattled
tower, surmounted
by an old, but later-added spire,
pierced by eight
open windows, -- a landmark
visible from far. The
word " steeple-chase
" is said to be of
Leicester
County origin, and to have been derived from the
many spires surmounting the hill-tops of this county,
toward some one of which, in default of game, the dis
appointed hunters directed their chase; the first to
gain which was accounted victor as if he had been
"in at the death" of fox or deer.
It is with a feeling of surprise that one sees so
stately and beautiful
an edifice in so comparatively
quiet and solitary a spot.
Four ancient bells hang
in the tower, - three of them bearing the inscrip
tion I. H. S. Nazarenvs. Rex. Ivdeorum. Fili. Dei.
Misere. Mei.; and one,
of somewhat later date, the
motto, Praise the Lord. These bells doubtless in
former times summoned
a far larger congregation to
worship in the house below
them than they can have
gathered for several centuries past. The Wars of
the Roses did much, in the
two hundred years before
the period at which our story
begins, to depopu
late the whole region; but the wonder still remains
here, as well as in many other parts of England, how
such churches as the traveller finds in the quietest and
most secluded portions
of the land could have been
built amid so sparse a population as at any time lived
on the soil about them.
But in young Hooker's day matters in this respect
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD. 3
of numbers attendant on the services of the parish
church could not have been much different from their
condition at present. Twenty-two years before he
was born a parliamentary return gives
the number of
houses in Tilton as twenty-eight, in Halstead as six
teen, in Whatborough one, and
in " Markfield "
six.
To-day Marfield has
five; though as late as 1882 the
present writer saw some carved beams which had be
longed to another. These however,
on a later exami
nation, in 1886, were found to have been destroyed.
The visitor
to the region, therefore, may be confi
dent that he sees all things substantially as they were
when the
boyish eyes of young Thomas Hooker looked
upon them. The picturesque
old church of mottled
gray on Tilton hill-top, compassed round by the dead
of the different precincts of the p1rish;
the wide
prospect of alternating
woodland and open fields and
spire-surmounted hills
toward every compass-point;
the old Rose and Crown Inn,
which Cromwell made
his head-quarters when his army lay in this vicinity;
the thatch-covered
houses which hang irregularly
around the summit occupied by the church and its
Acre of God; and the little Marfield
hamlet em
bowered in trees down in
the valley, about a mile
and
a half
away, and approached through rustic gates
and stiles which the visitor
opens or climbs as he de
scends through the sweet green fields, -- all present a
spectacle which cannot be materially different from
the aspect it wore two and three hundred years ago.
Of the
family ancestors of Thomas Hooker there is
at present little known. His father, Thomas,
appears
4 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
to have
come to Marfield from Blaston in the same
county, in some capacity as overseer
of the large
landed properties of the Digby family; and as his
grandfather bore the Christian name of" Kenellyme,"
it seems to be indicated that
the connection with the
Digby family, with whom Kenelm was a frequently re
current name, must have been of long standing. The
records of Tilton parish previous
to 1610 having dis
appeared, it is impossible to state the date of young
Thomas's birth or baptism. His mother, " Mrs.
Hooker wife to Mr. Hooker of Marefield was buryed,"
April, 1631; his father,
"Thomas Hooker of Mare
field was hurried"
July 24, 1635; and his brother
"Mr. John Hooker of Marfeild were burryed," Jan.
25, 1654. These are all the
references to the family
which appear on the extant records of the parish.
But the title "Mr.," used in mention both of the
father and brother of our Thomas, indicates that the
family was regarded as of honourable standing. The
will of the brother John,
above mentioned, dated
Jan. I, 1654-5, a few days before he died,
and
proved at London on November
26 of the same
year, as the will of "John Hooker of
Marfield, Co.
Leicester, Gentleman," gives the same impression of
recognized social position. This will bequeaths to
"Samuel Hooker, student in New England, Ł 100;"
and to "John Hooker, student at Oxford, Ł200."
These were the two sons of
our Thomas, who at the
date of this will had been
some seven years dead in
Hartford. The first named, Samuel, was then about
graduating at Harvard
College, and soon -- in 1661
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD. 5
-- to be minister at Farmington; and the other, John,
was our Thomas's oldest son,
of whom his dying father
said
in his will, July 7, 1647, "However I do not for
bid my sonne John from seeking and taking a wife in
England, yet I doe forbid him from
marrying and tarry
ing there." The young man did however
marry and
tarry there, and became a minister of the Episcopal
church, rector of Lechamposted in Bucks, dying in
1684. There were also in the Marfield family of our
Thomas's father at least four daughters, one of whom
married a "revolutionist by the name of Pymm;"
another, Frances, married
a Tarlton of London; an
other, Dorothy, married
John Chester of Blaby, Lei
cester County; and another married
Mr. John Alcock,
afterward deacon of the church in Roxbury,
Massa
chusetts. Who the mother was
who
presided over
the crowded household in the
little Marfield home is
at present unknown. Little can be recorded
of her
save that she lived long
enough to see one of her
boys become a preacher sufficiently famous to attract
crowds whenever he spoke at the great parish-church
of Leicester twelve miles away, to know of his
exile
to
Holland, and to mourn the death 1 of one of her
daughters in that far American land to which that son
was still some years later to flee.
The family life at Marfield may have been comfort-
able and happy, but it
must have been narrow and
limited. Its chief points of interest, outside the con
cerns of home and the labours by which home wants
were provided for, must have been in the church.
1 Young's Massachusetts, p. 314.
6 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Even the material edifice
which lifted itself as the
most prominent object before
the eye, contained many
things suited to touch duller
imaginations than young
Thomas certainly had, or than were possessed probably
by the whole group of brothers and sisters to whom
the old building on the
hill must have been at once
the home of their fancy and their faith.
There was
the quaint oct1gonal font at which had
been baptized the generations of Tilton's
parishioners
from near the days of the Conquest. There
were the
monumental effigies of Jehan
de Digbie and his wife;
he a crusader -- lying cross-legged with hand on his
half-drawn sword, at
his feet a lion - who died in
1269, and whose stone likeness
was laid here not
long after, with an inscription in old Norman French
asking prayers; she, full-robed, large-moulded, lying
by his side, a lap-dog at her
feet. There, too, was
another of the same _family of a later generation,
great-grandfather of a boy six years older than
Thomas Hooker was,
- which boy young Thomas
might
sometimes have seen at Tilton, where so much
of the family property lay,
- great-grandfather, that
is to say, of Sir Everard
Digby of the Gunpowder
Plot, executed in St. Paul's churchyard in 1606.
This old ancestor -of the youth who was to attain so
sinister an eminence lay there in coat-of-mail, a fleur
de-lis on his shield
; having just before his death
executed his will: "I
bequeathe my sowle to God all
myghty, our blessed
lady Seynt Mary and
all the
Seynts of heven, my baddie to
be buryed in the
parishe church of Seynt Peter at Tilton,
before the
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD. 7
Ymage of the blessect
Trinitie att our Lady authur.''
Other monuments and
escutcheons were there beside,
to waken inquiry and to freshen fireside-legend and
romantic tale.
Who the
vicar of the parish was in Hooker's
boy
hood is probably only learned
from a broken brass
tablet in the church at Knossington, recording
the
burial-place of "Thomas Bayle ... sometime rector
of Tilton;" who, because
we know who came before
and after him, may with considerable likelihood be
believed to have been the minister by whom Hooker
was baptized. Vicar Bayle was
succeeded by Chris
topher Denne. Little is
known of him, except that
he was the Tilton rector in 16 ro, and was probably a
young man, as he had
children christened between
then and 1613, as shown by the parish records.
But
concerning another minister
of the parish in
Hooker's early manhood, and for several
years before
his brother John's burial in the Marfield grave-plot,
there is quite definite information. It is a sort of
information, moreover, which sheds a good deal of
light, not only on the religious
condition of that
parish, but on that of the important county of
Leicester and of the country
generally.
In the Minute-books of the Parliamentary Com
mittee of Sequestration in the Bodleian Library, it is
recorded, under elate of 1645-6,
that"
Thomas
Silver
wood, minister to the Assembly,
is referred to the
church at Tilton." An entry of a later date, 1647,
explains matters: "Whereas the Vicarage of the
parish of Tilton,
in the County of Leicester, is, and
8 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
standeth, sequestrated by the Committee of
Parlia
ment from Dr. Manwaring for his
delinquency, it is
ordered that the said Vicarage
shall stand and be
sequestrated to the use henceforth of Thomas Silver
wood, a godly and orthodox divine, and appointed
to officiate said cure by the said Committee of
Parliament." The nature
of Dr. Manwaring's " delin
quency" appears from the report of the Parliamentary
Survey of the Churches in Leicester County, on which
the action of the Parliament in "sequestrating" one
minister "from" and another "to" the livings
of
the various Leicester parishes is based. That report
divides the Leicester
County ministers into "three
sorts," - first,
"Preachers, " of whom there were one
hundred and fifty-three;
second, "No Preachers,"
by which is meant "no
preaching and dumb
ministers," as those
who could or would only
conduct service by the use of a liturgy were called,
and of these there were seventy-six; third, "scan
dalous of both the former sorts, and they arc
32."
The report further divides
the first-mentioned
"sort"
of ministers in Leicester, namely, "Preach
ers," into four classes, -- "sufficient, 102; weak
and unprofitable, 25; careless and negligent,
20;
corrupt and unsound,
6."
The
particular incumbent of the Tilton vicarage is
set down as "no preacher
and a pluralitan," from
which the inference is that the Tilton vicar was an
anti-Puritan or perhaps
high prelatical man, who
insisted on confining himself to the liturgy of the
church and declined
to preach, and that he held
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD. 9
some other living beside that of Tilton. That he
was "Dr." Manwaring -- as well as Prebendary
of
Weeford, as is ascertainable from another source than
the parliamentary statement about him -- suggests
that his "no
preaching " depended rather upon his
will than his ability
; making him to differ in this
respect from a great many of the clergy
of the day,
whose pulpit incapacities were those of ignorance
more than of choice.
What set young
Hooker on a course of education
cannot in particular be discovered. There
can be no
considerable doubt, however,
that the place of his
preparatory training for the University was the school
at Market-Bosworth, established by Sir Wolstan Dixie,
a wealthy Londoner
having landed property at that
place, and which was founded in 1586, the same year
in which it is believed Hooker was born. Market
Bosworth lies about twenty-five miles west from
Marfield, and close to the celebrated Bosworth-field,
where Henry, Earl of Richmond, defeated and killed
Richard III.
The evidence
on which this statement of the prob
able place of Hooker's
early education rests, is the
fact that he afterward occupied at Emmanuel College
one
of the two Wolstan Dixie fellowships, the conditions
of which demand that the incumbent be either a
relative of the founder or a graduate of Market-Bos
worth School.1 And this connection of the school
with Emmanuel College may be
taken also as an in
dication of the quality of the religious influences
1 Cambridge Calendar; Ackermann's Cambridge, ii. 234.
10 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
under which learners were there brought. For Em
manuel was distinctly a Puritan institution, and Sir
Wolstan's
establishment of the two fellowship foun
dations there, which still bear his name, must at least
signify that the preparatory
school he endowed would
be in sympathy with the Puritan
side in then existing
ecclesiastical controversies. Probably the same
in
ference may be drawn· concerning the
tendency of
the parochial instruction imparted
to the pupils in
their residence at Market-Bosworth; for Rev. Wil
liam Pelsant, who was rector there for more than fifty
years,
dying in 1634, was one of the first of the board
of the school governors
appointed by its founder.
It was in all
likelihood while Hooker was
at this
school, and about a year before his going to the
University, that an anxiously anticipated event oc
curred, which was looked for by all parties in the relig
ious commonwealth as destined
to affect profoundly
the
course of ecclesiastical affairs,
-- the death of
Elizabeth, and the accession
of the Scottish Presby
terian James to the English monarchy. The long
reign of Elizabeth had been a protracted
endeavour
to maintain
Conformity to the laws and ritual of the
Church against Puritanism and Separatism; as the
doctrines of those who desired to purify the polity and
the usages of the Church, or those who desired to sep
arate entirely from any national religious establishment
whatever, were respectively called.
The numbers
who preferred actual divorcement from the
State
Church were, indeed, few compared with those who
only wanted a reform of the administration and prac-
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD. 11
tice within it. Some distinctly Separatist movements
there had been in
England as early as 1566, and
more important on s arose near the close of the great
queen's reign; but the great body of devout objectors
to the existing system of affairs were Puritans, not
Separatists. And as the
Puritans generally agreed
with the Genevan Reformers
in matters of faith, a
Puritan came to stand for a man of strict
morals, a
Calvinist in doctrine,
and a non-conformist to the
rules and discipline of the
Church, though not a re
nouncer of its fellowship or a denier of its churchly
character.
Into the struggle which
turmoiled nearly the whole
of her reign by the conflict of the dissentient religious
parties in the realm, the queen put the entire strength
of her character and will. She established a High
Commission Court, of which even the Romanist his
torian Lingard, comparing
it with the Inquisition,
declares,1 " The chief difference consisted in their
names." The Commission varied at different periods
of its existence in its personnel and its powers; but
at its ripest development, as ordered under the Great
Seal in December, 1583, was composed of some
forty-four bishops, privy-councillors, lawyers, and offi
cers of State, any three of whom, under the general
presidency of a bishop,
constituted a court endued
with full power to inquire
into and punish by fine,
deprivation, or imprisonment all opinions or practices
different from those of the Established Church. This
High Commission vindicated its character, as de-
1 History of England, vol. v. chap. vi,
12 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
scribed by Hume, as a "real Inquisition, attended
with all the iniquities as well as cruelties inseparable
from
that tribunal." 1 Put into effective operation by
Archbishop Whitgift, in the single first year of his
administration, 1584, two hundred and thirty-three
ministers were suspended in six counties of Canter
bury alone.2
Under the vigorous procedures of this body no less
than a fourth part of the
clergy of England were, at
one time and another,
under suspension; and this
not on account of any moral
misbehaviour or neglect
of pastoral duty, but on account
of conscientious con
victions which prevented their wearing certain
pre
scribed ecclesiastical vestments, their baptizing with
the sign of the cross, their use of the ring in marriage,
their assent to the
apostolical succession of the epis
copate, and their obedience to churchly regulations
which were, in their opinion,
unjustified by Scripture.
To people of our comfortable time some of these
particulars of Puritan
objection to the prescribed
usages of the Church Establishment may doubtless
seem insignificant; but to
the actors on the then ex
isting stage they were
immensely important. The
surplice was the badge
of that hierarchical separation
of ministry and people which long ages of ecclesi
astical oppression had made offensive,
and which the
Puritans believed was inconsistent with the
doctrine
of the brotherhood of all
believers in Christ. The
sign of the cross in baptism
was a reminder of a whole
class of superstitious ceremonies which had come
l Eliz., chap. xli. 2 Neal, i. 157.
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD. 13
down from a
corrupted past, in which the symbol of
the crucifix was accorded a magical efficacy
in exor
cising evil spirits, in warding off physical
dangers, as
well as in securing spiritual
benefits. The ring in
marriage was the token of that
ecclesiastical doctrine
which made marriage
exclusively a religious sacra
under the care and authority of the Church.
The bowing at the name of
Jesus was a seeming im
peachment of the reverence due equally to the Father
and the Spirit. The observance
of saints' days brought
recollections of ecclesiastical impositions which bur
dened life with their restrictions and bound time in
fetters and obligations hard to bear.
The rule of bish
ops associated with temporal dignities
and powers
seemed to the Puritan not only an assumption
of un
warranted authority by one soul over another soul, but
an intrusion of churchly functions into a department
of things not legitimately its own. These
objections
were not to the participators in
the then ·waging con
flict matters of whimsey or sentiment. Every one of
them stood for and represented a principle. As a na
tional flag may be the symbol of principles central to
a people's life, and of memories
in which are gath
ered up generations of history,
so to the Puritan
of
Elizabeth's day the ring, the
cross, the surplice, were
symbols of the whole of that
great conflict which had
been waging in England and Europe for centuries
between freedom and authority, between
individual
conscience and established privilege.
It is impossible to conceive of any intelligent house
hold in England, still less of any company of students
14 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
even if
not yet quite attained to university standing,
as unconcerned in the bearing upon this great conflict
of such an event as took place in 1603, when the
uncouth and polemic James succeeded to the throne
vacated by the strong-willed virgin
queen.
All those
who had in any degree sympathized with
the Puritan side in the
struggle, looked now for some
measure of relief from the
compellant hand of Con
formity. The expectation was certainly not irrational.
James had been brought up a
Presbyterian. He had
written Calvinistic commentaries on the Scriptures.
He had been the ostentatious champion
of the anti
prelatical views of the
continental reformed churches.
He was a man of scholarship, and many hoped a man
of Puritan convictions.
But whatever
hopes of this kind were
awakened
were destined to early disappointment. James was
met on his journey up to
London from Edinburgh by
a deputation of Puritan ministers, bearing what is
known as the Millenary Petition from the popularly
supposed thousand of its signatures. Some seven
hundred and fifty of the clergy of England united
in
this document entitled "The humble Petition of the
Ministers of the Church of England desiring Refor
mation of certain
Ceremonies and Abuses of that
Church." 1 The first specified matter needing
refor
mation mentioned in the petition
related to church
services; and as it refers to
what was the main issue
between the Conformist and
Puritan parties, it may
be well to quote that portion of it here:2 --
1 Neal, i. 228. 2 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 479, 480.
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD.
"Namely, first, In the 'Church service,' the cross in
Baptism, interrogatories ministered to infants; confirma
tions, as superfluous, to be
taken away: Baptism not to
be ministered by women, and so
explained: the cap and
surplice not to be urged: that
examination might go
before the Communion: that it might be ministered with
a
sermon: that divers terms, viz. of Priests, and absolu
tion
and
some other used, with the ring in
marriage and
other such like in the book, might be corrected: the
longsomeness of suits abridged: Church songs and music
moderated to better edification: that the Lord's day
might not be profaned: the rest
upon holydays not so
strictly urged: that there might be an
uniformity of doc
trine prescribed: no popish opinions
to be any more
taught or defended:
no Ministers charged to teach
their
people to bow
at the name of Jesus: that the Canonical
Scriptures be only read in the Church."
In response
to this petition
the king appointed
a
meeting at Hampton
Court ostensibly to confer
with
representatives of the petitioners
about the proposed
reforms. The king nominated the disputants on
both sides: those for the Establishment being nine
bishops, seven deans, one archdeacon and two doc
tors in divinity; while the
Puritans were represented
by only four of their ministers, Drs. Reynolds and
Sparke of Oxford, and Mr. Knewstubs
and Mr.
Chaderton of Cambridge. The meetings continued
for three days about the middle of January, 1604, --
the Puritans being admitted to audience only on the
second and third,
-- and were, so far as any substantial
result in approximating the two parties in
issue, or
in providing relief for conscientious dissent from the
established usages of the Elizabethan settlement was
16 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
concerned,
an entire failure. A few minor
matters of
offence to the petitioners
were indeed promised re
dress,
- baptism by women and the reading of such
portions
of the Apocrypha as have "some repugnancy
to
the canonical Scripture " among them;1 but as to
the
main body of the usages objected to, the king was
found their defender. He put himself into the hands
of the ecclesiastics, who delightedly declared, by the
mouth of Whitgift, their archbishop, "undoubtedly
his Majesty spoke by the especial assistance of God's
Spirit." 2 He badgered the Puritan representatives
with taunting questions and brow-beating lecturings;
commanded them to "awaie with their snyvelings," 8
and wound up the
interview with the declaration:
"If this be all your party
have to say, I will make
them conform, or I will harry them out of the land,
or else worse." 4
The king and the bishops were mightily pleased
with their part in the conference. Bancroft, falling
on his knees, declared:
"I protest my heart melteth
for joy, that Almighty God, of his singular mercy, has
given us such a king as since Christ's time has not
been." 6 And James wrote
to a friend in Scotland
about keeping "a revel
with the Puritans this two
days such as was never heard the like," having
"peppered them" with such arguments that they
"fled from him"
like schoolboys.6
1 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 501. 2 Ibid. 498.
3 W. Barlow, The Summe and Substance of the Conference
at Hampton Court.
4 Neal, i. 2.32. 5 Ibid. 233.
6 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 500.
BIRTH AND BOYHOOD.
Echoes of these events on
the public stage must
have reached quieter
places than Market-Bosworth,
whence Hooker was just taking his departure, and
must have afforded topic for interested and wonder
ing comment to duller wits than those with whom he
had been there associated. Two
months later found
him at Cambridge and the University.
18 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
CHAPTER II.
EDUCATION AND RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE.
When he was fellow of Emmanuel
Much learning in his solid head did dwell.
SAMUEL STONE: Elegiac Verses, 1648.
THE Cambridge at which Thomas Hooker
arrived
in 1604, bore many traces of that Puritan
influence
which in this university, much more than at
Oxford,
had marked the history of
the previous century. A
very considerable number of the members of the
university who after the Marian exile
returned to
their former or to higher posts
in its service, came
back with more pronounced views of nonconformity
than those they carried with them abroad. At Zurich,
Geneva, Frankfort, or Basel they
had been received
with hospitality by the continental
reformers, and had
come in many instances still more fully to sympathize
with the theological opinions and the practices
in
church usage which characterized the theologians
of Southwestern Germany and Switzerland. Men
like the two brothers
Pilkington, successively mas
ters of St. John's College, and Roger Zelke, mas
ter of Magdalen, brought back with them from
their exile an opposition
to "ceremonies" as
pro-
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 19
nounced almost as that of any Separatist; an oppo
sition which the elder Pilkington carried with him
into the exercise
of his bishopric of Durham when
promoted thither.
But the most potent influence
which had affected
Cambridge emanated from Thomas Cartwright, Mar
garet Professor of Divinity, who preached and taught
both the doctrine and polity of Geneva, and profoundly
influenced the younger and rising
class of fellows and
scholars. Under his powerful impression the spirit
of dissent from the prescribed ritual grew rapidly.
Undergraduates and fellows in many
of the colleges
objected to the surplice, declined to
kneel at the sac
rament, and deemed the hierarchical orders of the
ministry unscriptural. Theological degrees were de
nounced as being an attempt on the part of
secular
institutions to determine who might properly
teach in
religious matters.
And even when, as in
the case of Dr. Whitgift, --
successively Margaret and Regius Professor
of Divin
ity, master of Trinity,
and vice-chancellor of the uni
versity, - no sympathy with nonconformity was found,
there was often a high
degree of accordancy with the
continental divines in matters of theology. It was in
1595 that what are known as
the Lambeth Articles --
so called from the place of their subscription at the pal
ace of that name in London, and beyond comparison
the most vigorous
symbol of Calvinism ever framed as
an expression of English faith --
were written by Dr.
Whitaker, who succeeded
Whitgift as Regius
Pro
fessor of Divinity
at Cambridge, and were approved
20 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
by Whitgift himself,
now elevated to the Archbishop
ric of Canterbury. The prevalent tone of teaching in
the university was Calvinistic. The most celebrated
preacher in Cambridge for nearly twenty years before
Hooker's coming there was Rev. William Perkins,
fellow of Christ College and lecturer at Great St.
Andrews, a thorough Puritan in principles and a vig
orous expounder of Genevan theology.
Mr. Perkins
was repeatedly summoned before the
Commission on account of his irregularities in
matter of ritual, and authorities are
somewhat at vari
ance as to his having been
or not having been ulti
mately put under interdict. But at his death in 1602
the town and the university
contended for the privi
lege of being foremost in bemoaning his loss. Into
the rather warmly heated atmosphere of doctrinal and
ecclesiastical controversies such as are thus indicated,
young Hooker was introduced on his university en
trance at about eighteen
years of age. Cotton
Mather
says I that he was born " of parents that were
neither unable nor unwilling to bestow upon him
a
liberal education." But to one acquainted
with the
narrow conditions of life,
such as must have been lived
at Marfield, it can occasion no surprise that, like many
another university scholar destined to
after eminence,
Hooker entered college
in a position implying some
inferiority of pecuniary resource. He was matricu
lated at Queen's
College as sizar, March 2 7, 1604;
1 Magnalia (ed. 1820), i. 303.
2 Records of the College,
and letters of librarians of that in-
stitution and Emmanuel.
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 21
a sizar at
Cambridge being, like a batteller at Oxford,
a student who waits upon the fellows at table, and who
generally, in consideration of these and other services,
is personally exempt from college charges. At some
uncertain date, however, he was transferred to Emman
uel College, where he appears to have been on taking
his B. A. degree in
January, 1608, and his M.A. in
1611.
Occupying one of the two Wolstan Dixie fellow
ship foundations he remained for an indeterminable
but considerable period, prosecuting his studies, and,
in the latter part of the
time certainly, engaging in
some form of clerical
work. Here then at Cam
bridge, as a student for certainly seven years, and as a
fellow resident for some years
more, Thomas Hooker
was, from eighteen to probably
at least twenty-eight
years of age, in the focus of Puritanism, and in the
midst of some of the most considerable actors in the
great events of the time. How
much of acquaint
anceship was had among particular students of the
university, it is impossible of course more than to con
jecture; but it is interesting to note that there were
in Cambridge during these
important years of col
lege experience several
men who in the chances of
after life were to be thrown more or less intimately,
and some of them quite intimately, into Hooker's
fellowship.
Nathaniel Ward, afterward to be minister
of the
gospel in Ipswich, New England, and author of the
"Simple Cobbler of Agawam," had just taken his mas
ter's degree at Emmanuel in 1603, a year before
22 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Hooker entered
the university, and was pursuing
there his divinity studies. William Ames, with whom
Hooker was subsequently to be joined in the care of
the church of exiles in Rotterdam,
and in the publi
cation of Ames's book against Ceremonies, a graduate
of Christ College, was
resident in Cambridge nearly
all the time till Hooker became a fellow at Emmanuel,
and was already challenged by the authorities for his
outspokenness against church vestments, and his pub
lic denunciation of games countenanced
by the clergy.
Peter Bulkley, afterward to be
associated with Hooker
in the moderatorship of more than one historic New
England assembly, and pastor of
the church in Con
cord, was taking his M.
A. at St. John's College in
1605, a year after Hooker's arrival at Cambridge.
John Cotton, a year older
than Hooker, and a student
of earlier start in letters, who was to sail in the same
vessel with him across the seas, and to be to Massa
chusetts what Hooker was to Connecticut, reached
his B. A. at Emmanuel a year before Hooker was
matriculated, and arrived at his M.A. in 1606. Fran
cis Higginson, Hooker's junior by
a year, who was to
precede both him and Cotton in
the American enter
prise, attained his B. A. at Jesus College a year later,
and his M. A. two years later, than Hooker's arrival
at the same standing. John Wilson, Hooker's junior
by two years, and afterward so long Cotton's associate
in the pastorate of the Boston church, entered Kings
College in 1602, and after pursuing
the usual univer
sity course, and attempting awhile the study of
law,
returned in 1610 to Cambridge
to put himself under
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 23
the special instruction of Mr. Ames, and to prosecute
his studies in divinity.
All these and several other afterward distinguished
men who were to be in one way or another
closely
associated with Hooker in his subsequent history,
were in Cambridge during some part of
his residence
there ; and with them all it was
quite possible, and with
several of them altogether probable, that he had per
sonal acquaintance.
The particular college with which Thomas Hooker
was most identified -- Emmanuel
-- and where he
held one of the Wolstan Dixie fellowships, was, from
its foundation, regarded as a Puritan institution. It
was
established in 1584 by a charter granted
by Eliza
beth to Sir Walter Mildmay, a prominent statesman
and councillor in the
service of that sovereign, and
employed by her in many responsible trusts. There
is nothing in the charter
of the institution to suggest
any deviation from the established order, but ru
mours of its founder's
intention to encourage dissent
were early promulgated; and the queen, on his coming
to court soon after the allowance of the new institu
tion,
is said
to have .addressed him:
"Sir Walter, I
hear yon have erected a Puritan foundation;" to
which he is said to have made reply, "No, madam,
far be it from me to countenance anything contrary
to your established laws; but I have set an acorn
which, when it becomes an oak, God alone knows
what will be the fruit thereof."
1
Something of the
diplomatist is probably
discoverable in this reply, espe-
1 Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, ii. 354.
24 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
cially as Sir Walter
conditioned his foundation of the
college upon the acceptance by Laurence Chaderton
of the mastership. Chaderton
had always the repu
tation of belonging to the Puritan side in the then cur
rent controversies. As such he was chosen by James
as one of the four ministers
to represent the Puritan
cause in the famous mock-conference at Hampton
Court a few years later; on
which occasion he is said
to have fallen on his knees and entreated
the railing
king that the " wearing of the surplis and the vse of
the Crosse in Baptisme might
not be vrged vpo some
honest, godly, and painfull ministers in some partes of
Lancashire." 1 A
pious and learned man, he was one
of the translators of the new version of the Bible au
thorized by James; the section on which he with his
immediate co-labourers was employed being "from
Chronicles to Canticles, inclusive." Chaderton lived
to be one hundred and
three years old; and though
he is spoken of as a " moderate " man in his spirit,
he had fire enough in his bones in 1622, at eighty
six years of age, to resign the mastership of Emman
uel in favour of the celebrated
Calvinistic preacher
John Preston, fearing that otherwise
an Arminian suc
cessor might be chosen.
And it must be confessed that Emmanuel College
under his and
Mr. Preston's guidance vindicated the
character given to it by
Carter at a somewhat later
date than Chaderton's day, as "neither more nor less
1 Barlow's Summe and Substance, p. 99.
2 Ackermann's Cambridge, ii. 237.
3 Ibid.
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 25
than a mere
nursery of Puritans."1 During the Com
monwealth no less than eleven masters
of other colleges
in Cambridge were graduates of Emmanue1, all more
or less distinct representatives of Puritan views.
A single but very significant hint of the temper of
things in Emmanuel remains to this day. Alone of
all the college chapels in Cambridge or Oxford,
its
original chapel - now, indeed,
disused for this ser
vice, and employed as the library - stands, as built
by Sir Walter, facing north and south instead of east
and west. A report made to Archbishop Laud in
1633 of the condition of affairs at the college, prob
ably gives a substantially accurate account of matters as
they were twenty years before, when Hooker occupied
a
fellowship there. The reporter says:--
"In Emmanuel
College their chappel
is not conse
crate. At Surplice
prayers they sing nothing but
certain
riming Psalms of their own appointment instead
of ye
Hymmes between ye Lessons. And at Lessons they read
not after ye order
appointed in ye Callendar, but after
another continued
course of their own. All Service
is
there done and performed by the Minister
alone. When
they preach or Commonplace
they omit all service after
ye first or second Lesson at ye furthest."
2
Indeed,
the vigour of Emmanuel's Puritanism was
a popular proverb. The doggerel and ridiculing lines
of the "Mad Puritan"
in Percy's Ballads have all
their
significance from the recognized character of the
college to which they refer:--
1 Ackermann's Cambridge, ii. 228.
2 Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, ii. 383.
26 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
"In the house of pure Emmanuel
I
had my education;
Where, my friends surmise,
I
dazzled my eyes
With the light of Revelation.
"Boldly I preach,
Hate a cross
and a surplice;
Mitres, copes, and rochets;
Come hear me pray,
Nine times a day,
And fill your head with crotchets."
The avowed design
of Sir Walter Mildmay in estab
lishing a new college was to train up a "godly minis
try;" and however wise or unwise minor features of
the administration may have been,
tried by the test of
its avowed intention Emmanuel was certainly a suc
cess. The acorn planted only in 1584, which before
Cromwell's time had fruited with such names -- not
to mention any already spoken of-.-as
William Brad
shaw, Ralph Cudworth, John Richardson, John Har
vard, William Eyre, Jeremiah Burroughs, Ephraim
Udal, Richard Holdsworth, Thomas Shepard, Samuel
Hudson, Thomas Hill, Nathaniel Rogers,
Stephen
Marshall, Samuel Stone, Anthony Burgess,
William
Bridge, Anthony Tuckney,
and Bishop Hall, among
many others nearly or equally
distinguished, must
surely be regarded
as an acorn well worth
planting.
Of
Hooker's personal experiences during the years
of his residence in Cambridge scanty authentic me
morials remain. These years
themselves were marked
by some events on the public stage which must have
been felt at Cambridge quite as sensibly
as anywhere
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 27
else. It was in his second year's residence
that the
plot to blow up the king and Parliament in the inter
est of the Romanist party, by Catesby,
Digby, Guy
Fawkes, and others, was discovered just in time to
have no worse consequences than the execution of the
conspirators.
It was just when he was
taking his B. A.,
in 1608, that John Robinson
and his Scrooby church,
unable to find toleration for Independency in England,
sought
refuge and
liberty in Holland. Two years later,
James, the whilom Presbyterian of Scotland, forced
Episcopacy into the country north of the Tweed.
It was just as Hooker was taking his M.A., in 1611,
that James inaugurated the protracted fight of the
Stuarts with the Commons of England by dissolving
his
first Parliament. The years following, to 1620, saw
the clouds of civil and religious trouble steadily deep
ening. They beheld the
scandals of Somerset's eleva
tion to power, of Overbury's murder,
of the sale of
peerages for money payments, of the dismissal of
Lord Coke, of the rise to supremacy
of the ignorant
but dangerous Buckingham. They saw the peremp
tory
dissolution of James's second Parliament, the ne
gotiations for the marriage of Prince Charles
with the
Infanta of Spain, the
execution of Sir Walter Raleigh,
the outbreak in Europe of the Thirty Years' War, -- a
struggle virtually between Protestantism and Roman
ism, -- and perhaps least
noticed of all, the planting
of Plymouth Colony in America by English exiles for
the sake of religious liberty. These things, and mat
ters involved in them, could not but have been things
of interest, and some of them of intense concern,
to
28 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
the nearly three thousand
students of the various
colleges of the university.
But to Hooker himself
an event which occurred
apparently after his reception
of his master's degree
and during his residence as Dixie
fellow, was of
greater personal moment
than any yet alluded to.
This event, to use phrases which he was accustomed
to employ in characterizing similar
experiences in
others, was his Effectual Calling, and
Implantation
into Christ. Whatever
may have hitherto been his
religious convictions or
feelings, this was the period
of that great spiritual crisis which he would have
called his conversion.
That his processes of mind
in this passage of his
inward history should have been sombre and tumul
tuous might easily be anticipated. Such was the
common course of religious experience in his time.
And there is reason
to believe that it was unusually
common at Cambridge, where the strenuous presenta
tion of some of the sterner
features of the Calvinistic
system, by powerful popular
preachers like Perkins,
Baynes, and Gibbs, had given a kind of established
direction to the courses of men's experience under the
operation of strong religious emotions.
But there was
also something in Mr. Hooker's
temperament, and
probably something also, as we shall have occasion
hereafter to see, in his
theological views and tenden
cies, to make this religious struggle in his own case
unusually protracted and severe. He
is said1 to have
long afterward observed
of this passage
of his experi-
1 Magnalia, i. 303.
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 29
ence, "that in the time of his agonies, he could reason
himself to the rule, and
conclude that there was no way
but submission to God, and lying at the foot of
his
mercy in Christ Jesus,
and waiting humbly there till
he should please to perswade
the soul of his
favour;
nevertheless, when he
came to apply this rule unto him
self, in his own condition,
his reasoning would fail him,
he was able to do nothing."
Readers of his treatise on
the "Soules Humiliation"
will not wonder why he found
it hard to apply his "rule " to his own case, or why
his reasoning failed him. The
extreme conceptions
of what is involved in a true submission of the soul
to God set forth in that
treatise, and to some extent
in other of Mr. Hooker's writings,
have always, when
ever presented, been a source of perplexity to men.
As expounded a hundred and fifty years later in the
writings of Samuel Hopkins, they not only introduced
an era of controversy in theological
debate, but a
period of bewilderment and trouble in the individual
religious experience of multitudes.
The making_a
willingness to be lost a
condition precedent to a
reasonable hope of being saved, whether prescribed by
Hooker or his son-in-Jaw Shepard,
or by the cele
brated Newport divine who has in New England
theology given his name to the particular dogma in
question, is and must ever be a prescription perplex
ing and embarrassing to the process
of most people's
religious experience.
How far this particular notion of what is necessary
before a soul can rest in a cheerful
hope of God's
mercy actually embarrassed the process
of
attaining
30 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
that quietude in Hooker's own case, it is probably
impossible to say; but his
doubts and perturbations
were protracted. He is said1
to have remarked, "I
can compare with any man living for fears." And it
is not without a touch of
pathos that it is recorded2
that one considerable source of relief to him in this
time of trouble came from the young sizar who waited
upon him, whose "prudent and piteous carriage"
and "discreet and proper compassions" were of
"singular help." The giver of this important aid was
Mr. Simeon Ashe, afterward a graduate of Emmanuel,
a
minister in Staffordshire, chaplain to the Earl of
Warwick in the civil wars, rector of St. Austin in
London for twenty years, and though, as Calamy says,
"a nonconformist of the
old stamp," one of the divines
who went to Breda to meet Charles II just
before his
restoration. The piety and
moderation of which the
general course of this Puritan minister's history was
an illustration, had apparently one of its earlier and
most useful manifestations in helping to lead the Fellow
whom it was his function to serve into a more cheer
ful assurance of religious welfare.
There appears
to be evidence that after passing
this crisis-point in his
religious history, Mr. Hooker
continued a considerable time in the university as
catechist and lecturer.
Here and in the vicinity he
began the systematic
development into sermonic form
of those essays on
experimental religion which consti
tuted always the main bulk of his preaching, and over
the general
track of which he seems again and again
1 Magnalia, i. 314. 2 Ibid. 303.
RESIDENCE AT CAMBRIDGE. 31
to have gone, at Cambridge, at
Chelmsford, and in his
successive ministries in Holland and America. These
sermons, which are in effect a kind of body of divinity,
not so much of the doctrinal
as of the experimental
kind, were immensely
popular. They grew out of,
and were exactly suited to, the religious feeling of the
period. They gave their
author an immediate and
wide distinction as a powerful applier of the gospel to
men's hearts and consciences. They were circulated
to some extent in copies enlarged from short-hand
notes surreptitiously taken. They
were collected with
less or more accuracy into volumes published
not
always with their author's knowledge or sanction. And
they make up in the whole that
body of writing about
the general subject of the
application of religion to
the soul, which as one substantially connected
treatise, though divided in title into various subordi
nate portions, there will be occasion hereafter more
particularly, though briefly,
to notice.
32 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
CHAPTER III.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY.
His knowledge in Theologie Divine,
In Chelmsford Lectures divers years did shine.
SAMUEL STONE: Elegiac Verses.
LEAVING out of view the functions
which Mr.
Hooker may have performed as catechist and lecturer
while still resident at Cambridge, the probable period
of his exercise of ministerial duty in England was ten
or twelve years, -- that is to say, from 1618 or 1620 to
his flight to Holland in 1630. This
space of time was
all included in the duration
of the archbishopric of
George Abbot, who had been appointed to the pri
macy on the death of Bancroft
in 1610. These
twenty-two years of Abbot's nominal headship of
the Church of England, and
especially the last thir
teen of them which cover the period of Hooker's
English ministry, were momentous years in Puritan
story. Abbot himself was a
Calvinist, and by convic
tion attached to the cause of Puritanism and the Par
liament. He advocated a definite policy of Protes
tantism abroad, and it was his influence which sent
English representatives to the Synod of Dort in
1618-19. He favoured the
maintenance of the Puritan
Lectureships, which had become so extended a part
of the machinery employed for the dissemination of
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTR Y. 33
the
principles of which nonconformity
stood the rep
resentative. By his doctrinal sympathies with his
pragmatic sovereign and by his official place as head
of the hierarchy, he seemed to
stand in a favourable
for mediating between the contending parties
in the civil and religious commonwealths. But Abbot
had no skill as a reconciler; events
were too strong for
him, perhaps were too strong for any one. The years
of his primacy saw the progressively definite identifica
tion of Puritanism with the Parliament, of prerogative
with churchly authority. The Presbyterian king put
himself increasingly into the hand of Arminian pre
lacy; the Commons
more and more accepted the
leadership of Calvinistic nonconformity.
The great figure on the stage of this generation of
English
story, and the great power by which this defi
nition of party lines was effected, was William Laud.
Laud had been from his university days a rival and
opponent of the archbishop; and during
all the later
years of Abbot's
nominal headship of the
establish
ment it was far more the inferior
than the superior
church-functionary who gave direction to the course
of religious affairs, and influenced the counsels of his
sovereign. Laud's advancement was rapid, and in
dicative alike of his personal
abilities and of the
growing conviction on the part
of the king, which he
formulated in the characteristic saying, "Presbyteri
anism agreeth as well with
monarchy as God and the
devil."
In 1611 Laud was appointed
president of
St. John's College, Oxford. The
same year made him
also chaplain to the
king. The year 1616 saw him
3
34 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Dean of Gloucester; in 1621 he was Bishop of St.
David's; in 1626, of Bath and Wells; in 1628, of the
important See of London.
He guided, almost regu
lated, the church patronage by giving the king a list of
the clergy, marked for advancement or
neglect by the
cabalistic sign "O" or "P" (Orthodox or Puritan)
affixed to their names. His hand, as there
will be
occasion to see, was in every considerable event of the
period covered by our Hooker's
English ministry.
This
ministry began in Mr. Hooker's appointment,
probably some time between 1618
and 1620, to the
rectorship of the little parish
of Esher in Surrey, a
small place sixteen miles southwest from the Parlia
ment houses in London.
That Mr. Hooker's principles allowed him to go
there was owing to the fact that the living was a dona
tive one,
-- given,
that is to say, directly by the patron
of the benefice, a Mr.
Francis Drake, and not requir
ing presentation to the bishop and induction
by his
order; to which presentation Mr. Hooker's non
conforming views would not
allow him to accede,
and which would
therefore have availed to exclude
him from the greater part of the benefices in England.
Esher 1 was and is a pleasant, small
village, built on a
rising ground a little distance from the Thames, and in
cludes in its parochial boundaries two or three ancient
manorial properties, one of which,
Esher Place, was
occupied by Carclin:11 Wolsey after his disgrace; an
other, Clermont, was formerly
the home of Lord
1 Manning's History and Antiquities of Surrey,
vol. ii.: art.
"Esher."
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 35
Clive; then of
Princess Charlotte, and now of the
widow of Prince Leopold. Adjoining Esher Common
is the tract of ground which used to be known as
Sandon Farm, now the scene of the Sandon races.
That Esher was, and is still,
a little village
with so
much that is picturesque in its
situation and conven
ient in its proximity to the city, the rector at present
(1891) incumbent ascribes
to the fact of its being
hemmed in and limited by these large landed estates.
The church where Mr. Hooker preached still stands,
though not at present used for public
worship. It is
very small, with a nave and chancel
only, except that
at
a period considerably later than that we are now
speaking of, the Duke of Newcastle, who occupied
Clermont before Lord Clive, built a kind of chamber
room or gallery on one side of it. The glass of the
chancel windows is said once to have been fine, but
no vestige of its former
glories remains. At the west
end the nave is surmounted by a low pyramidal tower
in which formerly hung three bells,
one of which was
understood to be a war-trophy brought
by Sir Francis
Drake from St. Domingo.
The living was worth only
forty pounds a year; the place of worship not capable
of
stretching beyond a hundred
sittings; the congre
gation a few lowly people of the village, and members
of the manor house families.
The patron of the living, a gentleman of the same
name, and a kinsman of the great admiral:
received
the rector into his
house, and gave him a home in
his family, -- a fact attended with important conse
quences to the rector.
36 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
The persuasive cause of the procuring of Mr.
Hooker's services at Esher was the condition of Mr.
Drake's wife. The story
is told in a little volume
printed the year Mr. Hooker died. It bears the
characteristically quaint title of
the time, "Trodden
down Strength by the God of Strength, or Mrs. Drake
Revived,
showing her strange and rare Case, great and
manifold
afflictions for tenne years together. Related
by her friend Hart On-hi. London, 1647." Mrs.
Drake was an invalid and
hypochondriac. She had
already worn out the consolations of two worthy
ministers
-- Rev. Mr. Dod, the author of a
comment
ary
on the Decalogue, and hence popularly known as
Decalogue Dod; and Rev. Mr. Usher, afterward Pri
mate of Ireland -- in their
efforts to persuade her that
she had not committed the unpardonable sin.
Mr. Dod being obliged to leave her after three
years' wrestling with her
case, tidings came to Mr.
Drake of" one Mr. Hooker, then at Cambridge, now
in New England: A great Scholar, an acute Dis
putant, a strong learned, a wise modest man, every
way rarely qualified; who being a Non-conformitan
in judgement, not willing to
trouble himself with Pre
sentative Livings, was contented and persuaded by
Mr. Dod to accept of
that poor Living of 40l.
per annum: This worthy man accepted of the place,
having withal his dyet and lodging
at Esher, Mr.
Drake's house."
Mr.
Hooker's ministrations seem to have been use
ful. " For Mr. Hooker being newly come from the
University had a new answering
methode (though
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY 37
the same
thing) wherewith shee was marvellously
de
lighted." Just how
long or precisely at what date
these ministrations were rendered is not stated, but
the period came when Mrs. Drake felt "that
her
time on earth was but of small continuance. About
which time it fell out that Mr. Hooker also having
acted his part with her, and done his best, to comfort,
uphold and rectifie her spirit, . . . by God's provi
dence he was married
unto her waiting-woman:
After which both of them having lived some time
after with her, and he cal'd to be Lecturer at Chelms
ford in Essex, they both left
her."
It is pleasant
to be assured that the counsels of
Mr. Hooker, and of Mr. Dod
which were again re
newed, did much to help Mrs. Drake, and that she
was "more cheerful
in mind divers years,"
coming
indeed to her end at last in "a Fit
of sudden, extream,
ravishing, unsupportable Joy, beyond the Strength of
Mortality to retain,
or be long capable of, which
put Mr.
Dod, her Husband, and all of them to
a non
plus, as being beyond all Experience; they in all their
lifetime never having
seen or heard of the like."
The chief recorded
result to Mr. Hooker himself,
however, of this Esher experience was his marrying
Mrs. Drake's waiting-woman, Susanna. Who this
young woman was, whose future was to be
so full of
vicissitude, who was to be
exiled to Holland, to voy
age the Atlantic, to be carried on a litter through the
Massachusetts forests to Connecticut, to survive her
husband we know not how
long, and to be buried
we know not where - there
seems no way at present
to determine.
38 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
That she was esteemed
in Mr. Drake's family is
evidenced by the provision in Mr. Drake's will, dated
March 13, 1634, by
which he gave to
"Johana
Hooker whoe is now in New England Ł30 to be
paid her the day of her marriage." This was Mr.
Hooker's daughter who married Rev. Thomas Shep
ard, and from a
comparison of dates would seem
to have been his oldest child, and may have been
born at Esher, and named Joanna
for Mrs. Drake,
whose maiden name was Joanna Tothill.
Esher's
proximity to London favoured the more ready
recognition of Mr. Hooker's gifts as a preacher, and
it appears that some ineffectual attempts were made
to secure his establishment in some capacity
at
Colchester in Essex,
"whereto Mr. Hooker did
very
much incline, . . . but the providence of God gave
an obstruction to that settlement."
Mather
says1 Hooker's desire to be at Colchester
was on account of its proximity to Mr. Rogers of
Dedham, whom he used to call "the prince of all the
preachers in England; " but "it was an observation
which Mr. Hooker would
sometimes afterwards use
unto his friends 'that the providence of God often
l
diverted him from employment in such places as he
himself desired, and still directed him to such places
as he had no thoughts
of.'"
But
sometime probably in 1626 an invitation was ex
tended
and accepted for Mr. Hooker's·establishment
as Lecturer in connection
with the church of St. Mary
at Chelmsford, Essex, then under the rectoral
care of
1 Magnalia, i. 304.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 39
Rev. John Michaelson.
Possibly he had been resi
dent a little while previous in the immediate vicinity,
for the parish register of Great Baddow contains the
following entry: "Anne, daughter of Mr. Thomas
Hooker, clerk, and Susan his
wife, baptized at Great
Baddow, Essex, January 5. 1626." As pertinent to
Mr. Hooker's family relationships it may also
here as appropriately as anywhere
be remarked that
the Chelmsford parish register contains
the record,
under date of April 9, 1628, of the baptism of ''Sarah
daughter of Nir. Thomas Hooker and Susan his wife;"
and on August 26, 1629, of her burial.
Chelmsford was a busy
town twenty-nine miles east
from London, and its old Gothic church is an edifice
of great antiquity. The great-tower and most of the
older portions of the building
are made of the flint
nodules, from the size of the fist upward, found in the
chalk-pits of the neighbourhood, laid in cement. The
arch of the Norman door in the great-tower has the
Boar and Mullet pf the De Vere
family. In 1641 the
Parliamentary visitation was the
occasion of a riot in
which the beautiful glass windows were destroyed, and
Rev. Dr. Michaelson, the rector, subjected to personal
indignities and injury. The
roof of the nave fell in,
in 1800, and the repair in other stone than that which
characterizes the older portion of the
structure has
an unpleasing and incongruous appearance. The
patronage of the church was given or sold by Henry
VIII.
to Roger Mildmay, ancestor of Sir Roger Mild
may, founder of Emmanuel College; and twenty gen
erations of the family sleep underneath its roof.
This
40 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
noble old sanctuary became for between
three and
four years the scene of Mr. Hooker's public labours as
Lecturer.
These Lectureships, to which reference has already
several times been made, were one of the most char
acteristic outgrowths of the Puritan
movement in
England. They were designed to secure a more
efficient preaching service
than could be often had
from the legal incumbent
of a
benefice. They were
generally ·supported by voluntary
gifts of wealthy
Puritans, though sometimes
endowed by permanent
funds ; and were customarily held by persons
having
scruples about the ceremonies and the vestments, and
consequently not always,
though generally, in priest's
orders. The Lecturer preached
on market-days and
Sunday afternoons, as supplemental to the regularly
appointed church services.
The system was im
mensely popular with the multitude, who were dis
satisfied with "no preaching and dumb
ministers,"
as those who confined
themselves to the liturgy were
called, and developed into wide and large proportions
in the country generally.
But by so much as Lectureships were popular with
the masses they
were obnoxious to the church party,
who sympathized with Laud and with the intensifying
demand for Conformity represented by the king.
Already: some four years previous
to Hooker's enter
ing on his Chelmsford Lectureship, James, in 1622,
had issued injunctions to the
clergy, through the arch
bishop, forbidding any one
of them under the stand
ing of "a bishop or dean [to] presume to preach
in
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 41
any popular
auditory on the deep points
of predes
tination, election,
reprobation, or of the universality,
efficacy, resistibility, or irresistibility of God's
grace;"
and
prescribing that all Sunday afternoon sermons be
rigidly restricted to exposition of the "Catechism,
Creed, or Ten
Commandments." 1 This was a direct
stroke at the Lecturers. The Puritan
revival had
brought these doctrinal topics
to the forefront of de
bate, and these themes were now prohibited.
Charles
followed up his father's attempt
to silence the Lec
turers by his proclamation in June, 1626, -- just about
the time Hooker was making his first essays at
Chelmsford, -- forbidding discussion of any opinions
not justified by the "
literal and grammatical sense "2
of the Articles
of the Church. Lecturers were or
dered to read the service of the liturgy
before the
delivery of the homily, and to wear the surplice in
doing so.
It was under the at least nominal imposition of
these limitations that all Lecturers were placed during
the period which followed
Hooker's arrival at Chelms
ford. Doubtless these limitations were often disre
garded. Certainly he disregarded most of them.
Probably he preached in the Genevan gown rather
than the surplice. Certainly he treated of election,
reprobation, the resistibility or irresistibility of God's
grace without mincing. His published sermons --
the fruit, as has
been said, of his repeated traversing
of
experimental points of
divinity at Cambridge, Esher,
and Chelmsford -- leave
no doubt on that point.
1 Neal, i. 272.
2
Ibid. 291.
42 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Nor is there any doubt
of the wide and profound
impression made by his discourses. Auditors flocked
to his ministrations from great distances, and "some
of great quality among the rest,"1 -- one of
whom
was the Earl of Warwick, who afterward sheltered and
befriended the Lecturer's family when Mr. Hooker
was forced to flee the country. His
labours resulted
not only in the visible reformation of morals in Chelms
ford, but in stimulating to similar endeavours
many
other ministers of the surrounding region.
It was
probably of this period of his English minis
try that the occurrences took place
which }.father nar
rates concerning the effect of Mr. Hooker's preaching,
which may as well be given in Mather's language:2
"A profane
person designing therein
only an ungodly
diversion and merriment said unto his companions, Come,
let us go hear what that bawling Hooker will say to
us; and thereupon with
an intention to make sport,
unto Chelmsford lecture they came. The man had not
been long in the church, before the quick and powerful
word of Goel in the mouth of his faithful Hooker, pierced
the soul of him; he
came out with an awakened
and a
distressed soul, and by the
further blessing of God upon
Mr. Hooker's ministry he arrived unto a true conversion;
for which cause he would not afterwards leave that
blessed ministry, but went a
thousand leagues to attend
it, and enjoy it. Another
memorable thing of this kind
was this; it was Mr. Hooker's manner once a year to
visit his native county; and in one of these visits he had
an invitation to preach in
the great church of Leicester.
One of the chief burgesses
in the town much opposed
his
1 Magnalia, i. 304. 2 Ibid. i. 306, 307.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 43
preaching there; and when he could not prevail to
hinder
it, he set certain fidlers at work to disturb him in the
church-porch, or church-yard. But such was the vivacity
of Mr. Hooker, as to proceed in what he was about, with
out either the damping of his mind, or the drowning of
his voice; whereupon the man himself
went unto the
church-door to over-hear what he said. It pleased God
so to accompany some words uttered by Mr. Hooker,
as
thereby to procure, first the attention and
then the con
viction of that wretched man; who then came
to Mr.
Hooker with a penitent confession of his
wickedness, and
became indeed so penitent a
convert, as to be at length a
sincere professor and practiser of the godliness,
whereof
he had been a persecutor."
Of the same
date is also another of Mather's stories1
concerning Mr. Hooker's preaching at Chelmsford on
the occasion of "a fast kept
throughout the nation,"
when
--
"Mr. Hooker
then, in the presence of the Judges,
and
before a vast congregation, declared freely the sins of Eng
land,
and
the plagues that would come for such sins; and
in
his prayer he besought the God of heaven to set on the
heart
of the King what his own mouth had spoken, and in
the
second chapter of Malachy, and
the eleventh and
twelfth verses (in his prayer
he so distinctly quoted it!)
An abomination is committed, Judah hath married the
daughter of a strange God, the Lord will
cut off the man
that doeth this. Though the Judges turned unto the
place thus quoted, yet Mr. Hooker came into no trouble;
but it was [not?] long before the kingdom did."
It is in connection with this incident of more
than
indirectly passing censure
on the king before the
l Magnalia, i. 313.
44 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
judges, that Mather quotes
a saying of one
that had
"observed the heroical
spirit and courage with which
this great man fulfilled his
ministry," that "He was
a
person who while doing his master's work: would put a
king in his pocket."
Meantime, however, the tension between the king
and Parliament was growing hourly more severe. In
the middle of July, 1628, Laud had been transferred to
the See of London, and henceforth had
the ear of the
king in all matters. The Parliament, which met on
the 20th of January, 1629, proceeded at once
to the
discussion of the religious question; and on the 25th
of February certain Heads of Articles were
presented
by the Commons, complaining of the "subtle and per
nicious spreading of the
Arminian faction; " of the
"bold and unwarrantable
" introduction of
"sundry
new ceremonies " and
" bringing men into question
and trouble for not obeying that for which there is no
authority." The king rejoined by dissolving Parlia
ment. For eleven years there
was not to be another.
Government was now in
the hands of prerogative
only.
The decks cleared for action, Laud now turned at
tention to the
Lecturers. Long hateful to him, he
now
presented a series of Considerations to the king for
their regulation or suppression. He alleged
that the
Lecturers were " the people's
creatures," and "blew
the bellows of their sedition." He inveighed against
"Emmanuel and Sidney Colleges" as "nurseries of
Puritanism," and implored that "grave and orthodox
men" be appointed
governors therein.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 45
The king, nothing loath, authorized the promul
gation of "certain Orders to be observed and put in
execution by the several Bishops."1 Among
these
orders
were the following: "That in all parishes the
afternoon
service be turned into catechising by ques
tion and answer;" "that every lecturer read Divine
service before lectures in surplice and
hood;" that
lecturers "preach in gowns,
and not in cloaks, as
too many do use; " and that in general the former
instructions concerning the
avoidance of matters con
nected with the predestinarian controversy be strictly
observed.
Armed with these newly sharpened weapons,
the
bishop proceeded to clear his
diocese of the obnox
ious
blowers of the bellows of sedition. Among
those
who
this year were silenced for nonconformity to the
orders of the bishop, in the near vicinity of Chelms
ford, were John Rogers of Dedham, Daniel Rogers
of Wethersfield, and John Archer of Halsted.2 The
blow fell also on Mr. Hooker. How
likely it was to
do so appears vividly set forth in a letter
written by
Rev. Samuel Collins, Vicar of Braintree, in a letter to
Dr. Duck, Laud's Chancellor, which under
date of
May 20, 1629, obviously
recognizes the commence
ment of ecclesiastical procedures already against the
Chelmsford Lecturer. Mr. Collins writes:3 --
"Since my return from London
I have spoken with
Mr. Hooker, but I have small hope of prevailing with
1
Neal, i. 298.
2
David's Nonconformity in Essex, p. 146.
3 Ibid. 150, 151.
46 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
him. All
the favour he desires is that my Lord of Lon
don would not bring him into
the High Commission
Court, but permit him quietly
to depart out of the dio
cese…. All men's
eares are
now filled with ye obstrep
erous clamours of his followers
against my Lord ...
as
a man endeavouring to suppress
good preaching and ad
vance Popery. Al1 would be here very calme and quiet
if he might depart…. If
he be suspended its the
reso
lution of his friend and himself to settle his abode in Essex,
and maintenance is promised him in plentifull manner for
the fruition of his private conference, which
hath already
more impeached the peace of our church than his pub-
lique ministry. His genius will still haunte all the pulpits
in ye country, where any of his scholers may be admit
ted to preach… There
be divers young ministers
about us ... that spend
their time in conference with
him; and return
home and preach
what he hath brewed.
. . . Our
people's pallats grow so out of tast, yt noe food
contents them but of Mr. Hooker's dressing. I have lived
in Essex to see many changes, and have seene the people
idolizing many new ministers and lecturers, but this man
surpasses them all for learning and some other consider-
able partes and ... gains
more and far greater followers
than all before him…. If my Lord tender his owne future
peace ... let him connive at Mr. Hooker's departure."
Apparently Dr. Duck was inclined to the same
view; for, probably at the
chancellor's instance, Mr.
Collins reported, on June 3, an attempt to confer
with Mr. Hooker on the subject:1 --
" On
Monday I rode to Chelmsford to speake with him,
but found him gone ... and purposed to returne to Lon
don to appeare before my Lord upon the first day of this
1 David's Nonconformity in Essex,
p. r 51.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 47
'
terme, at which time I cannot be at London … I pray
God direct my Lord
of London
in
this weighty business
... this will prove a
leading case, and the issue thereof
will either much incourage or else discourage the regular
clergie. All men's heads,
tongues, eyes, and ears are
in London, and all the counties about London, taken up
with plotting, talking, and expecting what will be
the
conclusion of Mr. Hooker's business…. I drowns the
noise of the greate question of Tonnage and Poundage.
I dare not say halfe of that I heare; paper walls are easily
broken open. But hearing and knowing as much
as I
doe, I dare be bold to say that if he be once quietly gone,
my Lord hath overcame the greatest difficulty in govern
ing this parte of his diocese ... let him be as cautelous
as he will, yet in his present course the humour of our
people will undoe him."
Apparently,
however, Mr. Hooker carried
out his
purpose of appearing at London before the bishop,
and a bond "'as taken of a Mr.
Nash of Much
Waltham in the sum of Ł50 for
his appearance when
called for.
But on the 3d of November
following, renewed
complaint was made to Laud of
Hooker's continuance
in " his former
practices; " the rector of Rawreth,
one Rev. John Browning, who presented the com
plaint, entreating that it may "please your lordship
to grant us ye helpe of your honourable authority, if not
to ye suppressinge and casting out (as we hope) such
an one from amongst us, yet at least to the defendinge
us who live in obedience."
Stirred up probably by tidings of this communica-
1 David's Nonconformity in Essex, p. 152.
48 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
tion, the
following petition to the bishop was drawn
up under date of Nov. 10, 1629, and signed by
forty-nine ministers of the vicinage, and forwarded to
Laud, asking a stay of adverse proceedings: 1--
"Whereas
we have heard that your honour hath been
informed against
Mr. Thomas Hooker,
preacher at
Chelmsford, that the conformable ministers
of these
partes desire his removal from the place, we, whose
names
are here under written, being ministers of the partes
adjoining, all beneficed men,
and obedient to His Majes
ty's
ecclesiastical laws, doe humbly give your lordship to
understand that we all esteeme and knowe the said Mr.
Thomas Hooker to be, for
doctryne, orthodox, and life
and conversation honest, and for his disposition peace
able, no wayes turbulent or factious, and so not doubting
but he will contynue that good
course, commending him
and his lawfull suite to your lordship's honourable favour,
... we humbly take our leave, and remaine your
honour's
humbly at command."
Samuel Collins,
Duck's correspondent, John Mi
chaelson the Chelmsford rector, and Stephen Marshall,
the afterward celebrated member of the Westminster
Assembly of divines, were
among the signers of this
petition.
Seven days later, what was in effect a counter-peti
tion, signed by forty-one of the
Essex ministers, --
two of whom had signed also the previous
petition, --
was forwarded to Laud, praying the bishop " not [to ]
rebx unto us that
tye by which we stand obliged to
the lawful ceremonies of our church, yet to
enforce
these irregulars to conforme with us.
That soe there
1 David's Nonconformity in Essex, p. 153.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 49
may effectually be wrought a generall uniformitie
amongst us all."1
The second petition
was much more to Laud's
mind than the first; and it must have been almost im
mediately after it that Mr. Hooker was compelled to
lay down his lectureship at Chelmsford and to retire
to Little Baddow,
a small hamlet about four miles
away, where, " at the request of several eminent per
sons, he kept a school in his own hired house." 2 It
was probably in connection with this demission of his
ministry that he preached a sermon which some
eleven or twelve years
afterward, in 1641, got into
print, entitled " The Danger of Desertion, or a
Farwell Sermon of Mr. Thomas Hooker, Sometimes
Minister of Gods Word at Chainsford in Essex;
but
now of New England."
The theme of the discourse is the peril of
England
in the threatened withdrawal of God's favour, whereof
the preacher indicated that he saw manifest tokens.
The sermon bears marks of haste
and heat in the de
livery, and was probably printed from imperfect notes,
and does not convey the best impression of the
preacher's style. It has,
however, occasional touches
of his vivid use of common illustrations; as where
he says,3 --
" We may take up the complaint of the Prophet, Isa.
64. 7. No man stirs up himselfe to lay hold upon God:
For this is our misery, if that we have quietnesse and
commodity we are well enough, thus we play mock-holy-
1 David's Nonconformity in Essex. p. 158.
2 Magnalia, i. 305.
3 Page 15.
50 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
day with God, the Gospell we make it
our pack-horse:
God is going, his glory is departing, England hath seene
her best dayes, and now evill dayes are befalling us: God
is packing up his
Gospell, because no body will buy
his
wares, nor come to his price. Oh
lay hands on God!
and let him not goe out of
your coasts, he is a going,
stop him, and let not thy
God depart, lay siege against
him with humble and hearty closing with him, suffer him
not to say, as if that he
were going, farewell, or fare ill
England, God hath said that
he will doe this, and because
that he hath said it, he
will doe it, therefore prepare to
meet thy God, O England!"
Or again:1--
"Thou England which wast lifted up to heaven with
meanes shall be abased and
brought downe to hell; for if
the mighty works which have been done
in thee had
been done in India or Turky, they would have repented
ere this; therefore Cajenzaums place is Englands place,
which is the most insufferablest torment of all; and
marke what I say, the poore native
Turks and Infidels
shall have a cooler summer parlour
in hell then you; for
we stand at a high rate, we were highly exalted, therefore
shall our torments be the more to beare."
Mr.
Hooker's employment as teacher at
Little Bad
dow
cannot have been of long duration, and is chiefly
memorable for the association with
him there of John
Eliot, who says,2--
" To this
place I was called through the infinite riches
of God's mercy in Christ Jesus to my poor soul: for here
the Lord said unto my dead soul, live; and through the
grace of Christ
I do live, and I shall live for ever!
1 Page 20. 2 Magnalia, i. 305.
HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY. 51
When I came
to this blessed family, I then
saw, and
never before, the power of
godliness in its lively vigour
and efficacy."
But Laud had not forgotten
the Chelmsford Lec
turer in the Little Baddow schoolmaster. He was
cited, on the 10th of July, 1630, to appear before the
High Commission Court. This time he
did not
respond. His bondsman, Mr.
Nash, a tenant of the
Earl of Warwick, being reimbursed by Mr. Hooker's
Chelmsford friends, paid the penal sum into the
court; the Earl meanwhile providing for Mr. Hook
er's family at a place
called Old Park, while he him
self got secretly aboard
a vessel for Holland. It
was doubtless well that he fled.
The experience of
Alexander Leighton, another nonconformist minister,
who was this year pilloried, whipped, branded, slit
in the nostrils, and deprived by
successive mutila
tion of his ears, might have
been, at least in part, his
experience.
His
pursuers arrived at the seaside just too late for
his arrest. Cotton Mather narrates 1 several charac
teristic "remarkables" in connection with his flight,
-- as the wind shifting in his favour, which had been
contrary, as soon as he got aboard;
and his stand
ing forth, like Paul, when the vessel ran aground and
was in " eminent hazard of shipwreck upon a shelf of
sand," assuring the sailors that they
should all be pre
served. Certain it is they landed safely in Holland.
1 Magnalia, i. 307.
52 LI.FE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
CHAPTER IV.
LIFE IN HOLLAND AND DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA.
Now I live, if you stand fast in the Lord.
Salutation to the Church at Newtown: Magnalia, i. 310.
ARRIVED in
Holland, Mr. Hooker was for a period
of uncertain duration
resident at Amsterdam; and
negotiations looking to his association in the pastor
ate of the British
Presbyterian Church there, then
under the care of Rev. John Paget, were begun. This
church, founded in 1607, was ecclesiastically in fel
lowship with the Dutch establishment, received pro
vision from the State, and had assigned to it a deserted
chapel of the Beguyn nuns
for its place of worship.1
Mr. Paget had been identified with the church from
the founding of it, and had perhaps something of the
sensitiveness of an old man as to his associates.
Mather intimates 2 that it was jealousy
of Hooker's
abilities which broke off the negotiations. Mr. Paget,
however, denies his responsibility for breaking them,
and asserts that they were broken by the Classis and
the Synod, and that the ground of this action was Mr.
Hooker's position in willingness to accord fellowship
to Brownists, and his
refusing to censure such as
1 Steven's Scottish Church in Rotterdam, p. 273.
2 Magnalia, i. 307, 308.
LIFE IN HOLLAND. 53
"went to hear the
'Brownists' in their schismatical as
sembly."1 This representation of Hooker's
position
Mather
asserts is incorrect, averring2 that instead of
favouring the Brownists
he had an "extream
aversion"
to them, and that he told Mr. Paget that to "separate
from the faithful assemblies
and churches in Eng
land, as no churches is an error in judgment, and a sin
in practice, held and maintained
by the Brownists;
and therefore to
communicate with them in their
opinions or practice is sinful and utterly unlawful;
and care should be taken to prevent offence, either
by encouraging them in their
way, or by drawing
others to a further approbation of that way than is
meet."
If this
statement were fully to be relied on, it would
seem to be conclusive. But it is easy for controver
sialists to mistake one another. There
is no evidence
that up to this time Mr. Hooker had come in con
tact with the Brownists, or,
as they came soon to be
called, Independents, at all; and
his views about their
position may not have become in all respects de
fined. Certainly he came to be a strenuous
Inde
pendent, and his leanings that
way may have become
clear enough for the recognition of his Presbyterian
associate. At all events, it
is certain that the Synod
was some way led to pronounce
an adverse judgment
upon the question
of his joint pastorate with Mr.
Paget, declaring, in confirmation of the conclusion al
ready reached by the Cbssis, " that a person's standing
in such opinions as were in writing showed
unto the
1 Hanbury, i. 532, 541. 2 Magnalia, i. 308.
54 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Classis, could not with any
edification be admitted at
the Ministry of the English Church at Amsterdam."1
The fact that Mr. Paget had similar troubles respect
ing the proposed association with him subsequently of
Mr. Davenport, Mr.
Parker, Mr. Forbes, and Mr.
Peter, together
with the result of these controversies
in a wordy war of pamphlets, in which he and Mr.
Davenport assailed each other in a style more vigor
ous than courteous, -- Mr. Davenport accusing
Mr.
Paget of " Tyrannical Government and Corrupt
Doc
trine," and Mr. Paget countering with the accusation
that Mr. Davenport had issued a book with a "vile
title"
and contents
"also as vile," 2 -- may perhaps
justify Fuller's characterization
3 of Mr. Paget as a
"captious Puritan," but goes
far to
absolve him of
the meaner motive of personal jealousy which Mather
intimates. For indeed the
issues between the parties
were the radical
ones which afterward
so divided on
English soil the forces of Presbyterianism and Inde
pendency. Nor ought it to be forgotten in defence --
or excuse, as one chooses
-- of the position of the
oc
cupants of English Presbyterian pulpits
in Holland, that
they were still under the watch and regubtion of the
government at home. In May, 1628, King Charles
had addressed "to the Synod of the English
and
Scottish clergy in the Netherlands" a series of com
mands,4 corresponding to
those we have seen imposed
on the ministry in England,
requiring the "foresaid
1 Hanbury, i. 532. 2 Ibid. 527
3 Church History, book xi. p. 51.
4 Steven, pp. 262, 263.
LIFE IN
HOLLAND. 55
clergymen
[not to] interfere, either in making or com
posing, ... any new Liturgy or
fixed form of prayer for
their congregations." They"
shall introduce no nov
elties in any rites or ceremonies," and "they shall not
presume to meddle with any points of doctrine."
The situation of any occupant of a State-recognized
pulpit in Holland was thus, it will be seen, about as
embarrassing as that of any minister at home; and it
is not strange that Mr. Paget should have found him
self perplexed by the
proposed association with him
of men of as advanced and in some respects of
as disagreeing opinions
as Hooker and Parker and
Davenport and Hugh Peter
entertained among them
selves.
Leaving Amsterdam, Mr. Hooker went to Delft,
and became connected in
the ministry of the Scottish
Presbyterian Church there with its pastor, Rev. John
Forbes. Here conditions were
more favourable for a
comfortable association with the established incum
bent. Mr. Forbes had already experienced something
of the severity of prerogative, having been banished
from
Scotland about 1611, for presiding as moderator
of the famous Aberdeen Assembly called contrary to
the wish of the king; and he had his
own noncon
forming inclinations, as was proved a
little after the
time of Hooker's connection with him, by his removal
from his charge at the request
of the British Govern
ment, for not submitting to the discipline which Laud
was bent on extending over English residents abroad
as well as in their
own
land.1 Mather speaks 2 with
1 Steven, p. 294. 2 Magnalia, i. 308.
56 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
his usual effusiveness of classical illustration of the
relations existing during these two years between Mr.
Forbes and Mr. Hooker, comparing them to'' Basil and
Nazianzen,
... one soul in two bodies," but of positive
incident records only the first preaching of Mr. Hooker
at Delft, from the text," To you it is given not only to
believe, but also to suffer," - a topic certainly fruit
ful of illustration to many in those troublous times.
After about two years Mr. Hooker removed to
Rotterdam, being invited to some kind
of ministerial
association with Rev. Hugh Peter and Rev. William
Ames, though his name does not, like theirs, appear
on the pastoral list of the church. This organization
had been gathered
apparently about the year 1628,
by Peter, afterward
to be so well known in New
England story and destined to so tragic a fate in the
civil war at home. And with him in 1632 was joined,
to survive only a few months, the celebrated ex-pro
fessor of the Franeker University, best known to
scholars by his Latinized name Amesius. Ames had
again and again experienced the severity of English
high-churchly ill-will, which had prevailed several times
with the authorities of Holland to prevent his es
tablishment in some position
of honour to which he
had been called ; and now, worn out with labour and
exposure to the North-Sea winds of the province of
Franeker, he came to Rotterdam to
die. Indefati
gable however as a writer, Ames was engaged at the
time of his death on a book entitled " A Fresh Svit
against Human Ceremonies in Gods Worship."
This book is an answer to one written by Dr. John
LIFE IN HOLLAND. 57
Burgess,
which itself was a rejoinder to a previous
volume by Ames, published in 1622. Ames was Dr.
Burgess's son-in-law, though his wife, Dr. Burgess's
daughter,
was dead before this controversy began.
One
wonders how far family feeling may have mingled
with
conscientious principle in this voluminous and
protracted debate. But our
chief concernrnent in
the matter lies in the fact that as Ames barely
lived
to see the main part of his manuscript
through the
press, and even that under great difficulties, Mr.
Hooker
completed the task, writing "An Advertisment
to the Reader, Occasioned by the never enough
lamented death of my deare freind, the Authour of
this
Fresh suite." In this "Advertisment" he says of
his friend:--
"Understand Christian
Reader, that with the comming
forth
of this booke into the light, the le rned and famous
Authour Dr. Ames left the light, or darknes rather of
this world…. I may
not keep back what
I heard him
speake as in the sight of God, that he was in his con
science more perswaded of the evill of these reliques
of
Papery and monuments of that
superstit10n then ever, and
yet he never had seen good in them, or come from them:
and that moreover if D. B. [Dr. Burgess] or any other of
them would yet be daubing
with untempered mortar,
and
not give over to paint rotten sepulchres, he was by the
grace of God resolved
still to maintain
the cause, and
while he liued never let fall the suit commenced
this way.
… Together
with his life God hath put an end to all
his travailes, wherein he shewed himself a pattern of holi
nes, a burning and a shining light, and lamp of learning
& Arts, a Champion for trueth, specially while for the
space of 12 yeares
at least, he was
in
the Doctors Chaire
58 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
at Franequer, and having fought the good fight of faith,
whereunto he was called, & professed a good profession
before many witnesses, he hath now indeed layd hold on
eternall life."
With this
estimate of Ames on Mr. Hooker's part,
it is pleasant to know
that Dr. Ames ,vas wont to say
of Mr. Hooker, that " though he
had been acquainted
with many scholars of divers nations, yet he never met
with Mr. Hooker's equal, either for preaching or for
disputing."1 It is plain, too, that Mr. Hooker
agreed
with the argument
and conclusions of Ames's
book.
Besides the "Advertisment
" he wrote also the long
Preface to the volume; a brief extract from which
will sufficiently indicate his own position on the ques-
tion in debate. He says: --
"The state of
this vvarr is this: vvee (as it becommeth
Christians) stand upon the sufficiency of Christs institu
tions, for all kynde of vvorship: and that exclusively
the
vvord (say vve) & nothing but the vvord, in matters of
Relgious vvorship. The Praelats rise up on the other
side, & vvill needs haue us allovve, & use certayne hu
mane Ceremonyes of Religion in our Christian vvorship.
VVe desire to be excused, as houlding them unlavvfull.
Christ vve knovv: & all that cometh from him, vve are
ready to imbrace.
But these human Cerem.
in divine
vvorship vvee knovv not, nor can haue any thing to
doe
vvith them."
One further quotation from this Preface
written by
Mr. Hooker is significant as indicating the trials which
the demand for conformity occasioned both to those
1 Magnalia, i. 308.
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA. 59
who resisted
and to some who, in his opinion rather
weakly, yielded to the demand. The
quotation is the
more significant because
he prints in the margin
against the passage the words, " I speake but what I
know." He says: --
"Its certayne, some have openly protested,
that, if it
vvere but half an hovvres hanging, they vvould rather suf
fer it, then subscribe. But
for them & theirs, to ly in the
ditch, & to be cast into a
blynd corner, like broken ves
sels: yea they &
their familyes to dye many hundred
deaths, by extreame misery, before they could come unto
their graves; This they vvere not able to undergoe. A
condition, I acknovvledge, vvhich needs &
deserves a
great deale of pity &
commiseration, since it is true, that
some kinds of oppression make a man mad: But oh that
the God of mercy vvould put it into the mynds &
hearts
of those vvhom it doth concerne, that they vvould never
suffer such refuse reliques, longe, to hazard, not only the
comforts, but even the consciences & happines of many
distressed soules.''
The book was
issued in 1633, and probably in the
early part of it, for the seventh month of the year was
to find Mr. Hooker across
the seas, in America.
This transit
to America must have
been a good
while contemplated. Apparently
the original plan
had been to associate Hooker and Cotton in a New
England enterprise; a project, however, which had
been abandoned, for the
reason as Mather as
serts that it was thought that
"a couple of such great
men might be more servicable asunder than to
gether." It may have
been in connection with this
proposed union of these two eminent lights in some
60 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
joint
church-fellowship in a New-World plantation that
Hooker wrote to Cotton from Rotterdam:--
"The state of
these provinces to my weak
eye, seems
wonderfully ticklish and miserable. For the better
part, heart religion, they content themselves with very
forms, though much blemished;
but the power of godli
ness, for ought I can see or hear, they know not; and if
it were thoroughly pressed,
I fear least it will be fiercely
opposed." 1
But the
hope for any improvement in Puritan pros
pects either in Holland or
England was small. The
hand of prerogative reached across the German Sea,
and laid its heavy weight upon the churches there
holding nominal connection with the State, and was
annoying and disquieting those avowedly independent
of such connections. Laud's
influence was all the
while growing at home; and the
significant coinci
dence may be noted that it was this year (1633) that
saw his elevation from the bishopric
of London to
the archbishopric of Canterbury and the primacy of
all England. How the Roman Church regarded the
English primate may be inferred from the fact, which
he records in his diary, that eleven days
after his ele
vation to his new dignity he was offered a cardinalate
in the papal hierarchy. No
wonder the Puritans
were discouraged as to any relief in Holland
or at
home. Their thoughts turned to the New World as
their only refuge.
Apparently plans had so far matured that a com
pany of people had gone from Essex County the year
1 Magnalia, i. 308.
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA. 61
before to
America, and had settled down, temporarily
at first, at Mount
Wollaston, near Boston, with the
expectancy of Mr. Hooker's following them. Already
in
August, 1632, this group of settlers from the
towns
and vicinity of Braintree, Colchester, and Chelmsford
-- the scene of Mr. Hooker's English
ministry-
were known as " Mr. Hooker's Company."1 Mr.
Hooker was then in Holland, and did not arrive for
more than a year afterward; but
it was doubtless in
pursuance of an understanding that he was to follow
that they bore his name and anticipated his coming.
Removed shortly by order of Court
to Newtown,
they
awaited the fulfilment of the arrangements which
were
to bring them a fully equipped ministry. This
fully equipped ministry, as
there will be occasion
shortly to notice, demanded the service not of one,
but of two preaching Elders, respectively named the
Pastor and the Teacher of the church.
Consequently,
when the negotiations for joining Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Cotton had been abandoned, the
"judicious Christians " who
had the interests of Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Hooker's American company in
charge turned to younger men. Rev.
John Norton,
afterward of Ipswich and of Boston, and Rev. Thomas
Shepard, subsequently of Cambridge and Mr. Hook
er's son-in-law, were thought
of; but choice fell
finally upon Rev. Samuel Stone, then a Lecturer at
Towcester.
Mr. Stone was born at Hertford, and baptized at
All Saints Church
there July 30, 1 602. He was prob-
1 Winthrop's Journal, i. 104, 105.
62 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
ably educated,
at least in part, at Hale's Grammar
School in his native
place, which was endowed in
1617, when Master Samuel
was about fifteen years
old. He entered
Emmanuel College as pensioner
April 19, 1620, and took his B.A. degree in 1624, and
his MA. in 162 7. The middle of June of that year
found him exercising the functions of curate at the
parish of All Saints at Stisted in Essex, two
miles
from Braintree, where the records till September, 1630,
appear to be in
his handwriting. Probably it was
during this Stisted residence that he came into some
kind of pupillary connection with Rev. Richard Black
erby, a graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge,
"who, not being capable
of a Benefice, because he
could not subscribe,"1
established a school at
Ashen,
in the same county;
constantly "kept Lectures in
some Neighbouring Town," and became a kind of
peripatetic theological seminary for nearly twenty-three
years together. " Divers young Students (after they
came from the University)
betook themselves to him
to prepare them for the Ministry, . . . and many
eminent persons proceeded
from this Gamaliel."
Sometime in 1630, however,
Mr. Stone went as
Puritan Lecturer to the considerable town of Tow
cester in Northampton. He went by the commen
dation of Thomas Shepard, who had himself
been
invited to the place. Shepard's commendation of
Mr. Stone to the position he could not himself oc
cupy was not based on any new acquaintance. Eight
before, when they were at Emmanuel together,
1 Clark's Lives, p. 58.
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA. 63
Stone, who was the elder by about four years, had
been Shepard's adviser in a matter of great concern
to him, commending him to the "spiritual and ex
cellent preaching of Dr.
Preston." And Shepard
records 1 that Mr. Stone went to Towcester with the
Lecture, ''where the Lord was with him. And thus I
saw the Lord's mercy following me to make me a
poor instrument of sending the Gospel to the place of
my nativity."
It was during this occupancy of the Towcester
Lectureship that Mr. Stone was invited by "the ju
dicious christians that were
corning to New-England
with Mr. Hooker," to be " an
assistant unto Mr.
Hooker, with something of
a disciple also." 2 Some
time in 1633, therefore,
Mr. Hooker crossed over
from Holland to England, and joined his prospective
colleague in the New England
ministry.
One late incident of Mr. Hooker's
experience in
England remains in the quaint and pedantic narrative
of Mather, which shows Mr. Stone to have been, as
he has always had the credit of being, a man of ready
wits. The place is not stated, but it may very
pos
sibly have been at Mr. Stone's
family home at
Hertford. The story may be told in the language
of the "Magnalia":3 --
"Returning
into England in order to a further voyage,
he [Mr. Hooker] was quickly scented by
the pursevants;
who at length got so far up with him, as to knock at the
1 Young's Massachusetts, p. 518.
2 Magnalia, i. 393.
8 Ibid 309.
64 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
door of that very chamber, where he was now discoursing
with Mr. Stone -- who was now become his designed com
panion and assistant for the New-English enterprize. Mr.
Stone was at that instant
smoking of tobacco; Łor which
Mr. Hooker had been reproving him, as being then used
by few persons of sobriety; being also of a sudden
and
pleasant wit, he stept unto the door, with his pipe in his
mouth, and such an air
of speech and look,
as gave him
some credit with the officer.
The officer demanded,
Whether Mr. Hooker were not there? Mr. Stone replied
with a braving sort of confidence, What Hooker? Do
you mean Hooker that lived once at Chelmsford! The
officer answered, Yes, he! Mr. Stone immediately, with
a diversion like that which once helped
A tlza11asius,
made
this true answer, if it be he you look for, I saw him about
an hour
ago, at such an house in
town; you had best
hasten thither after him. The
officer took this for a suf-
ficient account, and went his way;
but Mr. Hooker, upon
this intimation, concealed himself more
carefully and se
curely, till he went on board, at the Downs, in the year
1633, the ship which brought
him, and Mr. Cotton, and
Mr. Stone to New-England: where none but
Mr. Stone
was owned for a preacher, at their first coming aboard;
the other two delaying to take their turns in the publick
worship of the ship, till they were got so far into the main
ocean, that they might with safety, discover
who they were."
The voyage was of eight
weeks' duration. It was
doubtless diversified, as we know
from Roger Clap's
Diary1 the Dorchester company's voyage
was, by the
"preaching or expounding
of the word of God every
day" by some one of the ministers. And there was
certainly considerable preaching capacity on board
1 Young's Massachusetts, p. 348.
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA. 65
the "Griffin,"
and a good deal of hearing capacity also;
for beside Hooker and Stone, Rev. John Cotton was
of the company, and Mr.
Pierce, Mr. Haynes, after
ward Governor of Massachusetts and of Connecticut,
"a gentleman of great
estate, Mr. Hoffe [ Atherton
Hough] and many other men of good estates," two
hundred passengers in all, were fellow voyagers.1 The
incident of the birth of a child to Mr. Cotton
on the
voyage is recorded, and is
chiefly memorable for the
occasion it gave for the indication of the quite pro
nounced type of Congregationalism
which prevailed
among the " Griffin's
" company, manifested in with
holding the rite of baptism from the poor infant
till land was reached and a new church-membership
could be established.
The vessel
reached Boston September 4; and "Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Stone went presently to
Newtown,
where they were to be entertained,
and Mr. Cotton
stayed
at Boston." 2 On the following Saturday, Mr.
and
Mrs. Cotton were "propounded to be admitted"
members
of the Boston church. On the Sunday
after,
they
were admitted ; and then the child was presented
by his father and baptized
"Seaborn" by Rev. Mr.
Wilson,
pastor of the church ; lVIr. Cotton explaining
that
the reason why the child had not been baptized
on the voyage was "not for·want of fresh water, for
he
held, sea-water would have served," but" 1, because
they
had no settled congregation there; 2, because
a minister hath no power to give
the seals but in his
own congregation." 3 This is certainly very vigorous
1 Winthrop, i. 129, 130. 2 Ibid. 130.
3
Ibid. 131.
5
66 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Congregationalism. Cotton and Hooker
and Stone,
who were doubtless
at one in this view, had mani
festly thrown overboard a large cargo of ecclesiastical
traditions in which they had been educated.
This practical
breach with the system of
things
left behind doubtless received additional illustration
when, on the 11th of October following, Mr. Hooker
and Mr. Stone were ordained respectively
Pastor and
Teacher of the church at Newtown. Not that the
Newtown
company, any more than the Salem company,
led by Francis Higginson four
years before, was an
avowedly Separatist company. It was
Puritan. Its
members had probably every one
been members of
the established Church of England. It
is not likely
that any of them while in their own country had stood
in a position of declared
Separation from it. But three
thousand miles of watery distance from
a hierarchy
many of whose usages they had cast off, and planta
tion in a virgin wilderness, were great realities which
could not be forgotten when the fashioning of new
ecclesiastical institutions came to be forced
upon
them. Hence when the new settlers of Massachu
setts Bay came to the
formation of their churches,
they did, as a matter of fact, adopt the Brownist theory,
already illustrated ten years or more at Plymouth, of
the competency of every congregation of believers
to constitute its own church-estate, and to choose and
ordain its own officers. Indeed,
in the very first
instance of the constitution of such a church within
the province of
Massachusetts -- that at Salem in
1629 -- the influence and co-operation of the avow-
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA. 67
edly
Separatist and Independent church of Plymouth
is distinctly recognized.1
The church body to which Mr. Hooker and Mr.
Stone came, had probably been organized before the
arrival of the expected minister. It
had been fourteen
months on the ground; had erected a " house for
public worship" with the very unusual accompani
ment of "a bell upon it" some time in 1632; 2 had
probably already adopted a covenant, chosen William
Goodwin its Ruling Elder, and may have chosen
Andrew Warner and some
one else its Deacons.
When it came to setting Pastor
and Teacher in their
offices the event took place doubtless in a way sub
stantially identical with the like event occurring the
day previous in the Boston church in the induction to
office of John Cotton. That event Mr. Winthrop
minutely describes.3 Of this one, because he had so
fully delineated the first, he simply says, under date of
Oct. 11, 1633: "A fast at Newtown, where Mr. Hooker
was chosen pastor, and Mr. Stone
teacher, in such a
manner as before at Boston." That
procedure becomes
thus a guide in the present transaction at Newtown.
In the light of it no essential mistake can be made if
it is said to have taken
place as follows. A Ruling
Elder and two Deacons having been chosen -- either
at that time or, as the weight of evidence seems to
show, previously -- the "congregation" signified, in
1 Bradford's History, pp. 264, 265; Magnalia, i. 66.
2 Prince's Annals,
ii. 75; Hubbard, p. 189;
Paige's Cam-
bridge, p. 17.
3 Journal, i. 135, 136.
68 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
response to the proposal
by the Ruling Elder, their
choice of Mr. Hooker as Pastor, and of Mr. Stone
as Teacher, by the "erection of hands." Then the
Ruling Elder asked the two elected officers
if they
did "accept of that call," whereto, if they answered as
Cotton did at Boston, they in effect replied that know
ing themselves to be
" unworthy and unsufficient for
that place; yet, having observed
all the passages
of
God's providence in calling [them] to it, [they] could
not but accept it." Whereupon, in default of a
Preaching Elder such as was had in Mr. Cotton's
case to join with the Ruling Elder in the service,
the
Ruling Elder with " 3 or
4 of ye gravest members of
ye church" - as in Higginson's and Skelton's ordina
tion at Salem - laid their
hands on Mr. Hooker's head,
and the Ruling Elder prayed, and then,
"taking off
their hands, laid them on again, and, speaking to him
by his name, they did thenceforth design
him to the
said office [ of pastor]
in the name of the Holy Ghost."
The Pastor being thus ordained and now
taking the
lead, he and the Ruling Elder and some "grave
member" laid their hands on
the head of Mr. Stone,
and with similar
service of prayer,
declaration of
office, and sign of enduement. of the Holy Ghost,
ordained him to the office of Teacher. Then
if Mr. Wilson, Mr. Cotton,
or other "neighboring
ministers " were present,
as was probably the case,
they gave the new Pastor
and Teacher the "right
hands of fellowship."
And so the church at Newtown
became fully
equipped and officered
for its work; being, if we
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA. 69
must
suppose it not organized till this date of Oct.
11, 1633, the
tenth or eleventh church gathered on
this New England
soil; but if organized
before, as
was more likely
the fact, being, as Johnson
says in his
"Wonder-Working Providence," the "eighth."1
Pastor
and Teacher, -- the distinction
between these
two officers in the primitive New England church
was supposed to be based on Scripture, as for example
on Ephesians iv. 11, and to be practically important.
This distinction is perhaps as well stated as anywhere
in an " Answer " of certain " Reverend
Brethren"
in
New England, sent in 1639, to inquiries ad
dressed to them in 163 7
by "many Puritan minis
ters" in Old England;
the twenty-second of which
inquiries was this,
"What Essentiall difference put
you between the Office of Pastor and Teacher, and
doe you observe the same
difference inviolably?
"To which inquiry this reply was given,2 "And for the
Teacher and Pastor, the
difference between them lyes
in this, that the one is principally to attend upon
points of Knowledge and
Doctrine, though not with
out Application; the other
to points of Practice,
though not without Doctrine." Both were preachers,
but the Pastor's function as a preacher was thought to
have special reference to the experimental part of
life and behaviour; the Teacher's rather to dogma
and faith. Both had
oversight of the flock; but the
Pastor was supposed
to be the shepherd and feeder,
1 Wonder-Working Providence, p. 60.
2 Church Government and Church Covenant
Discussed
(written by Richard
Mather), etc., pp. 74-76.
70 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
the Teacher
the guide and warder.
Both were to
be vigilant against
error; but the Pastor
chiefly in
matters of practice, the
Teacher in matters of belief.
Both gave their whole time to the work of the
ministry, and were supported by the
common funds
of the congregation.
Yet it is obvious
that the distinction between these
two offices was an obscure
one, and that each was
likely to be continually taking
on the functions of the
other. The Pastor could not preach much without
dealing with matters
of doctrine, and the Teacher
could not instruct
long without dealing
with matters
of practice. So that it is not surprising that this
supposed important distinction between the pastoral
and teaching function
-- though lasting longer in gen
eral New England history than the ruling-eldership --
became before a very great
while obsolete.
But in that
first new day of ecclesiastical experi
ment and devotion, Pastor and Teacher were deemed
alike indispensable. And so
the "grave godly and
judicious Hooker, ... and the Retoricall, Mr.
Stone "1
entered upon the work of the two offices side by side.
1 Wonder-Working Providence, p. 58.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAPTER V.
IN MASSACHUSE'ITS AND REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT,
For after Mr. Hooker's coming over, it
was observed that
many of the freemen grew to be very jealous
of their liberties.
HUBBARD (ed. 1848), p. 165.
THE communitary life-into which Pastor Hooker
and Teacher Stone found themselves introduced on
their arrival in the Bay had already passed the
sever
est of the experiences incident
to the planting of a
new colony. Salem, Dorchester,
Boston, Watertown,
Roxbury, Lynn, Charlestown, and probably
Newtown
had not only regularly established town organiza
tions, but church institutions and more or less well
developed social privileges; and there were several
other plantations in the near vicinity which
were
moving rapidly toward a like stage of development.
All these
various settlements in the Bay had
grown
up since 1628, when, after
several ineffectual attempts
to plant permanent institutions, a company of settlers
under the lead of John Endicott had fixed upon
Salem, and made there the hoped-for dwelling-place
of "peace."
These towns
were all gathered under the
provisions
of a charter to the "Governor and Company of the
Massachusetts Bay," granted
in 1629, which docu-
72 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
ment had been
brought over by Mr. John Winthrop
and a notable company of associates in June, 1630.
The granting of the charter was as a trumpet-call to
sympathizers with the Puritan movement in England;
and company after company of stalwart men and
heroic women, despairing of the reformation of the
State and Church in their own land, turned their faces
in hope to the New World, and found home and sanc
tuary in more or less voluntary exile
in America.
Probably at the time of Hooker's arrival at New
town at least three thousand Englishmen were scat
tered among the towns and plantations of the Bay.
They were settling
down to the various labours
of
planting, building, making
roads and bridges, catch
ing and curing fish, trading with the
Indians for furs,
taking care of their flocks of sheep and goats, breed
ing cattle, and building up the fabric of
an orderly
society.
It was, on the whole, a remarkable
assemblage
of men and women.
The ministers, now numbering thirteen or
fourteen
in the colony, were nearly all
University men, had
been clergy of the English Church, and were, several
of them, eminent at home for all clerical gifts and at
tainments. The magistrates
were men of good social
position in their own land, and
some of them of
wealth and honourable family. The rank and file of
the citizenship were of solid, middle-class English
life,
-- men and
women thrifty, sober, conscientious,
in
telligently religious, and Puritan
by conviction and ex
perience. It was a strong, hardy, somewhat stern and
austere society, as became people who had had trials,
IN MASSACHUSETTS. 73
were in the midst of hardships,
and had the prospect
of difficulties yet before them.
The particular town to which Hooker came had, in
the autumn of 1633,
about a hundred families. It
had been intended that the place should be
the seat
of government; and in 1630 some houses
had been
built, and a "
pallysadoe " made " aboute the newe
towne," and a
"fosse" -- some of whose remains
were visible at the beginning of the present
cen
tury - dug about the designated precincts
of the
fortifications. The superior advantages of Boston,
however, as the main town
of the colony, caused the
abandonment of the plan
for
fortifying Newtown;
but William Wood, writing in the year Hooker ar
rived, describes the place
as "one of the neatest
and best compacted
towns in New-England, having
many fair structures, with many handsome contrived
streets. The inhabitants, most of them,
are very rich,
and well stored with cattle of all
sorts, having many hun
dred acres of ground paled in with one general fence,
which is about a mile and a half long, which secures all
their weaker cattle
from the wild beasts."1 These fair
structures and handsome-contrived streets must be
understood in the light of certain orders on the rec
ords of the little settlement, -- that "all the houses
[within] the bounds of the town shall be covered [with]
slate or board, and not with thatch," and that all houses
shall "range even, and stand just six [feet
on each
man's] own ground
from the street." 2
1 "New England's Prospect," in Young's Massachusetts,
p. 402.
2 Paige's Cambridge, pp. 18, 19.
74 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
The coming of so marked
a reinforcement of the
ministry of the Bay as was implied in the arrival of
Cotton, Hooker, and Stone was a source
of profound
rejoicing to the whole colony. Punning does not seem
to have been a forbidden amusement; for the people
were pleased to say that their "three great neces
sities were now supplied, for they had Cotton for their
clothing, Hooker for their fishing, and Stone for their
building."
The ministers themselves instituted a meeting "at
one of their houses by
course, where some question of
moment was debated." This meeting -- the probable
progenitor of the Boston Association of Congrega
tional Ministers -- was, however, looked upon
askance
by Mr. Skelton, the pastor at Salem, and by Roger
Williams, who was with him, " exercising
by way of
prophecy; " they "
fearing it might grow in time to a
presbytery or superintendency,
to the prejudice of the
churches' liberties." 1 Special religious awakening
at
Boston followed the coming of Mr. Cotton to the
church in that place; and it was
probably at this time
that the Thursday lectures
were established in each
of the four nearly adjacent
towns, - Boston, Dorches
ter, Roxbury, and Newtown. But by October of the
following year (
r 634), "it being found,
that the four
lectures did spend too much time, and proved over
burdensome to the ministers
and people, the ministers,
with the advice of the magistrates,
... did agree to re
duce them to two days, viz., Mr.
Cotton at Boston one
Thursday, or the 5th day of the week, and Mr. Hooker
1 Winthrop, i. 139.
IN MASSACHUSETTS. 75
at Newtmvn the next 5th day, and Mr.
Warham at Dor
chester one 4th day of the
week, and Mr. Welde at
Roxbury the next 4th day." 1 Apparently,
however,
this arrangement did not long suit the people, who
then, as generally, liked to
get all they could out of
their ministers; and in
December following the old
practice of the afternoon lectures
in each town was
resumed.2 The range
of these Thursday lectures,
if we may judge from the reports preserved of those
of Mr. Cotton, swept the whole
field of manners
and morals as well as doctrine. One of these, in
1633 at Boston, was about the
non-necessity of veils
for women. Mr. Endicott, the fervid magistrate of
Salem, who had been persuaded otherwise
by Roger
Williams, being present,
argued against Mr. Cotton,
adducing the commandment of
" the apostle; "
and the discussion grew so warm that the governor, Win
throp, felt called on
to interpose, "and so it break
off." 8
At another
lecture Mr. Cotton,
being moved by
complaints of the sharp dealing
of Robert Keaine,
a
merchant of Boston, laid open
the error of some
"false principles" in matters of trade; one of which
false principles was "that
a man might sell as dear as
he
can, and buy as cheap as he can;" another,
"that
he may sell as he bought, though he paid too dear,
etc.,
and though the commodity be fallen." Against which
he laid down the proposition, among others,
that "a
man may not ask any
more for his commodity than
his selling price,
as Ephron to Abraham, the land is
1 Winthrop, 1. 172. 2 Ibid. 180. 3 Ibid. 149.
76 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
worth thus much."1 At
still another lecture Mr.
Cotton came down in reproval of a
proposition pend
ing in the General Court for
leaving out of office
two of their ancientest magistrates, because they
were grown poor," censuring "such
miscarriage,"
and telling the " country, that such as were decayed
in their estates by attending the service of the coun
try ought to be maintained by the country." 2 But
the staple of Mr. Cotton's lectures was Scripture expo
sition and application. He had practised the same
thing at his lectures in England, and " at
both Bos
tons went through
near the whole Bible."3 Mr.
Cotton's Thursday lectures were probably in topic
and method essentially the same with
those of other
ministers of the colony. We
know more of them
than we do of Mr.
Hooker's or the other ministers'
mainly because he had in his church an
intelligent
hearer who kept a journal. Mr.
Hooker had no Gov
ernor Winthrop jotting down in his diary the current
events in which his pastor took a share. Neverthe
less he seems to have been concerned
and influential
in most matters that were going on.
In 1633 and
again in 1636 he was associated with Cotton and
Wilson in reconciling certain oppositions of the some
what touchy Mr. Dudley of Newtown and Governor
Winthrop of Boston, - once on some personal differ
ence,4 and again about the degree of leniency allow
able in the administration of public affairs,5 Dudley
1 Winthrop, i. 378-382. 2 Ibid. ii. 67.
3 Cotton's Narrative, 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., iv. 284.
4 Winthrop, i. 139, 140. 5
Ibid. 212.
IN MASSACHUSETTS. 77
being in favour of sterner measures
than Winthrop
practised or desired. On the second of these occa
sions, Mr. Haynes of Newtown, then governor, sided
against the lenient conduct of Winthrop, -- a fact to
be
made note of in connection
with questions shortly
to arise concerning the causes of the separation of the
Newtown Company from the colony. In November,
1634, the Assistants called on Mr. Hooker, with Mr.
Cotton and Mr. Welde of Roxbury, to take to task his
old acquaintance, the usher
of the Little Baddow
School, John Eliot, --
then the young Teacher of the
Roxbury church and afterward
the Indian Apostle, --
for criticising the magistrates as to their manner of
making peace with the Pequots.1
More
memorable was another transaction in which
the General Court invoked
Mr. Hooker's aid. The
restless and aftenvard celebrated Roger Williams had
installed in Mr. Skelton's place at Salem against
the remonstrance of the
magistrates of the colony,2
who already -- in 163 I
-- had had experience of his
disquieting influence in that place. Since that time
he had been in Plymouth ventilating such unsettled
judgments as made the Plymouth
church in com
mending him back to the Salem
fellowship accom
pany their commendation " with some caution to
them concerning him, and what care
they ought to
have of him." 3 Arrived at Salem again, he recom
menced the controversies which ultimately resulted in
his sentence of banishment. It was the circum-
1
Winthrop, i, 179.
2
Hubbard, p. 204.
3 Bradford, p.
310.
78 LIFE OF THO.MAS HOOKER.
stances of the time
which gave to Mr. Williams's per
formances their special dangerousness. No doctrinal
question of religion was involved, least of all that view
of
baptism which he afterward -- and temporarily1 --
held, and which has
so often erroneously been repre
sented as a cause of exclusion
from the colony. He
denied the validity
of the colonial charter; 2 he coun
selled the cutting out of the cross from the king's
flag; 3 he declared the administration of an oath
of of
fice to an unregenerate person to be a participation in
taking " the name of God in vain;"4 he pronounced
worship in churches
which had not renounced con
nection with the Established Church of England
a
sin.6 When the General Court suspended action on
a
petition of Salem to receive
a grant of public land,
he moved his church to write to other churches
to
discipline their members
who as town-representatives
united in this delay; 6 when these
churches hesitated
to act on this advice of the Salem church,
he coun
selled his church to withdraw
fellowship from them;7
when his church did not act on his counsel in this
matter, he withdrew fellowship from it, and set up a
private conventicle in his own house;8 and when his
wife continued to attend the Salem church,
he re
nounced fellowship with her,
and refused to say family
prayers or grace at the table in her presence.9 In an
1 Winthrop, i. 352, 353, 369.
2 Ibid. 145, 180.
3 Hubbard, p. 205. 4 Winthrop, i. 188.
5 Ibid. 63, 180. 6 Ibid. 195.
7 Ibid. 1981 204. 8 Hubbard, p. 207.
9 Ibid.
IN MASSACHTSETTS. 79
established time of quietude these performances of
Mr. Williams might have been comparatively harm
less, and been winked at as
tokens only of the un
settled judgment which the clear mind
of Governor
Bradford had already noted. But it was not a time
of quiet. The liberties of the colony were in
immi
nent peril. Proceedings had already commenced for
vacating the charter in the English courts. Reports
tending to inflame
the ecclesiastical authorities in
England were continually sent back by disaffected
persons. in America. In
this condition of affairs,
to deny the charter's
validity, to charge the king
with telling a
"lie" in granting it,1 to recommend
the mutilation of the king's colours, to proclaim the
unchristian character of the churches
in not de
nouncing the English Church as anti-christian, and
to turmoil the churches and magistrates
among them
selves, were offences against civil peace which no ad
ministration could overlook.
The question was not
theological, it was a question of political
order and of
public safety;2 and it was forced upon a reluctant
government by a man who was not even a freeman of
the colony, but one who personally declined,
and
employed his pulpit to induce others to decline, even
a resident's oath of loyalty
to the government under
which he lived.
Being summoned before the Court in October, 1635,
Mr. Williams "maintained all his opinions." Asked
1 Winthrop, i. 145.
2 Palfrey, i. 414; Eilis's Puritan Age, pp. 267-291; Dexter's
As to Roger Williams, p. 79.
80 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
if he
would take the subject into further thought,
for which purpose a month's consideration was pro
posed to him, he refused,
choosing to " dispute
presently."
Accepting
his proposal, Mr. Hooker was requested
to argue the points in debate, in hope of securing
acquiescence to avoid extremer measures. Most of
the discussion has perished. One point of it, how
ever, in which Mr. Hooker apparently
attempted to
apply to Mr. Williams's doctrine
of the sinfulness of
tendering an oath to
an unregenerate person
the
method known as the reductio ad absurdum, remains
in Mr. Cotton's account of it.1 Mr. Williams
had
complained -
"that he was wronged by a slanderous report up and
downe the Countrey, as if he did hold
it to be unlawfull
for a Father to call upon his childe to eat his meate.
Our reverend Brother,
Mr. Hooker, (the Pastor of the
Church where the Court was then kept) being mooved to
speake a word to it, Why, saithe he, you will say as much
againe (if you stand to your own Principles) or be forced
to say nothing. When Mr. Williams was confident he
should never say it, Mr.
Hooker replyed, If it be unlaw
full to Call an unregenerate person to take an Oath, or to
Pray, as being actions of God's
worship, then it is unlaw
full for your unregenerate childe to pray for a
blessing
upon his own meate. If it be unlawfull for him to pray
for a blesing upon his meate, it is unlawfull for him to
eate it (for it is sanctified by prayer, and without prayer
unsanctified, I Tim. iv: 4, 5.) If it be unlawfull for him
1 Cotton's Reply to Mr. Williams his Examination, p. 30.
IN MASSACHUSETTS. 81
to eate it, it is unlawfull
for you to call upon him
to eate
it, for it is unlawfull
for you to call upon him to sinne. --
Here Mr. Williams
thought better to hold his peace, then
to give an Answer."
The "dispute" had the general issue of similar
controversies. Mr. Hooker's
endeavours were well
meant, and judging from this sample were logically
ingenious in putting
Mr. Williams into an uncom
fortable dilemma, but he " could not reduce him from
any of his errors."
The inevitable consequence followed. Mr. Wil
liams's teachings and
behaviour were playing directly
into the hands of
Land and prerogative abroad,
and
schism and disorder at home; and the order of Court
was that he leave the colony, whose lawful right to
be or to legislate he denounced, within the six weeks
next ensuing.
Reference has been made to the mutilation of the
national ensign. Though encouraged by Williams,
the act was that of
Endicott. The matter made a
great stir. The towns
were called on to choose a
commission of one from each
town on the subject,
to which commission the
magistrates added four.
The commission declared Mr. Endicott's "offence
to be great;" his action in denouncing the cross
as "a sin " impeaching the magistrates as "if they
would suffer idolatry," and "giving occasion to the
state of England to think ill of us." Mr. Endi
cott was therefore admonished, and
"disabled for
one year from bearing
any public office; "the mag
istrates declining" any heavier sentence,
because
6
82 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
they were persuaded he did
it out of tenderness of
conscience, and not of any evil intent.''
1
A sensible,
quiet-tempered paper on this contro
versy was written by Mr. Hooker, which is preserved
in the Massachusetts
Historical Society's archives.
It has never been published
in full, but its general
bearing may be inferred from the single
paragraph:
"Not
that I am a friend to the crosse as
an idoll, or to
any idollatry in it; or that any carnall fear takes me
asyde and makes me unwilling to give way to the evi
dence of the truth, because of the sad consequences that
may be suspected to flowe from it. I blesse the Lord,
my conscience accuseth me
of no such thing; but that
as yet I am not able to see the sinfulness of this banner
in a civil use."
The ministers
of the colony were not eligible to
secular office, but their advice was sought on weighty
occasions, and Mr. Hooker's
seems to have been
prized as highly as that of any one. His
church pros
pered as well as any church in the colony; its leading
lay member, Mr. John Haynes,
was chosen governor
in May, 1635, on which occasion
he signalized his
liberality and ability alike by declining the usual
salary of the office.2 The town was as flourishing as
any in the Bay, its tax being as large as Boston's.3
But all
along, from very near the arrival of the
"Griffin's" company, a certain uneasiness manifested
itself in respect to the Newtown people's situation, all
the causes of which are difficult to trace, but which
1 Winthrop, 1. 188, 189. 2 Ibid. 190.
3 Colonial Records, 1. 149.
REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT. 83
culminated at last
in the removal of Mr. Hooker and
nearly the entire population of the
town to Hartford.
Only six months after the
induction of Hooker and
Stone into their offices the inhabitants of " New
town complained [May, 1634] of straitness for want
of land, especially meadow, and desired
leave of the
court to look out either for
enlargement or removal,
which was granted; whereupon they sent men to see
Agawam and Merimack, and gave out that they would
remove." 1 But apparently the
Agawam and Mer
rimac reconnaissance was not satisfactory,
for in July
following they sent a pioneer
party of six to Connec
ticut, "intending to remove their town thither." 2
In September
the matter came up again in
the
General Court. Winthrop
gives this account
of it:3
"
September 4, the general court began
at Newtown,
and continued a week, and then was adjourned fourteen
days. Many things were there
agitated and concluded.
. . But
the main business, which spent the most time,
and caused the adjourning of the court, was about the
removal of Newtown. Th!=Y had leave, the last general
court, to look out some place for enlargement or removal,
with promise of having it confirmed to them, if it were
not prejudicial to any other plantation; and now
they
moved that they might have leave to remove to Connecti
cut. The matter was debated
divers days, and many
reasons alleged pro and con. The principal reasons for
their removal were, 1. Their
want of accommodation for
their cattle, so as they were not able
to maintain their
ministers, nor could receive any more of their friends
to
1 Winthrop, 1. 157-159.
2
Ibid. 162.
3 Ibid. 166-169.
84 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
help them;
and here it was alleged by Mr.
Hooker, as a
fundamental error, that towns were set so near to each
other. 2. The fruitfulness and commodiousness of Con
necticut, and the danger of having it possessed by others,
Dutch or English. 3. The
strong bent of their spirits
to remove thither.
"Against these it was said, I.
That, in point of con
science, they ought not to depart from us, being knit to
us in one body, and bound by
oath to seek the welfare of
this commonwealth. 2. That, in point of state and civil
policy, we ought not to give them leave to depart. 1.
Being we were now weak and
in
danger to be assailed.
2. The departure of Mr. Hooker would not only draw
many from us, but also divert other friends that would
come to us. 3. We should
expose them to evident peril,
both from the Dutch (who made claim to the same
river,
and had already built a fort there) and from the Indians,
and also from our own state
at home, who would not
endure they should sit down
without a patent in any
place which our king lays claim unto. 3. They might
be accomodated at home
by some enlargement which
other towns offered. 4.
They might remove to Merri
mack, or any other place within our patent. 5. The remov
ing of a candlestick is a
great judgement, which is to be
avoided. Upon these and
other arguments the court be
ing divided, it was put to vote; and,
of the deputies, fifteen
were for their departure,
and ten against it. The gov
ernour [Dudley] and two assistants were for it, and the
deputy and all the rest of the assistants were against it,
(except the secretary, who gave no vote;) whereupon no
record was entered, because
there were not six assistants
in the vote, as the patent requires. Upon
this grew a great
difference between the governour
and assistants, and the
deputies. They would not yield the assistants a negative
voice, and the others (considering how dangerous it might
be to the commonwealth,
if they should not keep
that
REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT. 85
strength to balance the greater number of the deputies)
thought it safe to stand
upon it. So, when they could
proceed no farther, the whole court agreed to keep a day
of humiliation to seek the Lord,
which accordingly was
done, in all the congregations,
the 18th day of this month;
and the 24th the court met again. Before they began
Mr. Cotton preached,
(being desired by all the court,
upon Mr. Hooker's instant excuse of
his unfitness for
that occasion).1 He took his text out of Hag. II. 4, etc.,
out of which he laid down
the nature or strength
(as he
termed
it) of the magistracy, ministry, and people, viz., --
the strength
of the magistracy to be
their authority; of
the people, their liberty; and of the ministry, their purity;
and showed how all of these had a negative
voice, etc., and
that yet the ultimate resolution, etc., ought to be
in the
whole body of the people, etc., with answer to all objec
tions, and a declaration of the people's
duty and right to
maintain their true liberties against
any unjust violence,
etc., which gave great satisfaction to the company. And
it pleased the Lord so to assist him, and to bless his own
ordinance, that the affairs of the court
went on cheerfully;
and although all were not satisfied
about the negative
voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no man moved
aught about it, and the congregation of Newtown came
and accepted of such enlargement as had formerly
been
offered them by Boston and Watertown; and so the fear
of their removal
to Connecticut was removed."
It was on the
occasion of this court -- and it affords
an indication of the excitement of the parties
in
interest
-- that the "very reverend
and godly" Mr.
1 As being,
perhaps, a too nearly interested party
in the
issue. One is reminded, however, of a certain nervousness
which seems at times to have overborne
Mr. Hooker, of
which an instance
is recorded later, May, 1639.
86 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
William Goodwin, "elder of the congregation of
Newtown,"
was reproved for his "unreverend speech
to one of the assistants " in open court.
Things now seemed amicably
adjusted. The
enlargements granted to Newtown embraced the terri
tory now known as the towns of Brookline, Brighton,
Newton, and Arlington. Making
every allowance for
the necessities of a hundred families, even of an agri
cultural and cattle-raising class, this territory certainly
seems sufficient. The
population now dwelling on
the same soil is upward of eighty thousand. But the
settlers were not easy. "The
strong bent of their
spirits to remove " continued. Some cause deeper
than any lack of land in five
townships to pasture
the cattle of a few settlers in the third year of their
arrival must have impelled to this restlessness. What
was it?
The
historian Hubbard, writing within fifty years
of these events, and while people still lived who were
personally
actors in them, says that other motives than
deficiency
of land did " more secretly and powerfully
drive on the business." "Some
men," he continues,
"do
not well like, at least, cannot well bear, to be op
posed
in their judgments and notions, and thence were
they
not unwilling to remove from under the power,
as
well as out of the bounds, of the Massachusetts." 1
"Two
such eminent stars, such as were Mr.
Cotton
and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, though
of
differing influence, could not well continue
in one
and the same orb."2 Dr. Benjamin Trumbull,
in
l General History, pp. 305, 306. 2 Ibid. 173.
REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT. 87
speaking
of the death of Mr. Haynes, intimates that
considerations arising from the relative influence of
Haynes and Winthrop were not without weight. Mr.
Haynes, he says, "was not considered, in any respect,
inferior to Governor Winthrop. His
growing popu
larity, and the fame of Mr. Hooker,
who, as to
strength of genius, and his lively and powerful man
ner of preaching, rivalled Mr. Cotton, were supposed
to have no small influence upon the general court, in
their granting liberty to Mr. Hooker
and his com
pany to remove to Connecticut."1
Some
excellent writers have seemed quite unwilling
to recognize in the actors in these events any such
feelings, uttered or unexpressed, as are suggested in
these statements of Hubbard
andTrumbull. But
nothing could be more natural, and few things are
more probable.
Nevertheless
the existence of such feelings, sup
posing them to exist, had doubtless their origin and
occasion
in matters lying deeper than merely personal
ones. It seems clear that on certain important
administrative questions the people who surrounded
Mr. Hooker entertained
different convictions from
those
prevalent in the Bay counsels generally. The
Bay
settlement was a distinctly theocratic society, in which
civil franchise was contingent on church-membership.
When Hooker arrived in Newtown, though the popu
lation of the colony was numbered by the thousands,
the freemen of it were only about three hundred and
fifty.2 The principle
of
a state-church which Puritans
1 Trumbull, i. 216. 2 Palfrey, i. 383.
88 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
had
suffered from so much at home was, in fact, re
established by them in the new
land.1 This contin
gency of civil privileges on
church-connection was
never adopted in the Connecticut Colony; and whether
openly objected to or not by
the men who founded
Connecticut while yet they remained in Massachu
setts, there can be no doubt that it
was inwardly
disapproved.
[Strong evidence that
this question had
its influence, as well as of
Mr. Hooker's attitude
upon
it, remains in a letter written to Rev. John Wilson
from
England in the early spring after the removal
to Connecticut had taken place, in which the writer
speaks of having heard
"That ther is great diuision
of judgment in matters of religion amongst good
ministers & people which moued Mr.
Haker to re
moue;" and "That
you are so strict in admission
of members to your church, that more then halfe are
out of your church in all your congregations, & that
Mr.
Hoker befor he went away preached against yt
(
as one reports who hard him)."2
With a
difference of judgment in a matter so funda
mental, other differences easily allied
themselves. A
distinct diversity of conception of the "authority of
the magistrates " was clearly developed at the Court
of September, 1634, between the Newtown party and
the party opposed
to removal.3 Open and free
1 Palfrey, i. 447. See also
Doyle's English in America, i.
146, 147, 191.
2 Rev. R. Stansby to John Wilson, April 17, 1637: 4 Mass.
Hist. Coll., vii. 10, I 1.
3 Winthrop, i. 169; Hubbard, pp. 165, 166.
REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT. 89
disagreement between
Mr. Haynes and Governor
Winthrop as to administrative policy found expression
in January, 1636, and had been taken cognizance of
by all the ministers and magistrates, who had put
themselves on one side or other of the point in debate.
Add to this the danger impending that the charter of
the colony might be
withdrawn, and there seem to
be ample grounds for believing that Mr.
Haynes and
Mr. Goodwin and the leading
laymen of Newtown
felt that they would be more comfortable under an
administration of their own, in some other quarter of
the boundless new land.
Nor is it improbable that Mr. Hooker shared
the
feeling on personal
as well as political grounds.
Before he left England overtures had been made by
his friends, acting at Mr.
Hooker's motion,1 to secure
Mr. Cotton as colleague with him in the
proposed
enterprise to America. The
overture was declined.
But on the arrival together in the new country of
the two old acquaintances - and doubtless always
friends -- the colony seems
to have been thrown into
a kind of ferment as to the proper disposal of Mr.
Cotton. Thirteen days after
he landed the Governor
and Council and all the ministers were called together
"to consider about Mr. Cotton his sitting
down." 2
Boston was fixed on as the "fittest place;
" and it
was first agreed that the payment for his weekly
lectures should be out of the public treasury. This
resolve was presently revoked as being invidious in its
discrimination, but it indicates the feeling of the hour.
1 Magnalia, i. 393. 2 Winthrop, i. 133.
90 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Established
thus with the acclaim of the magistracy
and
of the people in the central point of ecclesiastical
influence in the colony, the great abilities and tireless
industry of Mr. Cotton pervaded everything. "What
ever he delivered in the
pulpit was soon put into an
Order of Court, if of a civil, or set up as a practice in
the church,
if of an ecclesiastical concernment."1
And
Mr. Cotton's political deliverances were generally
on
the side of authority and permanency in the magis
tracy; a side to which the general
tendencies of the
Newtown pastor's mind did not
equally lead him.
On the critical occasion of the hearing
before the
Court
in September, 1634, of the great question
of the
removal-
when Mr. Hooker somewhat
unaccount
ably excused himself from
preaching on the issues
raised by the Newtown proposal -- Mr. Cotton's effort
apparently settled the business on the side of the
Assistants, and adversely to the Newtown
party.
So that on
the whole it is neither strange nor at
all discreditable, that the Newtown company should
have thought themselves likely to be happier
and
more useful in some other
settlement than that to
which the Court had ordered them in 1632. Con
scious of the possession of laymen as able as any in
the colony, and of a minister
of as great qualities as
any other, their "strong
bent" to remove continued,
and finally prevailed.
Some of them apparently went to Connecticut
before September, 1635; for on
the 3d of that month
William Westwood was "sworn Constable
of the plan-
1 Hubbard, p. 182.
REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT. 91
tations at Connecticut till some other be chosen,"1 --
a procedure
hardly reconcilable with the theory
maintained in the arguments before the Court in
September previous that the settlers there would
be without the Massachusetts patent.2 Others soon
followed. These settlers of 1635 suffered immense
hardships along the banks of the great river, which
froze over that season by the 15th of
November.
Famine and cold seemed to conspire against
the
enterprise. Cattle died; the people had to resort to
acorns for food. Except for the succour afforded by
Indians, many must have perished.3
But these hardships
were not to deter the main
body of the Newtown
pilgrims; when spring came
again, the rest of the company were ready for flight.
Fortunately
the arrival, the autumn previous, of a
large number of immigrants into the Bay, and the
gathering of a considerable part
of them into church
relationship under the pastoral care of
Rev. Thomas
Shepard on the 1st of February,
1636, enabled the
Newtown people to sell their houses to the new
comers. On the 3d of March, 1636, John Steele
and William Westwood
were appointed among the
eight commissioners empowered by Massachusetts to
"govern the people at Connecticutt." These com
missioners were either then in Connecticut or speedily
after, as five of them,
including Steele and Westwood,
held a "Corte ... att
Newton [Hartford] 26 Apr.
1636." 4
1 Mass. Col. Rec., i. 159. 2 Winthrop, i. 167.
3 Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 62, 63.
4 Conn. Col.-Rec, i., preface iii, and note, text. p. I,
92 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
The 31st of May saw
the emigrants upon their
journey. It is the season of the year
in our New
England climate when the billowy
expanses of our
forests are
bursting into leaf, and each day
marks
a visible deepening
of colour and density
in the land
scape verdure. The streams
run full with the
newly
melted snows of winter. The ground is spotted
with the anemone
and wild violet.
In the marshy
places glow the adder-tongue and the cowslip.
The
season is alive with promise; but the nights, though
short, are damp and chill.
The Newtown
pilgrims struck out into the almost
pathless woods. Only a few
miles from their place of
brief habitation, and they were in a wilderness marked
only by signs of Indian trails. Evening by evening
they made camp and slept,
guarded and sentinelled,
by forest fires. One of their
number, Mrs. Hooker, the
pastor's wife, was carried
on a litter because of her
infirmity. It was a picturesque but an arduous pil
grimage. Men and women of refinement and deli
cate breeding turned explorers
of primeval forests in
search of a wilderness home. The lowing of a hun
dred and sixty cattle
sounding through the forest
aisles, not to mention
the bleating of goats
and the
squealing of swine, summoned them to each morning's
advance. The day began
and ended with the voice
of prayer and perhaps of song. At some point on
their fortnight's journey
a Sabbath must have inter
vened, when of course the camp remained still for
worship in the wilderness. Their
toilsome and
devious way led them probably
by the route which
REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT. 93
came to be known as the "old Connecticut path,"
through what were afterward the towns of Framing
ham and Dudley and Woodstock; the same route
by which the roving Oldham went in 1633, when he
lodged in "Indian towns all the
way.'' Reaching at
some uncertain point the wide, full Connecticut,
flowing then with larger tide than now, and swollen
with its northern snows,
the travellers crossed on
rafts and rudely constructed boats; and on the
spot
where Hartford now lifts its stately edifices of worship
and of trade, and cheered by the sight of some pioneer
attempts at habitation and settlement made the season
previous, " Mr. Hooker's
company " rested, and the
ark of the church stood still.
94 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
CHAPTER VI.
HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT.
SECTION I.
The light of the western churches.
Magnalia, i. 303.
THE spot on
which the Newtown pilgrims arrived
was claimed by three
different parties, -- the Dutch,
the Plymouth Colony, and the Indians. The Dutch
had built a fort at the mouth of the "Little River,"
which here flows into the Connecticut, and laid claim
to the surrounding territory. The
Plymouth people
held that the region belonged to them, and resented
the intrusion upon it of Massachusetts emigrants.
The matter was made the subject of sharp corre
spondence between
the Massachusetts and Plymouth
authorities,1
especially in connection with the occu
pancy of the territory in the
township of Windsor,
next north of Hartford, which was taken possession
of by the Dorchester people,
notwithstanding the
Plymouth colonists had a trading-house there. The
Plymouth people indeed regarded the settlement of
the three towns of Windsor,
Hartford, and Wethers
field
as a trespass upon their territory, -- a
view which
the declinature of the Massachusetts government to
1 Bradford, pp. 338-342.
IN CONNECTICUT. 95
unit with Plymouth in erecting a plantation
there
three years before ;
its assent that Plymouth do it
alone,1 and the objections made in the General Court
to the Newtown people's removal as being to a place
outside of the Massachusetts patent,2 tended certainly
to confirm. The "
controversie," Bradford says,
"ended, but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten."3
The Dutch claims to the territory seem to have
been intentionally and deliberately ignored. Not so
the Indians'. Agents of the Newtown company were
employed to purchase the
ground; Rev. Samuel Stone
and Elder William Goodwin
being the persons desig
nated for the purpose. The territory embraced in
this purchase was about coincident with that subse
quently known as the township
of Hartford. The
portions needed for the
immediate uses of the little
settlement were parcelled
out in lots of about two
acres each, those of Mr. Haynes, Mr. Hooker, Mr.
Stone, and Mr. William Goodwin being side by side
on the banks of the Little River, flowing then a sweet
and healthful stream
through the town.
A church-building-not taking account of a tem
porary structure
soon abandoned and given to Mr.
Hooker as a barn -- destined for ninety-nine years to
serve the religious and
political uses of the commun
ity was built in what was called Meeting-House
Yard,
a tract of ground covering a somewhat larger extent
than that now known as Old State-House Square.
Near to the meeting-house were various other then
1 Winthrop, i. 216. 2 Ante, p. 84.
3 Bradford, p. 342; Doyle, i. 207, 208.
96 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
supposed necessary adjuncts to communitary welfare,
-- the stocks, the
pillory, and the whipping-post, as
well
as the market and the jail. The
usual time for put
ting the first three named of these adjuncts of civiliza
tion into use was Lecture-day, when the warnings
against wrong-doing uttered in the meeting-house could
receive practical illustration just outside. Thus while
Mr. Hooker·or Mr. Stone was expounding morality in
the church-edifice, one might have
seen the carrying
into effect of some one, among other, of the following
sentences: 1 --
"Nicholas
Olmsteed ... [is] to stand vppon
the Pil
lery at Hartford the next lecture day dureing the time of
the lecture. He is to be sett on, a lytle before the begin
ing & to stay thereon
a litle after the end."
"Walter Gray, for his misdemeanor in laboring to
inueagle the affections of Mr. Hoockers mayde, is to be publique1y corrected the next lecture day.''
"Susan Coles, for her rebellious cariedge
toward her
mistris, is to be sent to the howse of
correction and be
keept to hard labour &
course dyeti to be brought
forth
the next lecture day to be publiquely corrected, and so
to be corrected weekley vntil Order be giuen to the
contrary."
Not far
distant from the church-edifice was the first
burying-ground of the little community.
It was soon
abandoned however, its stones removed,
and even
the soil graded away,
so that no trace of it
has re
mained for two hundred
years.
Some structures like sentinel
towers or palisades
1 Conn. Col. Rec., i. 50, 124.
IN CONNECTICUT. 97
protected the remoter portions
of the village from
surprise; while within the appointed
precincts the
people built their houses,
shops, and mills, and re
peated again substantially the pioneer experiences
they had gone through. three years before in their
Massachusetts home, only this time with probably
more carefulness of provision against danger, as
being more isolated
from support and deeper in the
wilderness.
The original
government of the three communities
grouped within a few miles along the Connecticut had
been a commission appointed by Massachusetts. But
this provisional condition of things
did not even nom
inally much survive
the year of its
creation. The
claim to jurisdiction over the territory
implied in such
an appointment was too doubtful,
and the spirit of
independence in the three settlements themselves was
too strong to allow the continuance of such an ar
rangement. Accordingly, on the first
day of May
1637, there was held a "Gen'all Corte att Harte
ford,"1 -- so named in honour
of Mr. Stone's birth
place in England, -- and formal, local and popular2
government of the Connecticut plantations was estab
lished. The first recorded act of
this new constituted
popular government was a declaration of "offensiue
warr agt the Pequoitt," and a levy of
ninety men to
fight them. Hartford was called on for forty-two
men, Windsor for thirty, and Wethersfield for eighteen.
1 Conn. Col. Rec., i. 9.
2 Conn. Hist. Soc. Collections, i. 13, 18:
Hooker's letter
and Trumbull's note.
7
98 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
The
occasion was what seemed likely to be
a general
combination of the Indian tribes for the white men's
extirpation. In February previous several men had
been killed by the Indians at Saybrook. A little
later, three men going down the river in a shallop were
mutilated, their bodies cut open and hung on trees
by the river-side. In April
six men and three women
at Wethersfield had been killed, and two girls carried
captive. Thirty Connecticut dwellers had lost their
lives, some of them with
barbaric tortures. No In
dian historian has recorded for us
the provocations
which led these poor savages to their cruel revenges;
but whatever their provocation -- and
some certainly
they had1 -- the matter had now perhaps reached a
stage too late for anything
but war.
At any rate,
the white people thought so. Capt.
John Mason, of Windsor, commanded the little army;
Mr. Stone, the Teacher of the Hartford church, went
with the soldiers as their chaplain; and before they
started Mr. Hooker,
the Pastor, made them an ad
dress in which he uttered the encouraging declaration
"that the Pequots should be
bread for them." 2 A
letter of Mr. Hooker to Governor Winthrop, written
after the expedition had started and before its result
was known, gives a little light on the impelling causes
of the war:3 --
1 Lathrop's Centenary
Sermon at West Springfield, 1796,
pp. 23, 24.
2 Mason's Brief History, in Mather's Early History, Drake's
ed., p 121.
3 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 388, 389.
IN CONNECTICUT. 99
"Though
we feele nether the tyme nor our strenght
fitt for such a service, yet the Indians here, our frends,
werr so importunate with vs to make warr presently, that
vnlesse we had attempted to do something, we had deliv
ered our persons vnto contempt of base feare & cowardise,
& caused them to turne
enemyes agaynst vs. Agaynst
our mynds, being constrayned by necessity we have sent
out a company taking some Indians for guides with vs."
But that it was not humanitarian sentiment which
caused hesitation is plain from what follows:
--
"I
hope you see a necessity to hasten execution & not
to do this work of the Lords revenge slackly."
The story is
a familiar one of the courageous at
tack, May 26, on
the Pequot fort eight miles
northeast of where is now New London,
in which
several hundred Indians
of both sexes and all ages
were killed by sword and bullet and fire
in about an
hour's time. It was hardly a characteristic piece of
church-work, yet it is probable that the victors were
nearly to a man church-members; and
the whole en
terprise was apparently backed by
perfect faith not
alone in its necessity but its propriety. And in cele
brating the victory
stout John Mason says:1 --
" It may not be amiss
here also to remember Mr.
Stone (the famous Teacher of the Church
of Hartford)
who was sent to preach and pray with those who went
out in those Engagements against the Pequots. He lent
his best Assistance and Counsel in the
Management of
1 Mason's Brief History, in Mather's Early History, Drake's
ed., p. 157.
100 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
those Designs, and the Night in which the Engagement
was, (in the morning of it) I say that Night he was with
the Lord alone, wrestling with Him by Faith and Prayer,
and surely his Prayers prevailed for a blessing; and in the
very Time when our Israel was ingaging with the bloud
thirsty Pequots, he was in the Top of the Mount, and so
held up his Hand that Israel prevailed."
This, done
in self-defence and apparent necessity,
is probably quite as justifiable as most of the wars of
our ancestors with the Indians; but it a little revolts
our feelings to find Mr. Ludlow,
the lawyer of the
colony, and Mr. Pyncheon,
soon to be the author of
a book, far in advance of his age, on the "Meritorious
Price of our Redemption," carrying to Boston a part
of the skin and scalps of
the vanquished "Sassacus
and his brother, and five
other Pequot sachems, who,
being fled to the Mohawks for shelter . . . were
by them surprised and
slain." 1 Even in that hard
age there was one man, Roger Williams, humane
enough to say of it: 2 "Those Dead Hands were no
pleasing sight. . . . I have alwaies showne Dislike to
such dismembering the Dead,"
-- a
sentiment the
cherishing and utterance of which goes far to offset
the estimate of the eccentric man necessarily
result
ing from the facts mentioned in the last chapter con
cerning him. And when it is remembered that the
very
next
spring following the slaughter of this Pequot
tribe and conveyance of
scalps and skins to Boston,
the settlements along
the river were saved
from what
1 Winthrop, i. 281.
2 Mass. Hist. Coll., xx.xvi. 207.
IN CONNECTICUT. 101
threatened
to be a fatal famine by the purchase of
"so much Corn at reasonable
Rates" of the Indians
at Deerfield, "that the Indians brought down to Hart
ford and Windsor fifty Canoes laden with Corn at one
Time,"1 one wonders whether even then a better use
might not have been made of the native proprietors
of the soil than shooting
and burning them.
This aid from
Indian sources, together with the
safe arrival of a vessel from Boston bringing the im
portant reinforcement to the colony of
Mr. Edward
Hopkins and his associates, was made a topic of obser
vation in a Thanksgiving sermon by Mr. Hooker;
on Oct. 4, 1638, from the
text I Sam. vii. 12:
"Then Samuel took a stone, and set it up between
Mizpeh and Shen, and called the name of it Ebenezer,
saying, Hitherto hath the Lord helped us."2 In the
course of the sermon Mr. Hooker said: --
"It was a sad, sharp winter with us in these
western
parts, that many lost their lives, not only cattle, but men.
But the Lord delivered us. Men concluded
it, many
affirmed it, never any
vessel came to these parts; but
the Lord brought it safe. Nay, if you had heard what a
battle of men's tongues there was against
it; why, the
1 Drake's Mather's Early New England, p. I 58.
2 The sermon was transcribed by Deacon
Matthew Grant, of
Windsor,
possibly from Mr. Hooker's notes and
possibly from
shorthand notes of the discourse
taken by himself. A portion
of his painfully difficult manuscript was copied by Dr. J. H.
Trumbull and published in the "Hartford Evening Press,"
Nov. 28, 1860, from which the extracts
given in the text are
taken. The broken and ejaculatory
character of the rhetoric
doubtless indicates the imperfect quality
of the reporting.
102 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
merchant that brought it, the
master that guided it,
the passengers that freighted it, it was the Lord, brethren,
that brought it, it was the Lord that guided it; and truly,
had it not been for the Lord we might have perished.
Yea, we might have perished for want; but the Lord sent
us, as it were, drink out of the rock
and meat from the
ravens, -- the Indians, that
they should bring provision
and leave it here; it was the Lord that brought it! That
a company of poor men should
with a boat fall upon such
a place, and then prepare for
others coming, - it was the
Lord that did it! If anything could have hindered, either
by truth or falsehood, to keep men from coming to these
parts hitherto. it had been done; but
yet, notwithstanding,
men's minds informed, their consciences convicted, their
hearts persuaded to come and to plant. It is the Lord's
doing, because his mercy endureth
forever!
"The time unseasonable, the winter hard, the
corn
grown not,
-- we could not expect but that the hand of
the Lord was gone out against us; and truly, it may be it
was so. O, it was because the mercy of the Lord endur
eth forever, that the Lord hath preserved us, -- against
the malice of devils, the
envy of men, and the perverse
ness of those which seemed to fear
God
. . . . Let us,
when we have seen the Lord in all, -- the
Lord in the
sending
of the ship and we not aware of it, -- the Lord in
bringing
us safe, in giving us provisions ... labour to
have a heart more near unto Him, more endeared unto
Him. In all those dealings of His, every expression of
God's providence, it should have
a touch or a turn, as it
were, upon the soul to draw the heart toward him."
In these
extracts Mr. Hooker distinctly indicates
his belief -- a belief which doubtless
his hearers
entertained with him - that
the authorities in Massa
chusetts discouraged emigration to Connecticut, and
IN CONNECTICUT. 103
misrepresented the condition of things in the new
settlement to deter people from coming.
The same
view of the attitude of the Massachusetts men comes
out in a letter written by Mr. Hooker to Governor
Winthrop just about the time this sermon was
preached. In this letter 1 Mr. Hooker says: --
"Before
I express my observations, I must profess, by
way of preface, that what
I shall write are not forged
imaginations and suppositions coined out of men's con
ceits, but that which is reported, cried openly, and car
ried by sea and land: secondly, my aim is not at any
person, nor intendment to charge any
particular, with
you; because it is the common trade, that is driven
amongst multitudes with you, and with which the heads
and hearts of passengers come loaded hither, and that
with grief and wonderment. And the conclusion which
is aimed at from these
reproaches and practices is this,
that we are a forlorn people, not worthy to be succoured
with company, and so neither
with support.
"I will particularize. If inquiry be, what be the peo
ple at Connecticut? the reply is, Alas, poor rash-headed
creatures, they rushed into a
war with the heathen; and,
had not we rescued them, at so many hundred charges,
they had been utterly undone. In all which, you know
there is not a true sentence: for we did not rush into the
war; and the Lord himself
did rescue, before
friends.
" If,
after much search for the settling of people,
and
nothing suitable found to their desires, but toward Con
necticut; if yet then they will needs go from the Bay, go
any whither, be any where,
choose any place, any patent-
1 Transcribed from the Massachusetts archives in the
Secretary's office at Boston,
by Dr. J. H. Trumbull, and pub
lished in the Connecticut
Historical Society Collections, i.
1-18, with notes.
104 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Narragansett, Plymouth, -- only go not to Connecticut.
We hear and bear.
"Immediately after winter, because
there was likeli
hood multitudes would come over, and lest any should
desire to come hither, then there is a lamentable cry raised,
that all their cows at Connecticut are dead, and
that I
had lost nine and only one left, and that was not likely
to live, (when I never had
but eight, and they never did
better than the last winter.)
We hear still, and bear.
"And
lest haply some men should .be encouraged to
come because of my
subsistence or continuance here,
then the rumour is noised, that I am weary of my station;
or if I did know whither to go, or my people what way
to take, we would never abide: whereas such impudent
forgery is scant found in hell; for I profess I know not a
member in my congregation but sits down well apayd
with his portion, and for myself, I have said what now
I write, if I was to choose,
I would be where I am.
"But notwithstanding all this, the
matter is not sure, and
there is some fear that some men will come toward Con
necticut when ships come over; either some have related
the nature of the place, or
some friends invited them; and
therefore care must be taken, and is by this generation,
as soon as any ship arrives, that persons haste presently
to board them, and when no
occasion is offered, or ques
tion propounded for Connecticut, then their pity to their countrymen is such that they
cannot but speak the truth:
Alas, do you think to go to
Connecticut? why, do you
long to be undone? If you do not,
bless yourself from
thence; their upland will bear no corn, their meadows
nothing but weeds, and the people are almost all starved.
Still we hear,
and bear.
"But may be these sudden expressions will be taken
as words of course, and therefore vanish
away when once
spoken. Let it therefore be
provided that the innkeepers
entertain their guests with invectives against Connecticut,
IN CONNECTICUT.
and those are set on with the salt, and go off with the
voyder. If any hear and stay, then they be welcomed; but
if these reports cannot stop a man's proceeding, from mak
ing trial, they look at him as a Turk, or as a man scant
worthy to live. Still we hear, and bear.
" I suppose
you are not a stranger only in Israel, nor
yet usually ignorant of these
things, being they are not
done in a corner, but in open streets,
and not by some
frantic, forlorn creatures, or madmen,
who know not nor
care what they say; but, before the ships can come
to
anchor, whole boats are
presently posted out to salute
persons, ordinarily, with such
relations. The daily ex
pressions of passengers report these, with much grief of
spirit, and wonder such wretched
falsehoods should be
suffered amongst Christians."
It is
altogether probable that there was considerable
ground for this impeachment by Mr. Hooker of the
attitude of the Massachusetts people toward the new
settlements in Connecticut. The
coming away had not
been without friction, and the views of the Connecticut
people as to the proper management of
public affairs
differed in some important particulars from the views
of those who controlled in Massachusetts. Still the
reply of Winthrop - of which,
however, only an im
perfect first draft on the back of another
document is
preserved 1-- shows that he regarded
the representa
tions made by his reverend correspondent as exagger
ated and indeed rather suited to make
one "a little
merrye." He says: --
" You complain of the slanderous
& reproachfull
speeches of some of ors; they report
that yor cattle
doe
l Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 421.
106 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
not
thrive, that yr ground is barrin &c: these are more
like
the speeches of a prophet . . . I know you trouble
not
yor thoughts wth these things exceept it be for
recrea
tion, it is well they have no worse matter to laye to yor
charge; if they had
added that you had kept polluted
night assemblys, & worshipped the
head of an asse &c:
then they had sett on wth the weight of the old
current
stampe.
"Yet if you could shewe us the men that
reproached
you, we should teache them
better manners, than to
speake evill of this good land God hath brought us to,
& to discourage the
hearts of their brethren: only you
may beare a little wth the more moderate of them, in
regard that one of yors opened the doore to all that have
followed & for that they may conceive it as lawfull for
them to discourage some wth us from forsakinge us to
goe to you, as for yors to plott by incouragmts &c. to drawe
Mr. Shepherd & his wholl church from us. Sic
fama
est."
The main topic of this correspondence between
Mr.
Hooker and Governor Winthrop was not, however,
the question of a more or less
tangible misrepresenta
tion of the state of things in Connecticut. It had to
do with the incipient movements toward a Confeder
ation of the colonies,
the first steps toward which
seem to have
been taken at
the
time
of the synod
of the elders and messengers of the churches, called
together the year before, in August, 1637, about the
theological views of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson. For
the sake
of preserving, so far as possible,
chronolog
ical sequence in our narrative, it may be best here,
rather than elsewhere, to
speak of that synod and its
occasion.
IN CONNECTICUT. 107
The trouble
which called for the
ecclesiastical
council had begun a considerable time previous. Mrs.
Hutchinson joined the Boston
church on Nov. 2,
1634. At that time some objection was made to
the opinions she held and expressed on the voyage
over.1 But she seems
to have had in that trans
action, as well as in some
other of her earlier pro
cedures, the support of Mr. Cotton, who had stood
in a pastoral relation to her in England. Her husband
is described as being a suitable man for a strong
minded woman, -- "a man of very mild temper and
weak parts, and wholly guided by his wife." 2 She
was soon followed to this country
by her brother-in
law, Rev. John Wheelwright, whom it was speedily
proposed to associate with Mr. Wilson and Mr. Cot
ton in the care of the Boston church,
-- a project,
however, which failed.
Mrs.
Hutchinson was a woman of kind heart, quick
wits, and persuasive address. Her visitations of the
sick, and ministrations especially in the maternal
exigencies of her sex,
won for her the affection and
sympathy of many. She soon
established a kind of
weekly conference, or Bible-reading as it would now
be called, at which she gathered a large number of
women and unfolded her peculiar views, and criticised
the ministers with the
exception of Mr. Cotton and
Mr. Wheelwright.
Her peculiar
views were, as Winthrop says, "that
the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justified per
son. That no sanctification can help to evidence to
1 Hutchinson, ii. 488, 493, 494. 2 Winthrop, i. 356.
108 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
us our justification."1 The language
is archaic in
modern ears, but the idea is not an unfamiliar one in
the religious history of many
periods, -- that a kind of
incarnation of the Divine
Spirit exists in every Chris
tian, and that every man's evidence that he
is a
Christian is an immediate perception of the fact, and
not an inference from any improvement of his char
acter. Mrs. Hutchinson's doctrine was that to look
to any signs, like love of
the truth or the transforma
tion of the conduct, as tokens that a man was a saved
man, was to be under a "covenant of works." The
"covenant of grace
" demanded that every Christian
should know he was a
saved man by an immediate
intuition or disclosure of the
fact. These notions, as
Winthrop says, had "many branches." They led out
into exaggerated ideas of the possibility
of present
revelations, and into depreciated conceptions of the
moral virtues. They prompted naturally to contemp
tuous estimates of the value of learning in religious
matters, and to exalted claims to immediate inspira
tion. The seed fell into
heated soil; the whole com
munity was alive with the excitement. Some were
intoxicated with the assurance of personal salvation;
some, wanting the declared indispensable illumina
tion,
were overwhelmed with despair. One woman of
the Boston congregation, long troubled with doubts,
was driven to distraction, and threw
her child
into a well, saying,
"now she was sure she should be
damned."2
The partisans of Mrs. Hutchinson were cheered by
1 Winthrop, i. 239. 2 Ibid. 282.
IN CONNECTICUT. 109
the support
of the young governor, Henry Vane, and
by the supposed sympathy of
Mr. Cotton; and they
rejoiced in proclaiming themselves the representatives
of a peculiarly full and free gospel. They claimed
that under the direct enlightenment of the Spirit their
women and unlettered men preached better than the
"black-coats" taught in the " ninnyversity,"
-- a
designation whose feminine and Hutchinsonian origin
it is impossible to question.
The matter divided
households, and entered
into general politics.
The
Hutchinsonian party looked coldly on the efforts
to assist Connecticut in the Pequot war, alleging that
the Massachusetts " officers and soldiers were too
much under a covenant of works."
The churches of the entire colony were turmoiled;
that of Boston was
nearly rent asunder. The pas
tor, Mr. Wilson,
supported by Mr. Winthrop and a
few others, were on the one side; Mr. Cotton and a
majority of the church were on the other. A meet
ing of the General Court, in December, 1636, called
together the ministers
and elders to consider the
troubles.1 Mr. Wilson charged the difficulty on the
spread of the new Hutchinsonian opinions; where
upon his church,
led by Mr. Cotton, his associate,
summoned him to answer for it publicly.2
A general Fast was observed on the 19th of Janu
ary, 163 7, in view of
the "dissension in the churches"
and other evils. Mr. Wheelwright, at the afternoon
service in the Boston church,
preached a sermon
which, in the heated
temper of the time, was under-
l Winthrop, i. 248. 2 Ibid. 250.
110 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
stood to be
an assault on the anti-Hutchinsonian party
as "antichrists.'' 1
The Court
judged him guilty of sedition. The
Bos
ton church interposed with a petition in his behalf.
The excitement was so great that it was determined
to hold the next Court of Election
away from Boston,
- at Newtown. At that assembly, which was on the
17th of May, -- just as the Massachusetts and Con
necticut soldiers were drawing near to the Pequot
encampment, - matters came near to physical vio
lence.2 Mr. Wilson,
the pastor of the Boston church,
climbed a tree in the field where the voters were
assembled, and addressed
them from among the
branches.3 The whole question of officers
for the
colony turned on the Hutchinsonian views. The re
sult showed that the sympathizers, though many, were
in a minority. Governor Vane lost his election, and
soon returned to England.
His defeat
and departure removed
one strong pillar
of the delusion. Cooler counsels
began to prevail.
A day of humiliation was appointed in the
churches
for the 24th of July. By the coming of August
matters were in a better
condition for deliberate
consideration. In April previous
Mr. Hooker had
written to Mr. Shepard,
of Newtown, -- who,
in the
October following, was to become his son-in-law, --
advising against a council on the Hutchinsonian mat
ters.4 He wrote also, just about the same time, a
1 Winthrop, i. 256. But see as to its real quality, Ellis's
Puritan Age, p. 322.
2 Winthrop, i. 262. 3 Hutchinson, i. 61, note. 4
Ibid, 63.
IN CONNECTICUT. 111
sympathetic
letter to Governor Winthrop on the posi
tion the Governor
had taken in the affair:1 --
"When
I first heard of those heavy
distractions which
have risen so vnexpectedly, I did reioyce from the root
of my heart, that the Lord did & hath gratiously kept
you from any taynt of those new-coyned conceits. You
know my playnnesse: you
cannot keepe your comfort,
nor an honorable respect in
Christ in the hearts of His,
more then in keeping close to the truth. You shall have
what interest I have in heaven to help you in that work."
But when
August came, either he had changed his v
iews about a council, or the state of things had
changed; for on the 5th of
that month Mr. Hooker
and Mr. Stone arrived in the Bay from Connecticut
by way of Providence, and "1fr. Ludlow, Mr. Pyn
cheon, and about twelve more," also arrived by
another route, as delegates to the same assembly,
bringing
with them the Pequot skins and scalps before
spoken
of. The time till August 30th was spent in
preliminary consultations, and the 24th was observed
as a day of fasting and prayer.
The synod opened its sessions on the 30th of
August. It
was com posed of all the ministerial elders
in the country- about twenty-five in number
-- and
delegates from the churches. Mr.
Shepard began the
deliberations with a '" heavenly
prayer." Rev. Peter
Bulkley, of Concord, and Mr. Hooker, of Hartford,
were chosen Moderators. The sessions continued
twenty-two days. As a
result of the deliberations a
list of eighty-two opinions, more or less intimately
1 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 389, 390.
112 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
connected with the recent controversy, were con
demned as "some
blasphemous, others erroneous,
and all unsafe."1
It was further resolved, with special reference to
1 Winthrop, i. 284. Some of these condemned
opinions,
phrased in antique style, are recognizable enough in
their modern masquerading attire to justify the reproduction
of a few of them here. --
'' 4. That those that bee in Christ are not
under the law and
commands of the Word, as the rule of life.''
" 20. That to call in question whether God be my
cleare Fa
ther after or upon the commission of some hainous sinnes (as
murther, incest &c.) cloth prove a man to be in the covenant of works"
"39.
The due search and knowledge of the Holy Scripture
is not a safe and sure way of finding
Christ."
"40. There is
a testimony of the Spirit, and voyce unto the
soule, meerely immediate, without any respect unto or concur
rence with the Word."
" 43. The Spirit acts most in the saints when they indeavour least."
"47. The seale
of the Spirit is limited
onely to the imme
diate witnesse of the
Spirit, and doth never witnesse to any
worke of grace, or to any conclusion by a syllogisme."
"56. A man is not effectually converted till he hath
full
assurance."
"64. A man must take no notice of his sinne, nor of his
repentance for his sinne."
"70.
Frequency or length of holy duties, or trouble of con
science for neglect
thereof, are all signes of one under a
covenant of workes."
"72. It is a fundamentall
and
soule-damning errour to make
sanctification an evidence
of justification."
'' 77 Sanctification is so farre from evidencing
a good estate
that,
it darkens
it rather; and a man may more clearely see
Christ when he seeth no
sanctification than when he doth:
the darker my sanctification is, the brighter
is my justification."
IN CONNECTICUT. 113
Mrs. Hutchinson's Bible-readings, that though
fe
males meeting, "some few
together," for prayer and
edification might be
allowed, yet that " a set assem
bly ... where sixty or
more did meet every week,
and one woman ... took upon
her the whole exer
cise," was "disorderly and without rule.''
1
The synod
broke up on the 22d of September, and
on
the following 26th Mr. Davenport, afterward of
New Haven, preached by its appointment a sermon
of gratulation and good counsel. The expenses of
the delegates at Newtown and in travel from Con
necticut were paid at the colonial charge.2 And so
after more than two months' absence,
Mr. Hooker
and Mr. Stone had a chance to go back to Hartford |
again.
Poor Mrs. Hutchinson
- the enthusiastic, kind
hearted, pious, and erroneous occasion of all these dis
turbances -- was soon after
called before the Court for
continuing her " disorderly" meetings, and promul
gating the opinions which, with less or more accuracy
of statement or inference, the
synod had condemned.
She was awhile committed to
Mr. Cotton's care, to
be reasoned with by him and Mr. Davenport; and
subsequently was brought
before the Boston church
for trial. The trial was
in March, 1638, and was on
two successive lecture-days, the 15th and 22d, and
was held "befr all the Elders of other Churches, and
the Face of the Country." The "saintly" Thomas
Shepard and Mr. Welde, of Roxbury, appeared
in the
1 Winthrop, i. 286. 2 Ibid, 283.
8
114 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
character
of prosecutors. It is a melancholy
story.1
The attempt was made to force upon her the avowal
of immoral opinions
concerning the relations of the
sexes, which her reverend accusers declared would
"necessarily follow
" 2 as consequences from her
views concerning the resurrection.
But this attempt
was vain. With all a pure woman's indignation she
repudiated the imputation. "
I hould it not . . . I
abhor that Practise." 3
Surrounded by the adroit dia
lecticians of the Church and State, Mrs. Hutchinson
made a substantial retraction of most, certainly, of the
errors imputed to her, but was entangled in a labyrinth
of confusions between her "Judgement" and her
"Expressions," and
particularly as to the time when
she had first held and proclaimed her
opinions. The
church, through the mouth of Pastor Wilson,
pro
nounced sentence of excommunication for her "Erors"
and "forasmuch as yow
have made a Lye."
4 It is
impossible to read this trial without
sympathy for the
poor
hounded woman, who, whatever her
extravagances
and errors, was put as much at
a disadvantage before
that tribunal as was ever
victim of High Commission
or Inquisition. Nor is it possible, either, to wink out
of sight the fact that exasperating and disquieting as
were her procedures at home, it was largely because
of their apprehended effect in the old country that
such severity of treatment was accorded to her.
l See Hutchinson's History, ii., appendix;
and Report of
Trial of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson,
in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d
series, iv. I 59-191.
2 Report of Trial. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.
IN CONNECTICUT. 115
Following
her sentence of deliverance" up to Sathan,"
and banishment "as
a Leper . . . owt of the con
gregtion," came, on the 28th
of the month, her sen
tence of banishment from the colony.
The exiled
woman,
whom the eye of modern sympathy follows
with regret, soon after became a
widow, moved to the Dutch
frontier, and was, about six years later, with all her chil
dren but one of eight years, killed by the
Indians.
Her views were erratic, and her procedures in the
existing state of things were probably
to some real
extent dangerous; but it may be hoped and believed
that heaven was wide enough for her after all.
Her name, however, continued
for many years a
name of evil omen in New
England; a curious illus
tration of which fact may come appropriately at this
point into our story of Mr. Hooker. Perhaps
the only
recorded saying of Mr. Hooker's
wife, Susannah, is
quoted in a letter of her husband's from Hartford,
about one of the alleged judgments which, in 1637,
befell a near relative of Mrs.
Hutchinson's who was
"infected with her herisies." Mr. Hooker writes:
"While I was thus musing and thus
writing, my study
where I was writing and the chamber where my wife was
sitting, shook as we thought
with an earthquake, by the
space of half a quarter of an hour. We both percieved
it and presently went down. My maid in the kitchen
observed the same. My wife
said it was the devil that
was displeased that we confer
about this occasion." 1
It was said earlier
in this chapter that the- first
movements toward the confederation of the colonies
1 Magnalia, ii. 449.
116 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
-- which was the main topic of the
letters between
Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Hooker from which quotations
were there made - were
apparently undertaken at the
time of the Hutchinson Synod in Boston. In whose
mind the scheme of union first originated it is proba
bly impossible to say. The
need of such union arose
from the common interests and common perils of the
colonies themselves. The Dutch
and the Indians
drove them together
in mutual defence.
There is
apparently no adequate
ground for suggesting 1 a
Netherland origin for a union which the necessities of
the situation itself adequately explain.
Plymouth,
whose Netherlandish experiences were greatest, was
not even present
at the original conference on the
matter.2 As
a result of this conference, articles of
union were first proposed by Massachusetts, and
"drawn probably by Governor Winthrop
himself."3
Connecticut, however, objected to the binding power
of a majority-vote of the commissioners as proposed
by Massachusetts. A difference
of judgment, further
more, as to what ultimate authority opposing views
on points controverted among the colonies should be
referred for decision -whether to the people as a
whole or to the magistrates only --
entered into the
1 J. Q. Adams, 3 Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., ix. 211; Palfrey, i.
323; Doyle) i. 306. If a
foreign exemplar, however, must be
found for so natural an arrangement,
why not refer to the
Confederation of Switzerland, vastly older than Holland's, and
known, by residence under its protection, by English Puritans
for generations?
2 Winthrop, i. 283, 284.
3 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 1,
Dr. Trumbull's note.
IN CONNECTICUT. 117
debate, and was topic of opposing
opinion in the
correspondence between Mr. Winthrop and Mr.
Hooker, wherein Mr. Hooker took, as usual, the
democratic side. But the probable immediate cause
of the temporary breaking off of the negotiations for
federation was the claim of Massachusetts to jurisdic
tion over Agawam (Springfield),
whose inhabitants had
accounted themselves a part of the Connecticut Colony,
and had acted with those
of Connecticut in establish
ing the government which followed
the expiration of
the Massachusetts commission in March, 1637.1 The
plan of union was not however
abandoned, but was,
as there will be occasion
hereafter to notice,
prose
cuted by the personal
endeavours of both the eminent
men whose correspondence had disclosed so consider
able diversity of opinions, and was ultimately
carried
into successful accomplishment.
1 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 13, and Dr. Trumbull's note.
118 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
CHAPTER VI.
HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT.
SECTION II.
The birthplace of American democracy is Hartford.
JOHNSTON'S Connecticut, P· 73.
RETIJRNED to Hartford after
the Hutchinsonian
Synod in the autumn of 1637,
Pastor Hooker doubt
less found the interests of the scarcely yet more than
one-year-old settlement demanding
his care. The
winter following was, as has been seen,1 a "sad,
sharp"
one, in which many men and cattle lost their lives.
In the opening spring the first
steps were taken to
ward the more permanent
meeting-house before re
ferred to,2 in place of the temporary structure till this
time employed for the purpose.
But the chief occurrence which makes this, year
memorable was the preparation
in it for the establish
ment of that written
Constitution of popular govern
ment which the first few weeks of the following year
were to see formally adopted, and which is not only
an instrument of unique and intense interest
to all
students of democratic institutions, but is
in some
sense Mr. Hooker's most distinguishing
and abiding
monument.
1 Ante, p. 101. 2 Ante, p. 95.
IN CONNECTICUT. 119
The
preliminary. motions toward the establishment
of this distinctively
democratic Constitution are very
imperfectly recorded. In a true sense they began in
the differences which developed
in the Bay govern
ment before the Connecticut settlers
left that juris
diction, and which were, as has been pointed
out,1
among the efficient
causes of that removal. Any
careful student of the early history of the Bay Colony
cannot fail to see
that there is all through it a con-
stant struggle between the two conflicting princi
ples of aristocracy and democracy, and that the
Connecticut secession was but one of its earlier
manifestations. It was in the communities afterward
emigrating to the river that dissatisfaction
with the
principle of authority
earliest and most distinctly
showed itself. In 1631 Watertown had objected to
the levying of taxes by the Governor
and Assistants
without consent of the
people.2 In 1632 Newtown
was agitated about the limits of the authority exercised
by the Governor, "whether by
the patent or other
wise;" and a
conference between the Deputy and
the Governor in the presence of the leading Elders of
the colony was had on the subject.3 In 1634 the dep
uty of Dorchester to the General
Court was disabled
from bearing office for
three years for denying the
magisterial authority of the Governor
and Assistants.4
The Massachusetts government was not, and
was
never intended to be, democratic. Its chief civil ad-
1 Ante, pp. 87-89. 2 Winthrop, i. 84.
3 Ibid. 98-104.
4 Ibid. 185, 186, and Col. Rec., i. 135, 136.
120 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
ministrator -- a man
of the largest nobility and purity
of
character -- had much of the
predisposition toward
the established in religion and politics characteris
tic of most men of family and position in his time;
and its chief religious representative and counsellor
affirmed : " Democracy I do not conceive that ever
God did ordain as a fit government either for Church
or Commonwealth."
How the company
who were associated with Mr.
Hooker in his temporary Newtown
residence felt on
the questions at issue between magisterial and pop
ular rights, was significantly indicated by the fact that
when, in 1634, the Assistants voted negatively on
Newtown's petition for removal, and the Deputies voted
affirmatively, and dispute arose about the effect of
the vote, the Newtown
people took the vote
of the
lower house as granting all necessary
authority, and
made no further application for leave.
What Mr. Hooker's own personal position on the
general question of the rights of magistrates and peo
ple was, cannot be open to question.
An early
chronicler says: "After
Mr. Hooker's corning over it
was observed that many
of the freemen grew to be
very jealous
of their liberties."1 And
this
jealousy
for popular liberty which his Massachusetts associates
must have observed in him and
borrowed encourage
ment from, found in this year of the preliminary
procedures for the establishment of the Connecticut
Constitution two most signal manifestations.
In the correspondence with Mr. Winthrop,
written
1 Hubbard's General History, p. 165.
IN CONNECTICUT. 121
in the
autumn of 1638, Mr. Hooker in the plainest
terms avows his broadly democratic sentiments. Mr.
Winthrop had written:
1 --
" I expostulated [with Mr. Hooker] about the unwar
rantableness and unsafeness of referring matter of counsel
or judicature to the body of
the people, quia the best part
is always the least, and of that best part the wiser part
is always the lesser. The old law was, choose ye out
judges, etc., and thou shalt bring the matter before the
judge, etc."
Whether, as
Governor Winthrop's distinguished de
scendant and biographer contends,2 this statement of the
Governor's views referred "only to matters of ' counsel
or judicature,' which not even the democracy of our
own days would willingly
submit to the 'body of the
people,' " or not, Mr.
Hooker certainly seems to have
taken it in a broader
sense. He replied:8 --
" I
fully assent to those staple principles which you set
down; to wit, that the people
should choose some from
amongst them - that they should refer matter of counsel
to their counsellors, matter of judicature to their judges:
only,
the question here grows
- what rule the judge
must
have to judge by; secondly who those
counsellors
must be.
"That
in the matter which is referred to
the judge, the
sentence should lie in his breast, or be left to his discre
tion according to which he
should go, I am afraid it is a
course which wants both safety and warrant.
I must
I Winthrop, ii. 428.
2 Robert C. Winthrop's Life and Letters of John Winthrop,
ii. 237.
3 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. II, 12.
122 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
confess, I ever looked at it as a way which
leads directly
to tyranny, and so to confusion, and must plainly profess,
if it was in my liberty, I should choose neither to live nor
leave my posterity under such
a government. Sit liber
judex,
as the lawyers speak. 17 Deut., 10, 11 -- Thou
shalt
observe to do according to all that they inform, ac
cording to the sentence of tlze Law.
Thou shalt seek the
Law at his mouth: not ask what his discretion allows,
but what the Law requires. And therefore the Apostles,
when the rulers and high priest passed sentence against
their preaching, as prejudicial to the State, the Apostle
Peter made it not dainty to profess and practice contrary
to their charge,
because their sentence was
contrary to
law, though they might have pretended discretion and
depth of wisdom and policy in
their
charge….
"It's also a truth
that
counsel
should
be sought from
counsellors; but the question yet is, who those should
be. Reserving smaller matters which fall in occasionally
in common course,
to a lower counsel, in
matters of
greater consequence, which
concern the common good,
a general counsel chosen by all, I conceive, under favour,
most suitable to rule and most safe for relief of the whole.
This was the practice of the
Jewish Church, directed by
God, Deut. 17: 10, 11; 2 Chron.
19; and the approved
experience of the best ordered States give in evidence
this way."
It has
been
well said by a
late historian of Con
necticut, that this "letter to Winthrop might be made
the foundation of the
claim that he [Mr. Hooker]
had supplied the spirit of the Connecticut Constitu
tion." 1 Its definite formulation
of the
demand for
1 Alexander Johnston's Connecticut, p. 71. See, also, Fiske's
Beginnings of New England, p. 124.
IN CONNECTICUT. 123
some rule
of determination in civil matters
above the
"discretion of the
magistrates," which the people in
Massachusetts had asked for, but found
" most of the
magistrates and some of
the elders not to be very
forward " 1 about; and its preference of the
counsel
of the whole people rather than the advice of "
the
ministers of the
churches," as Mr. Cotton
contended
for,2 and Mr. Winthrop practised,3 mark very clearly
the lines on which the Constitution was framed, and
fairly indicate the principles which that document,
for the first time in human history,
put into statutory
form.
But Mr.
Hooker's title to be regarded as the father
of the Connecticut Constitution
does not rest on any
inference from his general position or from sentiments
expressed in a letter like the one above quoted. It
has very direct and conclusive support from another
source, - support so direct and conclusive that it is
regarded as altogether
demonstrative by all late writers
who have had occasion to notice and estimate its
significance.
For the
discovery of this interesting fact, not only
in Mr. Hooker's story but in the story of constitu
tional history generally, indebtedness is due to
the
distinguished antiquarian scholar, Dr.
J.
Hammond
Trumbull, of Hartford; to whom
obligation is owing
also for the discovery and identification,
in its mis
placed position in the Massachusetts archives, of the
letter of Mr. Hooker repeatedly quoted from above.
In this case Dr. Trumbull had a harder and
a still
1 Winthrop, i. 388, 389. 2 Ibid. 283. 3 Ibid. 300.
124 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
more
rewarding task. The evidence lay
nearly two
and a quarter centuries, undeciphered and unconjec
tured, in a little manuscript book
which belonged to
Mr. Henry Wolcott,
Jr., of Windsor, now in the
possession of the Connecticut Historical Society; and
of which Dr. Trumbull says,1--
"This
volume, of about five inches long by
four wide,
contains
380 pages, closely written, in cipher, -- compris
ing notes of sermons and
lectures by Mr. Warham and
Mr. Huit of Windsor, and Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Stone at
Hartford, from April 19, 1638, to April 29, 1641, in regu
lar course. These notes give
the dates, texts, and general
outline of each discourse; and the questions discussed at
the meetings for conference and for catechising, &c. The
alphabet made use of is nearly the same with that of
Willis (published in 1607), but the great number
and
variety of arbitrary signs
introduced by the writer make
the task of deciphering a difficult one.''
The sermon
in which we are particularly interested
was preached by Mr. Hooker at an adjourned session
of the General Court of April, 1638. "To
this Court,
undoubtedly,"
Dr. Trumbull says,2 "though the records
are
silent on this point, was intrusted the formation of
the first Constitution, which was formally adopted in
January, 1639. Mr. Hooker's sermon, or rather lecture,
was delivered on Thursday, May 3 r,
1638, at an ad
journed session, probably, of the April Court, and was
apparently designed to lead the way to the general
recognition of the great truths which were soon to be
successfully incorporated in the Fundamental Laws."
1 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 19. 2 Ibid. 19, 20.
IN CONNECTICUT. 125
This interesting and important utterance
in constitu
tional history
is given, in all that remains of it, here:1
"Text: Deut. 1: 13. 'Take you wise men, and un-
derstanding, and known among your tribes, and I will
make them rulers over
you.' Captains over thousands,
and captains over hundreds
- over fifties - over tens, &c.
"Doctrine. I. That the choice of public magistrates
belongs unto the people by Gods own allowance.
" II. The privilege
of election, which belongs to the
people, therefore must not be exercised
according to their
humors, but according
to the blessed will and law of God.
"III. They who
have the power to appoint officers and
magistrates, it is in their power,
also, to set the bounds
and limitations of the power and place unto which they
call them.
"Reasons. 1. Because the foundation of authority is
laid, firstly, in the free consent of the people.
"2. Because, by a free choice, the hearts of
the people
will be more inclined to the love of the persons [chosen]
and more ready
to yield [obedience.]
"3. Because of
that duty and engagement of the people.
" Uses. The
lesson taught is threefold:
"1st There is matter of
thankful acknowledgement, in
the [appreciation] of God's faithfulness
toward us, and
the permission of these measures
that God doth com
mand and vouchsafe.
"2ndly. Of reproof -- to dash the conceits of all those
that shall oppose
it.
"3rdly Of exhortation -- to persuade us, as
God hath
given us liberty,
to take it.
"And
lastly - as Goel hath spared our lives, and given
them in liberty, so to seek the guidance
of God, and to
choose in God
and for God."
1 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 20, 21.
126 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Such is the meagre outline,
written by an occasional -
hearer's hand, of a discourse preached before an
elected assembly of legislators charged with the busi
ness of framing a body of laws for a new
common
wealth. It was a discourse preached by the recognized
leader of the colony, by a
man of profound scholarship
and of persuasive pulpit eloquence
measured by the
standards of the universities and churches of the
home land. It was a discourse which, meagre as it
is in outline, was probably elaborated at great length
under every head, and may have taken an
hour or
two hours in delivery. Can any one question
the
effect of those novel
propositions on the minds of
those men in the wilderness setting up the fabric of a
new popular government? Can any one read those
clear definitions of the source,
the limitations, and
the warrant of all authority
in human government, and
not recognize
the formulation of a new principle in
political science? Can any one put this brief docu
ment beside the body of
Fundamental Laws which
this legislative assembly
a few months later promul
gated, and not recognize
from whose far-seeing mind
the inspiration and
distinctive character of those laws
came forth? The evidence
is too plain for ques-
tion. Whose hand soever may in detail have phrased
and formulated the Fundamental Laws, -- and Haynes
and Ludlow
and other men there were who
might
have done it, -- the outline of principle
and idea,
the inspiration and spirit of them, were Thomas
Hooker's. It is impossible not to recognize the
illuminating mind and guiding will. The pastor of
IN CONNECTICUT 127
the Hartford church was
Connecticut's great legislator
also.
And this fact has been recognized by those who
have most carefully
investigated the evidence.
Dr.
Leonard Bacon says:1 --
"That
sermon by Thomas Hooker from the pulpit of
the First Church in Hartford,
is the earliest known
suggestion of a fundamental law, enacted not by royal
charter, nor by concession from
any previously existing
government, but by the people themselves, -- a primary
and supreme law by which the government is constituted,
and which not only provides for the free choice of magis
trates by the people, but also 'sets the bounds and limi
tations of the power and place to which' each magistrate
is called."
To the same
effect is the utterance of Professor Alex
ander Johnston: 2 --
"Here
is the first practical assertion of the right of the
people not only to choose but to limit the powers of their
rulers, an assertion which lies at the foundation of the
American system. There is no reference to 'dread sov
ereign:' no reservation of deference to any class, not even
to the class to which the speaker himself belonged. Each
individual was to exercise his rights 'according to the
blessed will and law of God,' but he was to be responsi
ble to God alone for his fulfillment of the obligation.
The whole contains the germ of the idea of the Common
wealth, and it was developed by his hearers into the Con
stitution of 1639. It is on the banks of the Connecticut,
under the mighty
preaching of Thomas Hooker, and in
1 Centennial Conference address, pp. 152, 153.
2 Connecticut, p. 72.
128 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
the
Constitution to which he gave life, if not form, that
we draw the first breath
of that atmosphere which is
now so familiar to us."
So, also,
John Fiske says of the Connecticut Con
stitution of 1639: 1--
" It was the first written Constitution known to history
that created a government, and it marked the beginnings
of American democracy, of which Thomas Hooker de
serves more than any other man to be called the father.
The government of the United
States to-day is in lineal
descent more nearly related
to that of Connecticut than
to that of any other of the thirteen colonies.''
And
similarly, in his admirable address
at the two
hundred and fiftieth
anniversary of the adoption of
the Connecticut Constitution, Rev. Joseph Twichell
says of this utterance of Mr. Hooker: --
"In so few and such words did young Mr. Wolcott of
Windsor set down the substance
of that great manifesto
of liberty;
how little deeming that his jottings are the
sole record by which more
than two centuries later it
shall be redeemed from oblivion, and laurel with new
and
imperishable honor the memory of the divine and states
man who gave it voice."
In the May
following the adoption of the Consti
tution in January, 1639, l\'Ir. Hooker and Mr. Haynes,
the governor of Connecticut, went to Boston
"and
staid near a month." It was during this visit to the
Bay that the curious personal incident occurred, illus
trative, perhaps, of a certain trait of Mr. Hooker's
temperament alluded to before,1 and illustrative
1 Beginnings of New England, pp. 127, 128
2 Ante, p. &5 and note.
IN CONNECTICUT. 129
certainly, as a
late commentator on the original
record which preserves the
incident for us remarks,1
of the " inordinate length " -- judged by modern
standards -- "of Mr. Hooker's sermons." The story
as Governor Winthrop
gives it is as follows:2 --
"Mr.
Hooker being to preach at Cambridge, the gov
ernour and many others went to hear him, (though the
governour did very seldom go from his own congregation
upon the Lord's day). He
preached in the afternoon,
and having gone on, with much strength of voice and
intention of spirit, about quarter of
an hour, he was at a
stand, and told the people, that God had deprived him
both of his strength and matter, etc., and so went forth,
and about half an hour after returned again, and went on
to very good purpose about two hours."
The object
of Mr. Hooker's and Governor Haynes's
visit to the Bay at this time was the renewal of
negotiations about the Confederation which
had been
unsuccessfully begun two years before.
They were
moved thereto by increasing apprehension of their
Dutch neighbours, "who had lately received
a new
governor," William Kieft,
- an
abler man than his
predecessor, "who did complain
much of the injury
done to them at Connecticut." 3 Some agreement or
"treaty" appears to have been
successfully made or
"renewed'' 4 between
the Massachusetts and Con
necticut
negotiators; but the formal ratification of
a Confederacy, which was the thing Hooker
and
1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 244.
2 Winthrop, i. 366. 3 Ibid. i. 36o. 4 Ibid.
9
130 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Haynes
desired, was destined still awhile to delay.
It came soon, however, hastened
at last not only by
the increasing vigour of
the Dutch administration
on the west, but by the breaking out of civil war in
England.
The long
conflict of Puritanism and
Prerogative on
the home soil had at last come to the arbitrament of
arms. No one could say
how it would eventuate.
But every consideration impelled the
communities
which were in substantial agreement with the Puritan
party in the conflict,
on this side of the water, to
draw closer together and be ready for whatever might
happen. Accordingly, at the
September session of the
General Court of Massachusetts, in 1642, " propo
sitions sent from Connecticut about a
combination"
were referred to a committee, who amended them,
and sent " them back to Connecticut to be considered
upon against the spring, for winter was now approach
ing, and there could be no meeting before." 1 The
year following, 1643, saw the important enterprise con
summated by the agreement of commissioners of the
various colonies in twelve articles, which constituted
in effect, for certain matters
of common interest,
a
federal government under the title of the "United
Colonies of New England."2
Mr.
Hooker,s satisfaction in this long-desired result,
and his hearty acknowledgment of the commanding
influence in securing its final attainment of the large
minded governor of Massachusetts, from whom he
1 Winthrop, ii. 102, 103. Cf. Mass. Coll. Rec., ii. 16, 31.
2 Winthrop, ii. 121, 127.
IN CONNECTICUT. 131
had sometimes
differed in judgment
on other matters,
is well expressed in the following beautiful letter:1 --
To his
much Honored freind John Wyntropp Esquier,
Governor of the plantations in the Matcheshusets
Bay, dd.
MUCH HONORED IN OUR
BLESSED SAVIOUR, -- At
the returne of our Magistrates,
when I vnderstood the
gratious & desired successe of ther
indeavor, and by the
ioynt relation of them all,
not only your christian readi
nes, but enlarged faythfullnes in an especiall manner to
promote so good a work; though the appearance of flat
tery (if I know myself & be knowne to you) be not only
crosse to my conscience but to my disposition, yet my
heart would not suffer me but as
vnfeynedly to acknowledge
the
Lords goodnes, so affectionately to remember your
candid & cordiall cariage in a matter of so great conse
quence; laboring by your
speciall prudence to settle a
foundation of safety and
prosperity in succeeding ages:
a work which will be found
not only for your comfort,
but for your crowne at the
great day of your account.
Its the greatest good that can befall a man in this world,
to be an instrument vndcr God to do a great deale of
good. To be the repayrer
of the breach, was of old
counted matter of highest prayse & acceptance with
God & man: much
more to be a meanes, not only to
mayntayne peace & truth in your dayes, but to leave both,
as a legacy to those that come after, vntill the coming of
the Sonne of God in the clouds.
I know my place & I would not abuse your pacience,
or hynder greater imployments: my ayme is nakedly this;
to be in the number, & to have my voyce with those, that
whyle your self and your
faythfull Assistants (as Zerub
babell & his fellow helpers)
be laying the first stone
of
l Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 310, 311.
132 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
the foundation of this combynation of
peace, I may
crye
grace, grace to your indeavors. And by presenting
the
worth and acceptableness of the work before you,
to strengthen your hands, & encorage your hearts to
proceed on with blessing &
successe. Goe on therefore
(worthy Sir) & be ever enlarged in such worthy ser
vices, & the God of truth
& peace will ever be with you,
which he desires dayly to begg, who desires to be
Yours in all due respect
THO: HOOKER:
The 15th of the 5th mon: 1643:l Sea-Brooke:
This
important measure of Confederation, though
deficient in its power to reach individual citizenship,
or effectually to carry out the legislation of the
Union,
-- much in the same way that the Confedera
tion of the States was deficient a hundred and forty
years later, - was
nevertheless the most important po
litical step yet taken by the
colonies. It could not
have been effected even a few years before under the
watchful eye of Laud and his Privy Council, who had
the government of English colonial
affairs in their
keeping. But Laud was now
in prison. The king
was an exile from his own capital. The time was
1 This date is printed in the ''Life and Letters of John
Winthrop," and in the Massachusetts Historical Society's
republication
of this letter, as 1642; but the internal evidence
of the letter itself, as well as the distinct indorsement of it by
Governor Winthrop as "Rec: ( 5) 24, 1643," settles its proper
date; and as l\1r. Robert C. Winthrop, Jr., says in a recent
letter
to the
writer, justifies us in "assuming that Hooker
either carelessly made
his 3 to look like a 2, or
absent-mind
edly wrote 2 for 3." See
also Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society, May, 1891.
IN CONNECTICUT.
133
opportune for the
establishment of a union which
had great immediate
practical benefits as well as
large educative power in training the scattered colo
nists of the little New
England Commonwealths into
mutual trust and confidence. It
was also, though
they knew it not, a prophecy and forerunner
of a
greater Confederacy to come, which was to unite the
whole Atlantic seaboard settlements into one
similar
combination, and prepare
the way for the federal
union of the United States of America.
134 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT.
SECTION III.
If any to this Platform can reply
With better reason, let this volume die:
But better argument
if none can give,
Then Thomas Hookers Policy shall live.
SAMUEL STONE'S Elegy.
THE turmoiled
condition of affairs in England was
felt in New England in relation to other than political
matters only. The
ecclesiastical ground-swell in the
home-land had its answering motions here. Puritan
ism had been taking possession more and more of the
popular mind in the old country, and with the assem
bling of the Long Parliament
in r 640 the downfall of
the hierarchical system, whose arbitrary administration
by Laud had been the main cause of the population
of the new settlements in America, was assured.
But the course of Puritanism
in England and in
New England had been different. In England the
progress of dissent from the Establishment had taken
main direction toward Presbyterianism. In New
England it had been almost exclusively
toward Inde
pendency. The churches
of the new settlements
modelled themselves more or less intentionally after
IN CONNECTICUT. 135
that of Plymouth and of the exiles who had brought Congregationalism over with them from Scrooby
and
Leyden.
This
adoption of
principles of ecclesiastical pro
cedure divergent to some
considerable extent from
those of the majority who in England were generally
sympathetic with the American colonists in their Pu
ritan views,
had been the occasion already of much
correspondence between the leading men of the
Puritan party there and here.
In 1636 or 1637
"many ministers in Old England " sent inquiries to
their " Reverend Brethren in New-England
concern
ing Nine
Positions" supposed to be taken by the
churches of the New England colonies on important
points of ecclesiastical usage.
This inquiry was fol
lowed up
in 1638 or
1639 by "two and thirty Ques
tions" of similar
character from the same source.
Answers to these interrogations were forwarded, -- to
the first by Rev. John Davenport, of New Haven,
and to the second by Rev. Richard
Mather, of
Dorchester.
The points covered by these inquiries and answers
embraced the whole scope of church
organization,
terms
of
membership, fellowship with English parishes,
office and responsibility of the ministry, power of the
laity,
doctrinal
standards, and authority of councils.
It
was in reference to the last point --
the authority
of councils, or synods, as they were then commonly
called -- that divergence of views here and in
Eng
lish
Puritanism most loudly manifested itself, though
there was perhaps almost equal difference of judgment
136 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
concerning the right of
each church to institute its
own ministry.
But as the conflict in England between the king
and Parliament progressed, the tendency of English
Puritanism toward Presbyterianism strengthened. It
was deemed best to secure the aid of an ecclesiastical
synod to settle the religious
order of things on that
basis. As early as 1641 the London ministers pro
posed to Parliament the calling of an Assembly, and
in December of that year the Commons mentioned
the matter as one of their desires in the Grand Re
monstrance.1 A bill was passed for
the purpose in
1642, but failed for want of the royal assent. The
final order for it, without the king's concurrence, was
June 12, 1643. The king, by proclamation, forbade
the meeting, and threatened
to deprive of their liv
ings those who disobeyed. This substantially pre
vented the " loyal " portion
of the Episcopalians
from attending, and added to the certainty
of the
Presbyterian character of the result.
But an Assembly being determined on, the Ameri
can divines were not forgotten. A letter from the
Earl of Warwick, -- Mr. Hooker's old
Chelmsford
friend and protector, -- Lord Say and Sele, Oliver
Cromwell, and some thirty
other minority members
of Parliament, "who stood for the independency
of churches," was sent to New England, inviting
Mr. Cotton, l\Ir. Hooker, and Mr. Davenport to
"assist in the synod there appointed to consider and
1 Forster's Grand Remonstrance, pp. 263, 269.
IN CONNECTICUT. 137
advise about the settling
of church government."1
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Davenport were inclined to go;
the former the more because in
the course of his
Scripture
expositions at that time he happened to
come
upon a passage in the Acts which " led him to
deliver that doctrine of the interest all churches have
in each other's members for mutual helpfulness." Mr.
Hooker,
with characteristic sagacity, saw the possible
complications
that might arise from participation in a
synod where the views of the New England churches
were
certain of rejection; and he sent word by the
messengers
who came on from Boston with the invi
tation
that he "liked not the business, nor thought
it any sufficient call for them to go 3000 miles
to
agree with three men." 2 The "three men" in
the Assembly who "stood for independency" were
in fact five from the outset, -- Thomas Goodwin,
Philip
Nye, Jeremiah Burroughs, William Bridge,
and
Sydrach Simpson. As the
sessions went on, their
numbers doubled; but they were in
a hopeless
minority.
The wisdom of Mr.
Hooker's judgment was soon
affirmed by letters from Hugh Peter and others "out
of England," advising
the invited American divines
"to stay till they heard further; so this care came to
an end."3 This assembly, which has
passed into
history as the Westminster Assembly, was preponder
antly Presbyterian; and that party grew stronger in
it as its eleven hundred
and sixty-three sessions
advanced.
1 Winthrop, ii. 91, 92. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.
138 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
This growing, though temporary, dominance of
Presbyterianism in England was not without its effect
in this country. It gave
new vigour and encourage
ment to a few ministers in the Massachusetts
Colony,
whose views were more in accordance with
that polity
than
with the Congregational Way around them. The
two excellent ministers of Newbury -- Thomas Par
ker, the Pastor,
and James Noyes,
the Teacher - strongly sympathized with most of the Presbyterian
principles; and their church was much disquieted by
their
advocacy of them.1
Fearful of the spread of these dissensions, it was
deemed best to hold a
meeting of the ministers of
the churches at Cambridge to emphasize Congrega
tional principles. This assembly,
sometimes errone
ously called a synod,
-- which character, however, it
lacked, being a meeting of ministers only, and these
non-delegated in their gathering,2
-- met in Septem
ber, 1643, and was
composed of "all the elders in
the country, (about 50
in all,) such of the ruling
elders as would were present
also, but none else." 3
Here,
again, as in the Hutchinsonian Council,
Mr.
Hooker was one of the
moderators; his associate at
this time being Mr. Cotton. "They
sat in the col
lege, and had their diet there after the manner of
scholar's commons, but somewhat
better, yet so or
dered as it came not to above sixpence the meal for
l Coffin's History of Newbury,
pp. 72, II 5.
2 Sec Richard
Mather's characterization of it, in his" Reply
to Rutherford," pp. 77, 78.
3 Winthrop, ii. 165.
IN CONNECTICUT. 139
a person….
The assembly concluded
against
some
parts of the presbyterial way, and the Newbury
ministers took time to consider
the arguments."1
Consideration
of the "arguments" was a chief part
of the industry of the time on both
sides of the
Atlantic. A musketry-fire of
pamphlets and a heavier
cannonade of bulkier volumes answered one another
on both sides of the controversy and of the sea. Two
or three lesser tractates by Mr. Cotton, published in
1641 and 1642, were followed about the latter date
by the circulation in manuscript form of his "Way of
the Churches of Christ in New England." To these
was added, from the same
ever-ready pen, in 1644,
Mr. Cotton's celebrated treatise
on the "Keyes of the
Kingdom of Heaven." This
was at once introduced
to the English public by Thomas Goodwin and Philip
Nye -- members of the Westminster Assembly then
in session - as
setting forth that "very Middle-way
. . .
between that which is called Brownisme and the
Presbyteriall-government" which
they had contended
for in the Assembly.2 To
such of these American
tractates as were extant at the time of his writing,
Professor Samuel Rutherford, also a member of the
Assembly, -and according to John Cotton a "chief
part"
of it, - undertook a reply from the
Presbyterian
point of view. He directed his
answer mainly against
Cotton's "Way; " Mather's Reply to the "XXXII
Questions; " Mather's answer to Herle; and certain
treatises of John Robinson's.
Mr.
Rutherford was an
1 Winthrop, ii. 165.
2 "Prefatory Letter" to the
" Keyes.''
140 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
able, courteous, and learned man,
and one of the
great lights of the Scottish
church. He was familiar
with a wide range of the
literature of the controversy,
and was the most competent man of the
Presbyterian
party to put the argument for that polity into cogent
as well as conciliatory
form. His book of nearly
eight hundred pages, entitled
"The Due right of
Presbyteries," 1 and
a volume by Rev. John Paget,
"A Defence of Chvrch Government exercised in
Presbyteriall, Classicall & Synodical Assemblies,"
were deemed by our New England Congregationalists
deserving of answer;
and notwithstanding Cotton's
"Keyes" came out about contemporaneously with
Rutherford's volume, a more explicit rejoinder to the
Presbyterian treatises was deemed expedient. The
task of replying to Rutherford
appears to have been
assigned to Mr. Hooker, and the answer to Paget
to Mr. Davenport. The result of this partition of
labor was the production of the two volumes, -- Dav
enport's "Power of Congregational Churches," and
Mr. Hooker's "Survey of the Summe of Church
Discipline."
These books
had a curious history. At a meeting
held at Cambridge, July 1, 1645,
"the elders of the
churches through all the United Colonies ... con
ferred their councils and examined
the writings which
some of them had prepared,"
-- these of Hooker
and Davenport among the number, - "which
being
agreed and perfected were sent over into England
to be printed."2
1 London, 1644. 2 Winthrop, ii 304.
IN CONNECTICUT. 141
This is
Winthrop's contemporaneous account of what
the
meeting concluded upon. The books of
Hooker
and Davenport were not however apparently fully
completed, and in point of fact were not sent till the
January following. They were
then despatched in a
vessel sailing from New
Haven, which was lost at sea
and was never heard of after;
save in that spectral
phantom of a ship which two years and five months
later appeared sailing into New Haven
harbor, and
which presently, in the sight of a crowd of witnesses,
vanished into smoke. This vision Mr. Davenport
declared had been given for the quieting of the hearts
of those who wondered where the lost vessel and its
precious conveyance of passengers had gone.1
Convinced of the loss of their manuscripts,
the
two authors, Hooker and Davenport, re-wrote them;
though Hooker his very reluctantly, -- as he had
indeed reluctantly composed it at the first, -- leav
ing it at last unfinished, to be sent
over and printed
only after his death. An
"Epistle to the Reader,"
by the hand of his Hartford friends Edward Hop
kins and William
Goodwin accompanies the repro
duced treatise, and explains
the circumstances of its
origin.
Mr.
Hooker's "Survey" is a very able presentation
of the early New England view of the church and its
administration, as opposed to the Presbyterian con
ception advocated by his distinguished opponent the
Professor of Divinity
at St. Andrews, as well as by
1 Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 107; Atwater's New Haven Colony, pp. 208,209, and Appendix III. to that volume.
142 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Samuel Hudson, whose writings are also traversed
in
Mr. Hooker's reply. The "Survey" suffers, how
ever, in comparison with such a book as the reader
easily sees might have been the product
of the same
pen, by the necessity
the author's task seemed
to
impose upon him, rather to reply to Rutherford in
minute detail than to set forth a direct treatise of
his own on the subject.
It was perhaps this controversial aspect
of the mat
ter which made him
so reluctant to undertake the
work at first. He says in the Preface
of the book, -
which from various indications seems to have been
also the preface
of the book which was lost as well,
-- "I can professe in a
word of truth that against
mine own inclination and affection, I was haled
by
importunity to this so hard a task." And his friends
Hopkins and Goodwin
remark in their Epistle ac
companying the published
work: "Some of you are
not ignorant with what strength of importunity he was
drawn to this present service, and with what fear and
care he attended it. The weight and difficultie of
the work was duly apprehended by him, and he lookt
upon it, as somewhat unsutable to a Pastor, whose
head and heart and hands, were full of the imploi
ments of his proper place."
It is matter for regret
that the task to which
Mr. Hooker was thus "haled
by importunity " involved to
such an extent the fol
lowing the track of another's
argument, instead of
formulating -- somewhat after the model of Cotton's
''Keyes," for example -- a treatise of church polity
untrammelled by the necessity
of polemic analysis
IN CONNECTICUT. 143
and rejoinder; for that in that case we might have
had a document unsurpassed and probably unequalled
in clear and vigorous statement
of early Congrega
tional principles by any other of New England origin,
this treatise as it stands,
and especially the Preface,
abundantly shows.
In this Preface occurs a kind of summary of the
principles set forth
in the body of the book. It is
a paragraph of importance in more ways than one.
It not only gives as succinct a presentation of Con
gregational principles then entertained as was ever
given, but it has the additional interest and value of
being a statement of positions
concerning which Mr.
Hooker says,--
" In all these I have leave
to professe the joint judge
ment of all the Elders upon the river: Of New-haven,
Guilford, Milford, Stratford, Fairfield: and of most of
the Elders of the Churches
in the Bay, to whom I did
send in particular, and did receive approbation from
them, under their hands: Of the rest (to whom I could
not send) I cannot so affirm: but this I can say, That at
a common meeting1 I
was desired by them all, to publish
what now I do."
On all grounds, therefore, this brief statement
of
Congregational principles formulated by Mr. Hooker
and assented to by the " elders of the Churches through
all the United Colonies,"2 requires a place here.
"If the Reader shall demand how far
this way of
Church-proceeding receives approbation by any common
1 Doubtless the meeting of
July 1, 1645, at which the agree
ment to reply to "many books
coming out of England" was
entered into at Cambridge. Sec ante, p. 140.
2 Winthrop, ii. 304.
144 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
concurrence amongst us: I shall plainly and punctually
expresse my self in a word of
truth, in these following
points, viz.
Visible Saints are the only true and meet matter,
whereof a visible Church should be gathered, and con
faederation is the form.
The Church
as Totum essentiale, is, and may be, before
Officers.
There is no
Presbyterial! Church (i.e. A Church made
up of the Elders of many Congregations appointed Clas
sickwise, to rule all those Congregations) in the N. T.
A Church Congregationall is the first subject of the
keys.
Each
Congregation compleatly constituted of all Offi-
cers, hath sufficient power in her self,
to exercise the
power of the keyes, and all Church discipline, in all the
censures thereof.
Ordination is not before election.
There ought to be no ordination of a Minister at
large, Namely, such as should make him Pastour with
out a People.
The election of the people hath an
instramentall causall
vertue under Christ,
to give an outward call unto
an
Officer.
Ordination
is only a solemn installing of an Officer into
the Office, unto which he was formerly
called.
Children of
such, who are members of Congregations,
ought only to be baptized.
The consent
of the people gives a causall vertue to the
compleating of the sentence of excommunication.
Whilst the
Church remains a true Church of Christ,
it
doth not loose this power, nor can it lawfully be taken
away.
Consociation
of Churches should be used, as occasion
doth require.
Such consociations and Synods have
allowance to coun
sell and admonish other Churches, as the case may require.
IN CONNECTICUT. 145
And if they grow obstinate in errour or sinfull miscar
riages,
they should renounce the right hand of fellowship
with them.
But they have no power to excommunicate.
Nor do their constitutions binde formaliter & juridice."
The elaborate
volume from whose preface the
above extract is quoted was finally published in 1648,
and remains a monument of its author's most remark
able learning and great dialectic skill. The first two
of the Parts into which the
treatise is divided -- " Ec
clesiasticall Policie Defined," and "The Church con
sidered as it is corpus Organicum " -- are wrought
out prbbably with about the fulness of the copy lost
at sea. The other two -- "Of the Government of
the Church," and
"Concerning Synods," - and
espe
cially the latter of them,
are wholly incomplete, and
would doubtless have been much amplified and illus
trated had the author lived to finish the re-writing
of his book. The argument,
however, is clear
throughout, and the subtlety and strength of the pre
sentation of the case for
the Congregational Way, as
held by the early fathers of New England, entitle the
"Survey " to all, at least, of the honour it has ever
received as an authoritative exposition of the views
in church government which it
learnedly and power
fully maintains.
Before the
re-writing of the books of Hooker and
Davenport was attempted, however, -- and
indeed
perhaps before their authors were
perfectly assured
of the loss of the first copies made, -- the danger of
the subversion of the ecclesiastical usages of the col-
10
146 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
onies
seemed so imminent that the Court of Massa
chusetts, in May, 1646, moved for a general synod,
"to discusse, dispute
& cleare up by the word of God,
such questions of Church governmt & discipline" as
had been before spoken of, and others, " as they shall
thinke needful & meete; "and invited the ministers
and churches of "Plimoth, Connecticott & Newe
Haven," on the same terms of "librty & powr of dis
puting and voting " as
the Massachusetts ministers
and messengers.1 The
proposition was received with
general acceptance, though with demurrer on the part
of the Boston, Salem,
and Hingham churches, as
a trespass of the
civil authority upon the ecclesias
tical domain.2 But most of them finally withdrew
opposition, and the 1st of September found all but
four of the Massachusetts churches,
and a consid
erable number of those from the other colonies,
in
session at Cam bridge, in what is now
called, by way
of pre-eminence, the Cambridge Synod, --
the best
remembered of all the early New England assemblies,
and from which the well-known Platform of church
polity receives its name. Mr.
Hooker, however, was
not there. His colleague, Mr.
Stone the Teacher,
was present, and Deacon Edward Stebbins, a delegate
of the church; but the Pastor was absent. He had
written his
son-in-law, Thomas Shepard, the month
before:--
"My
yeares and infirmityes grow so fast vpon me, yt
wholly disenable me to so long a
journey; and because
I
cannot come myself,
I provoke as many elders as I can
1Mass. Col. Rec., ii. 155. 2 Winthrop, ii. 329- 332.
IN CONNECTICUT. 147
to lend their help and presence. The Lord Christ be in
the midest among you by his guidance and blessing."
Mr. Hooker
had made the journey from Hartford
to Boston on public business four times certainly,
and probably more.1 It was still a
roadless wilder
ness, to be traversed only on horseback, with a
nightly encampment on the
ground, under the open
skies, by the way. It is not strange
that though
interested in the synod,
he shrank from the repeated
pilgrimages.
The synod continued in session
at its first gath
ering only a fortnight. It. appointed three
of its
members to draw up a Scriptural Model of Church
government, and adjourned
to June 8 of the fol
lowing year. Mr. Shepard wrote to his father-in-law,
giving account of discussions arising in the synod
about the extent of synodical authority, and the
power of magistrates in summoning such assemblies.
The report received from his correspondent induced
the ever democratically-inclined author
of the "Sur
vey " to write concerning the first of the
two points: --
"I
renew thanks for the letter and copy of the passages
at the synod. I wish ther be
not a misunderstanding of
some things by some, or that the bynding
power of synods
be
not pressed too much: for, I speake it only to
yourself,
he that adventures far in that business will fynd hott and
hard work, or else my perspective may fayle, which I
confesse it may be."
1 In August, 1637; in May, 1639;
in September, 1643; and
July, 1645. See Winthrop,
i. 281,360; ii. 165,304.
148 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
A comparison of these expressions with the Re
sult
1 of this preliminary session, agreed to "thus
far
onely, That they should be commended unto more
serious consideration against the next Meeting," may
perhaps indicate that some jealousy as to synodical
authority was justifiable.
On the
other point, however, -- of the magistrate's
power in calling
a synod, -- Mr. Hooker writes to
Shepard:--
" I fynd
Mr. Rutherford and Apollonius to give some
what sparingly to the place of the magistrate, to putt forth
power
in the calling of synods, wherein I perceive they
goe crosse to some of our most serious and iudicious
writers."
This implies
the same view which Mr. Hooker
maintained in his "Survey"
on this matter, where he
advocates the right of civil authority
in summoning
ecclesiastical assemblies. Democratic
as Mr. Hooker
was, he had not, nevertheless,
arrived at the modern
conception of the separate prerogatives of Church
and State; and his doctrines on this matter of magis
terial power in ecclesiastical affairs
might have been,
and probably were, a few years after his death quoted
in justification of a long
series of meddlesome inter
ferences of the General
Court of the colony with the
concerns of his own distracted church.
The synod re-assembled, according to
adjournment,
in June, 1647,
but was almost immediately forced to
1 Result of a Synod at Cambridge in New England, anno
1646, pp. 63-66.
IN CONNECTICUT. 149
adjourn again by reason of an "epidemical sickness"
which prevailed over the whole country among Indians
and English,
French and Dutch.1
Mr. Hooker was one of the victims of the disease.
His colleague, Mr. Stone, arrived home from the dis
persed synod in season to see him die. He wrote to
Mr. Shepard, under date of July 19, 164 7: --
DEAREST BROTHER,
God brought us safely to Hart
ford, but
when I came hither God presented me a sad
spec
tacle. M Hooker looked like a dying man, God refused
to heare our prayers for him, but tooke him from vs July
7 a little before sunne-set. Our
sunne is set, our light is
eclipsed, our ioy is darkened, we remember now in the
daye of our calamitie the
pleasant things which we en
ioyed in former times. His
spirits & head were so op
pressed with the disease that he was not able to expresse
much to vs in his sicknesse, but had exprest to Mr. Good
win
before my returne that his peace was made in heaven
& had continued
30 years without
alteration, he was
aboue Satan. 1\farke the vpright man for the
end of that
man is peace! He lived a most blameless life. I thinke
his greatest enemies cannot charge him. He hath done
much work for Christ, & now rests from
his labours & his
workes follow him, but our losse is
great & bitter. My
losse
is bitter.... Mtrs Hooker was taken with the same
sicknesse that night when I came to Hartford, &
was
very neer
death, she is yet weak but I hope recouering.
It would haue been a great aggravation of our miserie iŁ
1 The synod gathered for the third time, August 15, 1648,
and after
a fortnight's discussion adopted
the Platform substan
tially drafted
by one of its three members
designated for the
purpose at its first
meeting, -- Rev. Richard Mather, of Dor
chester. The principles of the Cambridge Platform are too
familiar to need explication here.
150 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
God had blotted
out all that pleasant familee
at once.
Little Sam: Shepard
is well1 ….
We shall do what we
can to prepare Mr. Hookers
answer to Rutterford, that it may be sent before winter
... If
I have the whole winter you may think whether
it be not comely for you
& myself & some other elders
to make a few verses for Mr. Hooker & inscribe them
in
the beging of his book,2
as if they had•
been his
funeral
verses. I do but propound it.
fr: t: S. Stone.3
-
Mather gathers
up and records several more or
less authentic incidents
of Mr. Hooker's last hours,
which may as well be given here as found in the "Magnalia": 4
"In
the time of his sickness he did not say much to
the standers by; but being
asked, that he would utter his
apprehensions about some important
things, especially
about the state of New-England, he answered, I
have
not that work now to do. I
have already declared the
counsel of the Lord: and when one that stood weeping
by the bedside said unto him,
Sir, you are going to re
ceive the reward of all your labours, he replied, Brother,
I am going to receive mercy. At
last he closed his own
eyes with his own hands,
and gently stroaking his own
forehead, with a smile in his countenance, he gave a little
groan, and so expired his blessed soul
into the arms of
his fellow servants,
the holy angels,
on July 7, 1647."
1 Mr. Hooker's grandson
by his daughter Susannah, Mr.
Shepard's wife.
2 This was done with
more
friendship than poetic fire, and
verses by Stone, Cotton, and Rogers were printed,
with the letter of Hopkins
and Goodwin, in the "Survey," which was published
in 1648.
3 4 Mass. Hist. Coll.,
viii. 544-546.
4 Magnalia,
i. 3 I 7.
IN CONNECTICUT. 151
His age was sixty-one
years. He died, it is be
lieved, on the anniversary of his birth. He made a
will1 the day he
died, in which he left directions for
the guidance of his household and for the
custody
and publication of his manuscripts; intrusting his
"beloued frends, Mr. Edward Hopkins
and Mr.
William Goodwyn" with the care of the "education
and dispose" of his children and the management of
his estate.
As was natural,
the death of so eminent a leader of
the little Commonwealth prompted the remembrance
by survivors of portents and supernatural tokens
of it. The event occurred
in the mid-season of a
pestilential summer, when languor
and oppression in
the probably crowded
and ill-ventilated meeting
house might have been expected. But looking back
upon it, -
"Some of his most observant hearers
observed an aston
ishing sort of a cloud in his congregation, the last Lord's
day of his publick ministry, when he also administred
the Lord's Supper among them; and a most unaccountable
heaviness and sleepiness, even in the most watchful
christians of the place,
not unlike the drowsiness of the
disciples, when our Lord was
going to die; for which, one
of the elders publickly rebuked them. When those de
vout people afterwards
perceived that this was the last
sermon and sacrament wherein they were to have the
presence of the pastor with
them, 't is inexpressible how
much they bewailed their unattentiveness unto his fare
wel
dispensations; and some
of them could enjoy no peace
in their own souls, until they had obtained
leave of the
1 Appendix I.
152 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
elders to confess before the whole congregation with many
tears, that inadvertency." 1
The blow
was indeed a great one, and felt not alone
in the Connecticut Colony. Some
sense of its impor
tance to the whole group of cisatlantic settlements
is expressed in the simple,
noble language of Gover
nor Winthrop in his account of the pestilence of that
disastrous summer: 2 --
"That which made the stroke more sensible and
grievous, both to them [of Connecticut] and to all the
country, was the death of that faithful servant of the
Lord, Mr. Thomas Hooker, pastor of the church in
Hartford, who, for piety, prudence, wisdom,
zeal, learn
ing, and what else might make him serviceable in the
place and time he lived in, might be compared with men
of greatest note; and he shall
need no other praise: the
fruits of his labors in
both Englands shall preserve an
honorable and happy remembrance of him forever."
This wise
and eloquent eulogy, written in the pages
of a personal diary with no thought
of public repro
duction in a biography of the man
whom the large
hearted Massachusetts governor
loved and honoured
above all differences which had ever risen between
them, needs no amplification.
No portrait
or even minute description of Mr.
Hooker's physical appearance remains.
The impres
sion gained from the various references to him leaves
upon the mind, however, the imagination of a figure
1 Magnalia, i. 317.
2 Winthrop, ii. 378.
IN CONNECTICUT. 153
of dignity
and something of command.1 He
is al
ways
spoken of by contemporary and by nearly suc
ceeding
writers with marked respect and veneration.
He
is said 2 to have been " a man of a cholerick dis
position," which one can easily conjecture from the
fervour of his oratorical temperament and the frequent
vehemency of his rhetoric. But the same authority
which affirms his possession of a fiery spirit
says
also 3 that "he had ordinarily as much government of
his
choler, as a man has of a mastiff dog in a chain;
he could let out his dog, and pull in his
dog, as
he
pleased.' " Eulogiums
of his benevolence, of his
patience, his humility,
as well as of his
practical
sagacity and wisdom in the
management of the affairs
of his own and of the neighbouring churches, are pre
served on various pages of the pedantic writer to
whom, with all his faults and not infrequent inaccu
racies, we are indebted
for so much that would be
otherwise
unknown, not only
of Hooker,
but of most
of the fathers of our New England
history. One
interesting and suggestive illustration of this practical
and kindly wisdom in the management of the con
cerns of his own church must conclude our chapter:
''As for
ecclesiastical censures, he was very watchful
to prevent all proceedures unto them,
as far as was con
sistent with the rules of our Lord; for which cause (ex-
1 This impression is well realized
in the full-length statue
ordered
by the State of Connecticut for erection in the State
Capitol,
a representation of which constitutes the frontispiece
of this volume.
2 Magnalia, i. 313. 3 Ibid.
154 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
cept in
grosser abominations) when offences happened,
he did his utmost, that the notice thereof might be ex
tended no further than it ,vas
when they first were laid
before him; and having reconciled the offenders
with
sensible and convenient acknowledgements of their mis
carriages, he would let the notice thereof be confined unto
such as were aforehand therewith acquainted; and hence
there was but one person admonished in, and but one
person excommunicated from the church of Hartford, in
all the fourteen years, that Mr. Hooker lived
there." 1
1 Magnalia, i. 316, 317.
HIS WRITINGS 155
VII.
THOMAS HOOKER'S WRITINGS.
'Twas of Genevahs Worthies said, with
wonder,
(Those Worthies Three) Farell was
wont to thunder;
Viret, like Rain, on tender grasse to shower,
But Calvin, lively Oracles to pour.
All these in Hookers spirit did remain:
A Sonne of Thunder,
and a Shower of Rain,
A pourer-forth of lively Oracles,
In saving souls, the summe of miracles.
JOHN COTTON'S Elegy.
WITH the single exception
of the '' Survey of the
Summe of Church
Discipline," spoken of in the last
chapter, Mr. Hooker was not in primary
purpose an
author of books. Of his published writings some thirty
titles are indeed extant.1 Yet
all these volumes, with
the exception of the one on Church Polity,
to whose
composition he had been "haled by
importunity,"
were at first discourses, whose original and main use
was oral delivery, and whose chief object was the im
mediately practical one of impressing, convincing, and
persuading the hearers
of his voice.
Some of these discourses were apparently printed
from notes taken clown by hearers of his Lectures
at
Chelmsford, or possibly
still earlier at Emmanuel; and
1 Appendix II.
156 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
even of
others, concerning which we have the assur
ance that they are " as they were penned under his
own hand," or "printed from his own papers written
with his own
hand," 1 we have no tokens of editorial
revision by himself, and little of any intention in their
composition that they should be printed at all. All
his books -- unless "The Poore Doubting Christian"
be a possible exception -- being published in Eng
land, either during his exile in Holland, his residence
in America, or after his death, he saw none of them
through the press; and
though authorizing the
issue of some of them, imparted to
none the benefit
of an author's customary review of the printed page.
One of them-- "The Saints Dignitie and Dutie,"
published in 1651 -- was compiled by his son-in-law,
Shepard; two or three others -- as "A Comment
upon Christs Last
Prayer," published in 1656, and
"The Application of Redemption,"
published in
1659 -were issued under the prefatory
supervision of
Rev. Thomas Goodwin and Rev. Philip Nye; and some
in all probability were printed from copies of Mr.
Hooker's discourses made by Rev. John Higginson,
of Guilford, who is said 2 to
have "transcribed from
his manuscripts near two hundred of these excellent
sermons which were sent over into England that
they might be published; but
by what means I know
not, scarce half of them have seen the light unto this
1 See Goodwin and Nye's preface,
and the publisher's an
nouncement to the"
Comment upon Christs Last Prayer"
and
"The Application of Redemption."
2 Magnalia, i. 315.
HIS WRITINGS. 157
day." Several
of the volumes are altogether
anony
mous,
-- a fact itself suggestive of the surreptitious
use
and publication of the materials of which
they were
compiled.
But though
there is some diversity in the details of
style and finish, such as this variety of manner in the
appearance of the volumes would suggest,
the family
likeness is unmistakable. They
obviously came, what
ever verbal blemish
may attach to them, from
the
same mind and pen.
l\Ir. Hooker was regarded
by his associates --
themselves men of great learning
-- as a learned man;
and indications of the fact come out distinctly in his
"Survey," and, in an exegetical way, to some extent
in
his discourses. But one looks in vain in his writ
ings, as in the writings of his Puritan
contemporaries
generally, for any apparent
knowledge of current
secular literature. The poets
of the Elizabethan pe
riod find not the slightest
token of existence in his
pages. Shakspeare died in Hooker's university days;
Bacon while he was preaching at
Chelmsford; but nei
ther the poetry of the one nor the
philosophy of the
other, nor the literature which either of them stood in
any wise the representative of,
apparently came in the
least degree within the ken of
Hooker, any more
than they did within the ken of most of his
associates
in the Puritan ministry of his time. Even the litera
ture of the Prayer-book, with which they must
have
been familiar from childhood, is almost unreflected in
their pages.
Of the graces of a literary style, therefore, Hooker
158 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
must not be
looked to as an illustrator. He himself
says, in the preface to his "Survey," what is applica
ble to all his writings:
--
"As it is beyond my skill, so
I professe
it is beyond
my care to please the nicenesse of men's palates
with any;
quaintnesse of language. They who covet more sauce
then meate, they must provide
cooks to
their
minde….
The substance and
solidity
of the frame is that which
pleaseth the builder,
it is the painters work to provide
varnish."
This disclaimer
is in Hooker's genuine style. It is
itself an illustration of that homely vigour and vivacity
which made his pulpit utterances so arrestive
of the
most wandering or
antagonistic attention, and makes
the faded pages of his printed books frequently so
lively and picturesque.
As to the mass of his writings, they are
-- laying
aside the "Survey" -- essentially on one theme.
They are a body, not of doctrinal, but of experimental
divinity. The discourses of which they are
com
posed are said to have been,1 and it is
inherently
probable that they were, the result of repeated preach
ings and lecturings upon the experimental aspects
of
religion, first at Cambridge when he lectured at Em
manuel, afterward at Esher and Chelmsford, and sub
sequently in America. He went over the ground
again
and again
with marvellous minuteness and ful
ness of detail. His volumes are, when collected into
their organic relationship, a development of what he
conceived to be the soul's way of seeking,
finding,
1 Magnalia, i. 314.
HIS WRITINGS. 159
and
enjoying Christ. Their titles,
whether his own
or given by others, distinctly indicate
this recognized
purpose running through them. "The Soules Prepa
ration for Christ," "The Soules Humiliation," '' The
Soules Vocation," "The
Soules Iustification,"
"The
Soules Implantation,""The
Soules Vnion with Christ,''
"The Soules Benefit from
Vnion with Christ," "The
Saints Dignitie and Dutie,"
-- these, among others,
show clearly the track along which he moved.
It is the line of thought
followed rather by the
pastor than the theologian.
The robustest Calvin
istic system of theology is everywhere implied
and
incidentally expressed in these discourses, but the
statement of a system of theology is in none of them,
or all of them, an aim. The aim is the persuasion
of
men; and to this purpose
the preacher brings a
fecundity of conception, a power of spiritual anatomy,
an amplitude and variousness of illustration, and an
energy of utterance truly wonderful. Especially
striking is this anatomic skill in dealing
with the
moral phenomena at that time so generally
ante
cedent to, or attendant
upon, conversion. To most
modern readers the proportion will seem excessive
which Mr. Hooker
gives to the experiences of the soul
in mere "preparation " for conversion. He has vol
umes on these preliminary
exercises of the spirit be
fore it gets to the point of
trust in Christ. He hid
himself open, even while he lived, to the
remark of
the shrewd Rev. Nathaniel
Ward, of Ipswich:
"Mr.
Hooker,
you make as good Christians before men are
in Christ as ever they are after; would I were but as
160 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
good a Christian now as you make men while
they
are but preparing for Christ."1
•
Mr. Hooker's course in this respect was probably
extreme even for his time. But
in those days of re
coil from the outward ceremonial religion in which
the Papacy had so long held men, the inward facts of
personal experience were made the
subject of the
most careful scrutiny and dissection. Especially all
the evasions and windings of the human spirit in re
coil from the stern
presentations made of the
sov
ereignty and righteousness of God:
were followed with
microscopic acuteness and pitilessness of exposure.
Conversion was a great thing and a difficult thing.
It was "not a little
mercy that will serve the
turne . . . the Lord will make all crack before thou
shalt finde mercy." 2
Mr. Hooker's son-in-law,
the
"saintly" Thomas
Shepard, put the matter thus in
his " Sincere Convert
" : " Jesus Christ is not got
with a wet finger. ... It is a
tough work, a wonder
full hard matter to be saved." 8 And again: "'Tis
a
thousand to one if ever thou bee
one of that small
number whom God hath picked out
to escape this
wrath to come." 4
Holding these views of the immense difficulty of
saving
conversion, the vast liability to deception about
it, together with the infinite misery of
failure in the
enterprise, it is not strange that
the whole process of
the spiritual enterprise
should have been tried as by
1 Giles Firmin's Real Christian, p. 19.
2 Hooker's The Soules Preparation, pp. 9, 10.
3 Shepard's Sincere Convert, p. 1 50. 4 Ibid. p. 98.
HIS WRITINGS. 161
fire. As
specimens of this kind of endeavour Hook
er's writings arc unsurpassed. Of this feature of his
teachings, as well as of others which will afford a
more general view of his spirit and method as a
preacher, the best conception
will be gained by some
quotations from his books.
In "The
Soules Preparation for Christ," the
preacher is arguing on the
necessity of a clear view of
a man's sinfulness, and says:1 --
"
First it is not every sight of
sinne will serve the
turne, nor every apprehension of a mans vilenesse; but
it must have these two
properties in it, First, he must
see sinne clearely; Secondly, convictingly. First, he that
will see sinne clearely, must see it truly and fully, and be
able to fadome the compasse
of his corruptions, and to
dive into the depth of the wretchednesse of his vile heart,
otherwise it wil befall a mans sinne
as it doth the
wound of a mans body: when a man lookes into the
wound overly, and doth not
search it to the bottome, it
begins to fester and rancle, and so in the end he is slaine
by it; so it is with most sinners, wee carry it all away
with this, Wee are
sinners; and such ordinary confes
sions; but we never see the depth
of the wound of sin;
and so are slaine by our
sinnes. It is not a generall,
slight, and confused
sight of sinne that will serue the
turne: it is not enough to say, It is my infirmity, and I
cannot amend it: and wee are all sinners and so forth.
No, this is the ground why wee mistake our evils and re
forme not our wayes, because we have a slight and overly
sight of sinne; a man must prove his wayes as the Gold
smith doth his gold in the fire, a man must search nar
rowly and have much light to see what the vilenesse
of his
1 The Soules Preparation (1632), pp. 12-14.
11
162 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
owne heart
is, and to see what his sinnes are, that doe
procure the
wrath
of God against him
…. We must
looke on
the nature of sinne in the venome of it, the
deadly hurtful! nature that it hath for
plagues and mis
eries, it doth procure
to our soules; and that you may
doe, partly if you compare
it with other things, and
partly if you looke at it in
regard of yourselves: First,
compare sinne with those
things that are most fearefull
and horrible; As suppose any
soule here present were to
behold the damned in hell, and if the Lord should give
thee a little peepe-hole into hell, that thou didst see the
horror of those damned soules, and thy heart begins to
shake in consideration thereof; then propound this to thy
owne heart, what paines the
damned in hell doe endure
for sinne, and thy heart
will shake and quake at it, the
least sinne that ever thou didst commit, though thou mak
est a light matter of it, is
a greater evill then the paines
of the damned in hell,
setting aside their sinne; all the
torments in hell are not so great an evil, as the least sin
is: men begin to shrink at this, and loathe to goe down
to hell, and to be in endlesse torments."
But such a thorough
sight of sin is needful to a
thorough work of grace; for1 --
"Many
have gone a great way in the worke
of hu
miliation, and yet because it never went through to the
quicke, they have gone backe againe, and become vile as
ever they were; I have known men, that the Lord hath
layed
a heavie burthen upon them, and awakened their con
sciences,
and driven them to a desperate extremity, and
yet after much anguish,
and many resolutions, and the
prizing of Christ, as they
conceived, and after the re
nouncing of all, to take Christ upon his owne termes
as they imagined; and even these when they have bin eased
1 The Soules Preparation (1632 ), pp. 150-152.
HIS WRITINGS. 163
and refreshed, and God
hath taken off the trouble, they
have come to be as crosse to God and all goodnesse, and
as full of hatred to Gods children
as ever and worse too.
"Now why did
these fall away? Why were they
never Justified and
Sanctified? and why did they never
come to beleeve in the Lord Jesus ? The reason is, be
cause their hearts were
never pierced for their sinne,
they were never kindly loosened
from it; this is the
meaning of that place in Ier., Plow up the fallow ground
of your hearts, and sowe not among thornes, it is noth
ing else, but with sound saving sorrow to have the heart
pierced with the terrours of the Law seising upon it, and
the vilenesse of sin wounding the conscience for it. The
heart of man is compared to fallow ground that is un
fruitfull; you must not sow amongst
thornes and thistles,
first plow it, and lay it bare and naked, and then cast in
your seed. If a man plow here
a furrow, and there a
furrow, and leave here and
there a bawke, hee is never
like to have a good crop,
there will grow so mariy thistles
and so much grasse, that it will choake the
seed: our
hearts are this ground, and our corruptions are these
thornes and thistles: Now if a
man be content to finde
some sinne hatefull, because
it is shamefull; but will
keepe here a lust and there a lust, hee will never
make
any good husbandry of the heart: though
a faithfull Min
ister should sow all the grace of promises in his soule, he
would never get any good by them, but the corruptions
that remaine in the heart will hinder the saving work
thereof. Therefore plow up
all, and by sound saving sor
row labour to have thy heart burthened for sinne,
and
estranged from it, and this is good husbandry indeed."
But there is great liability to self-deception about
this matter: --
"Oh doe not cozen
your owne soules; it is not the
teares of the eye, but the blood
of the heart that your
164 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
sinnes must cost, and if you come not to this, never
thinke that your sorrow
is good. . . . Now if all be true
that I have said, there are but few sorrowers for sinne,
therefore few saved; here wee see the ground and reason
why many fly off from Godlinesse, and
Christianity: This
is the cause, their soules
were onely troubled with a
little hellish sorrow,
but their hearts were never kindly
grieved for their sinnes. If a mans arrne be broken
and
disjoynted a little,
it may grow together againe;
But if it
be quite broken off,
it cannot grow together; so the
ter
rour of the Law affrighted his conscience,
and a power
full Minister unjoynted
his soule, and the Judgements of
God were rending
of him; but he was never cut off
altogether: and therefore he
returnes as vile, & as base,
if not worse then before, & he growes more firmly to his
corruptions. It is with a mans conversion, as in some
mens ditching; they doe not pull up all
the trees by the
roots, but plash them: so when you come to have your
corruptions cut off, you plash them, and doe not wound
your hearts kindly,
and you doe not make your soules
feele the burthen of sinne truly: this will make a man
grow and flourish
still, howsoever more cunningly and
subtilly…. Looke as it
is
with
a womans conception,
those births that are hasty,
the children are either still
borne, or the woman most commonly
dies; so doe not
thou thinke to fall upon the promise
presently. Indeed
you cannot fall upon it too soone upon good grounds;
but it is impossible that ever a full
soule or a haughty
heart should beleeve,
thou mayest be deceived, but thou
canst not be engrafted into Christ: therfore when God
begins to worke, never rest till you come to a full meas
ure of this brokennesse of
heart. Oh follow the blow and
labour to make this worke sound and good unto the
bottome." 1
1 The Soules Preparation (1632), pp. 182-187.
HIS WRITINGS. 165
But one test and measure
of this "sound work"
inculcated by Hooker has not, perhaps, attracted the
notice its place in our American religious
history
deserves. It is that test of true conversion which in
New England theology is commonly
connected with
the name of Dr. Hopkins,
of Newport, -- that a
Christian should be willing to be damned if it be
God's will. Cotton Mather
1
follows his father In
crease 2 in an attempt to defend Mr. Hooker from
the imputation of teaching this doctrine, on the ground
that the publication of Mr. Hooker's
writings was to
a
great extent "without his consent or knowledge;
whereby his notions came to be deformedly
misrep
resented in multitudes of passages, among which I
will suppose that crude passage which Mr.
Giles Fir
min, in his Real Christian so well confutes, That
if
the soul be rightly humbled,
it is content to bear the
state of damnation." The defence is
well meant, but
it is idle. The Hopkinsian
doctrine of contentment
in being damned was taught, nearly a century
and a
half before Hopkins,
by Hooker and his son-in-law
Shepard with the utmost distinctness. It is not by
any supposition of incorrect
reporting that the tenet
can be got out of Hooker's " Humiliation" or Shep
ard's "Sincere Convert."
Hooker's "Humiliation"
is one of the best published of all his treatises,
and
bears internal evidence of as much accuracy in repro
ducing his thought and idiom of speech as any other.
And the doctrine
in question is logically and rhetori-
1 Magnalia, i. 315.
2 Prefatory letter to Solomon Stoddard's Guide to Christ.
166 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
cally woven into the texture of both Hooker's
and
Shepard's volumes. It appears and reappears in
them. It is prepared for, led up to, stated, enforced,
and objections to it answered. There is no acciden
tal and inconsiderate slipping into its utterance.
It
is accepted with full intelligence, and with clear
recognition of its obnoxiousness and its difficulty to
common experience.
The
teachings of Hooker and his son-in-law on
this matter were made the topic of correspondence
between Shepard and Rev. Giles Firmin, and of an
elaborate treatise by Firmin, largely in confutation of
the utterances of Shepard and his father-in-law on
the doctrine in question.1 Many pages might be
quoted from Shepard's writings in support of this
doctrine, but attention
must here be confined to
Hooker's teachings on the subject.
The
preacher is well aware he is dealing with a
hard point: --
"Now I come to this last passage in this worke of
Humiliation, and this is the
dead lift of all. The Prod
igall doth not stand it out
with his Father and say, I
am
now come againe, if I may have halfe the rule in the Fam
ily, I am content to live
with you. No, though hee would
not stay there before, yet now bee
cannot be kept out, hee
is content to bee anything ... Lord (saith
he) shew me
mercy, and I am content to be, and to suffer
anything.
So from hence the Doctrine is this. The
Soule that is
truly humbled is content to be disposed by the Almightie,
as it pleaseth him. The
maine pitch of this point lyes
1 Firmin's Real Christian, Preface, Introduction, and pp.
107-149.
HIS WRITINGS. 167
in the
word content. This phrase is a higher pitch then
the former of submission: and this is plaine by this ex
ample. Take a debtor, who hath used all meanes to avoyd
the creditor: in the end he seeth
that bee cannot avoyd
the suit, and to beare it bee is not able. Therefore the
onely way is to come in, and yield himselfe into his credi
tors hands; where there is nothing, the King must loose
his right; so the debtor yields himselfe : but suppose the
creditor should use him hardly, exact the uttermost,
and throw him into the
prison; Now to bee content
to
under-goe the hardest dealing it is a hard matter: this is
a further degree then the offering himselfe. So, when the
Soule hath offered himselfe, and he seeth that Gods writs
are out against him, and his conscience
(the Lords Ser
jeant) is coming to serve a Subpaena
on him, and it is not
able to avoyd it, nor to beare it
when he comes, therefore
he submits himselfe and saith, Lord, whither shall I goe,
thy anger is heavy
and unavoydable; Nay, whatsoever
God requires, the Soule layes his hand upon his mouth,
and goes away contented and
well satisfied, and it hath
nothing to say against the Lord. This is the nature of
the Doctrine in hand; and for the better opening of it let
me
discover these
things…. For howsoever the Lords
worke is secret in other ordinary things, yet all the Soules
that ever came to Christ,
and that shall ever come to
Christ, must have this worke upon them;
and it is im
possible that faith should be in the
Soule; except this
worke bee there first, to make way for faith.1….
"Thirdly, Hence the Soule comes to be quiet and
framable under the heavy hand of God
in that helplesse
condition wherein he is; so
that the Soule having been
thus framed aforehand, it comes to this, that it takes the
blow and lies under the
burthen, and goes away quietly
and patiently, he is quiet and saith not a word more:
1 The Soules Humiliation (1638), pp. 98-100.
168 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
oh! this is a heart
worth gold. He accounts Gods deal
ing and Gods way to be the fittest and most seasonable
of all. Oh (saith he) it is
fit that God should glorifie
himselfe though I be damned forever, for I deserve
the
worst.1 ...
"Now see this blessed frame of heart in these three
particulars. First, the Soule
is content that mercy shall
deny what it will to the Soule,
and the Soule is content
and calmed with whatsoever mercy denyes. If the Lord
will not heare his prayers, and if the
Lord will cast him
away, because he hath cast away the Lords kindnesse, and
if the Lord will leave him in
that miserable and damnable
condition, which he hath
brought himselfe into, by the
stubbornnesse of his heart, the Soule is quiet. Though
I confesse it is harsh and
tedious, and long it is ere the
Soule be thus framed; yet the
heart truely abased is con
tent to beare the estate of damnation; because
hee hath
brought this misery
and damnation upon himselfe." 2
"But
some may here object and say, Must the Soule,
can the Soule, or ought it to be thus content, to be left in
this
damnable condition? For the answer
hereof; Know
that
this contentednesse implies two things, and it may
bee taken in a double sense. First,
Contentedness some
times implies nothing
else,
but a carnall
securitie….
But then;
Secondly, it implies a calmnesse of the Soule
not murmuring against
the Lords dispensation toward
him. . . . So wee should not bee
carelesse in using all
meanes for our good, but still seeke to God for mercy;
yet thus we must be, and thus we ought
to be contented
with whatsoever mercy shall
deny, because wee are not
worthy of any favour;
and the humble Soule reasons
thus with itselfe and saith, my owne sinne, and my abomi
nations have brought
me into this damnable
condition
wherein I am, & I have neglected
that mercy which
l The Soules Humiliation (1638), pp. 106, 107. 2 Ibid. 112.
HIS WRITINGS. 169
might have brought me
from it, therefore why should I
murmure against mercy, though it deny me mercy? ...
Marke this
well. He that is not willing
to acknowledge
the freenesse of the course of mercy, is not worthy, nay,
hee is not fit to receive any mercy; but that Soule which
is not content that mercy deny him what it will; he doth
not give way to the freenesse
of the Lords grace and
mercy, and therefore
that Soule is not fit for mercy.1…
" But
some may object. Can a man feele this
frame of
heart, to be content, that mercy should have him in hell?
doe the Saints of God find this? and can any man know
this in his heart?
"To this I
answer. Many of Gods servants have
been
driven to this, and have
attained to it, and have laid
open the simplicitie of their Soules, in being content with
this."2…
" The
soule that is thus contented to
be at Gods dis
posing, it is ever improving
all meanes and helpes that
may bring him neerer to God, but if mercy shall deny it,
the soule is satisfied and rests
well apaid; this every
Soule that is truely humbled may have, and hath in some
measure." 3
But this
submission and humiliation of the
soul no
one can accomplish for himself;
for --
"This union that is betweene the Soul and its
cor
ruptions is marveilous strong and firme, nay so
strong
and firme that there is no meanes under heaven,
no
creature in the world that
is able to breake this union,
and dissolve this combination that is betweene sinne and
the sou1e, unless the Lord by his Almighty power come
and break this conspiracy that is betweene
sin and the
1 The Soules Humiliation (1638), pp. 113-115.
2 Ibid. 115, 116. 3 Ibid. 114.
170 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
soule against himselfe and the glory of his name….
As it is
with the body of a man if there were a great and
old distemper in a mans stomacke, if a man should put a
rich doublet upon him and lay him in a Featherbed and
use all other outward meanes this would doe him noe
good because the disease
is
within…. lust so it is
with the soule of a man;
a mans heart will have his
sinne; there is an inward combination betweene the soule
and sinne; now all meanes, as the Word
and the like, is
outward, and can doe no good
in this kind, they cannot
break the union betweene a mans heart and his cor
ruptions, unless the Lord by his Almighty power and
infinite wisdome make a separation betweene sinne and
the soule, and dissolve this union."1
And God
does sometimes interpose to afford this indis
pensable aid. Not always,
indeed, for God's purpose
does not always go to the extent
of a saving work.
"The
Lord deales diversely as bee seeth
fit; specially
in these three wayes. First, if God have a purpose to
civilize a man, he will lay his sorrow as a fetter upon
him; he onely meanes to civilize him, and knocke off his
fingers from base
courses…. God onely
rips the skinne
a little, and layeth some small blow upon him: but if a
man have beene a rude and a great ryoter, the Lord begins
to serve a Writ upon him ... so
that now the soule
seeth the flashes of hell, and Gods wrath upon the soule,
and the terrours of hell lay hold upon the heart, and he
confesseth that hee is so, and hee hath
done so, and
therefore he is a poore damned creature,
and then the
soule labours to welter it, and it may be his conscience
will bee deluded by some carnall
Minister that makes the
way broader than it is, ... or else it may be, bee stops
1 The Vnbeleevers Preparing for Christ (1638), pp. 138-140.
HIS WRITINGS. 171
the mouth of conscience with some outward
performances:
... and he
wil pray in his family, and heare sermons,
& take up some good courses;
& thus he takes up a
quiet civill course, and stayeth here
a while, and at last
comes to nothing: And thus God leaves him in the lurch,
if he meanes onely to civilize him.
But secondly, if God intends to doe good to a man, hee
will not let
him goe thus, and fall
to a civill course....
will ferret him from his denne, and from his base
courses and practises: He will be with
you in all your
stealing and pilfering, and in
all your cursed devices, if
you belong to him hee will not give you over. … Now
the soule
is beyond all shift; when it is day, he wisheth it
were night, and when it is night, hee wisheth it were day;
the wrath of God followeth him wheresoever he goeth, and
the soule would fain be rid of this, but hee cannot; and yet
all the while the soule is not heavy and sorrowfull for sin;
hee is burdened, and could bee content to throw away the
punishment and horror of sinne, but not the sweet of
sinne: as it is with a child that takes a live coale in his
hand,
thinking to play with it, when hee feeles fire in it, hee
throwes
it away; bee doth not throw it away because it
is black, but because it burnes him: So it is here: A
sinfull wretch will throw away his sinne, because of the
wrath of God that is due to him for it,
and the drunkard
will be drunke no more; but if he might have his queanes
and his pots without any punishment or trouble, he would
have them with all his heart,
bee loves the black and
sweet of sinne well enough,
but he loves not the plague
of sinne. . . . Now in the third place, if the Lord pur
pose to doe good to the soule, he will not suffer him to be
quiet here, but hee openeth the eye of the soule further;
and makes him sorrow, not because it is a great
and
shamefull sinne, but the Lord saith to the soule, Even the
least sinne makes a separation betweene mee and thee;
and the heart begins to reason
thus: Lord, is
this true?
172 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
is this the smart
of sinne? and is this the vile
nature of
sinne? O Lord! how odious are these
abominations that
cause this evill, and though
they had not caused this evill,
yet this is worse then the evill ; that they make a separa
tion betweene God and my soule. Good Lord, why was
I
borne?" 1
So that if
God really intends to save a man he does
not stop with any
"morall and external drawing,"
but he works "effectually" to that end.
"I expresse
it thus, looke as it is with the wheele of a
clock, or the wheele of a
lack that is turned aside, and
by some contrary poyse set the wrong way. He now that
will set this wheele right,
must take away the contrary
poyse, and then put the
wheele the right way, and yet
the wheele doth not goe all this while of it selfe, but first
there is a stopping of the wheele, and a taking away of the
poyse: and secondly the wheele must be turned the right
way, and all this while the wheele is only a sufferer; so
it is with the soule of a man, the heart of a man, and the
will of a man, and the
affections of a man; they are the
wheeles of the
soules of men…. Now
when
the Lord
commeth to set these wheeles aright, he
must take away
the poyse and plummet that
made them runne the wrong
way, that is, the Lord by his
almighty power, must over
power those sins and corruptions which harbour in the
soule . . . and then the frame of the soule will be to
God-ward, it will be in a
right frame and order, it will
runne the right way, and all this while the will is only a
sufferer, and this I take to be the meaning of the text:
That God by a holy kind of violence, rendeth the soule of
a poore sinner, and withall
by his almighty power, stops
the force of a mans corruptions, and makes
the soule
teachable, and framable
to the will of God, it makes it to
1 The Soules Preparation (1632), pp. 131-136.
HIS WRITINGS. 173
lie levell,
and to be at Gods command, and this is done
by a holy kind of violence."1
But when
this " effectual" sovereign work of grace
is accomplished, there is no end to the consolations
of the gospel.
"It is a word of consolation, and it is a cordiall
to
cheare up a mans heart, and
carry him through all troubles
whatsoever can betide him or shall befall him. This doc
trine of Iustification it seems to me to be
like Noahs
Arke, when all the world was to
bee drowned: God
taught Noah to make an
arke, and to pitch it about, that no
water, nor winds, nor stormes could breake through, and
so it bore up Noah above
the waters, and kept him safe
against wind and weather;
when one was on the top of a
mountain crying: 0 save
me, another clambering upon
the trees, all floting, and crying,
and dying there; there
was no saving but for those only that were gotten into
the arke: Oh so it will be with you poor foolish
be
leevers, the world is like this sea, wherein are many
floods of water,
many troubles, much persecution: Oh
get you into the arke the Lord Jesus,
and when one is
raring and yelling,
Oh the devill, the devill;
another is
ready to hang himselfe, or to cut his owne throat; another
sends for a Minister, and hee
crieth, Oh there is no
mercy for mee, I have opposed it; Get you into Christ, I
say, ·and you shall bee safe I will warrant you; your
soules shall bee transported with consolation to the end
of your hopes."1
And of such justified
state the Spirit
of God gives
inward witness: --
"The spirit doth evidence
to the soule, broken and
humbled, That the soule hath an interest
in this mercy,
1 Preparing for Christ (1638), part ii. pp. 24-26.
2 The Soules Exaltation (1638, pp. 122, 123.
174 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
that it was appointed for it, and he hath to meddle with it.
. . . We may observe that a witnesse in a
cause doth mar
vellously cleare it, if he be
wise and judicious, and the
thing that before was doubtfull, comes now to be apparant:
as now in a point of Law, two men contend for land; now
if an ancient wise man of some place is called before the
Judge at the Assizes, and bee
beares witnesse upon his
knowledge, that such Landes have beene in the possession
of such a generation or family, for the space of many
yeares; this is a speciall testification, that this man being
of that generation, he hath an interest in these lands: So
it is with the witnesse of Gods Spirit, there is a contro
versie betweene Satan and the
soule, the soule saith, oh,
that grace and compassion might be bestowed on mee;
why, (saith Satan) dost thou conceive
of any mercy, or
grace and Salvation? marke thy
rebellions against thy
Saviour, marke the wretched distempers of thy heart, and
the filthy abhominations of
thy life: dost thou thinke of
mercy? ... Now
the Spirit of God comming in, that casts
the cause and makes it evident, if such a poore heart have
interest, and may
meddle and make challenge to mercy and
salvation, because
it hath beene prepared for them, from
the beginning of the world to this very day. Now this
gives a light into the
businesse, & the evidence is sure, that
this man hath title to all
the riches and compassion of
the Lord Jesus; Acts. 2. 39. Every
poore creature thinkes,
that God thinkes
so of him, as hee thinkes of himself
… whereas
the Spirit of the Lord judgeth otherwise,
and God meanes well toward him, and intends good to
all you that have beene broken for your sins; and
there
is witnesse of it in heaven, and it shall
be made good to
your owne consciences."1
Which gives a good ground for comfort and cheerful
living: --
1 The Soules Effectual! Calling (1638), pp. 79, 80.
HIS WRITINGS. 175
"Come what wit come. This
is his aim to settle
the
conclusion of their happines, and the certainty
thereof:
To be beyond the reach of al the hosts in Heaven
and
Earth. Therefore he musters up al, what we are, what
shal be. If there were a thousand
worlds to come, and
should
set
themselves to shake the comforts of the faith
ful, it could not be ….The Devils and sin may as wel
separate Christ from the Father, as pul the love of the
Father from his own heart, and so from Christ, as separate
us from it. ... Be
therefore content with what thou hast,
our Saviors desire is to interest thee in the heart
and
love of the Father, as himself. Not to love thee as a
Creature, as a friend, a
subject, but as the Son of his love.
What me? Yes thee,
poor, weak, silly, worthless Worm,
that beleevest in him. Go
thy way therefore, never
quarel, nor question
any more. It is enough, nay it is
too much. I would not have thought it. I durst not
have desired it. I
could not have beleeved it, but that
our
Savior hath said and done it." 1
But what sort of preaching
is it which leads to
these salvatory results? Hooker
gives his idea about
it
in answering the question,
" What is a powerful
minister? ''
"The word is compared
to a sword: as, if a man
should
draw a sword and flourish it about,
and should not
strike
a blow with it, it will doe no
harme; even so it is
here with the Ministers, little good will they doe if they
doe
onely explicate; if they doe onely draw out the sword of
the
Spirit: for unlesse they apply it to the peoples harts
particularly, little good may the people expect, little good
shall the Minister doe. A
common kind of teaching when
the Minister doth speake only hoveringly, and in the gener
all, and never applies the word of God particularly, may be
1 Comment on Christs Last Prayer (1656), pp. 319, 320.
176 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
compared to the confused
noise that was in the Ship
wherein Jonah was, when the
winds blew, and the sea
raged, and a great storm began to arise. The
poore Mar
riners strove with might and maine, and they did endeav
our by all meanes possible to bring the ship to the shore;
every one cried unto his god and cast their wares into the
sea, and all this while Ionas was fast asleepe in the ship:
but when the Marriners came down and plucked him up,
and said, A rise thou sleeper, ... who art thou? Call upon
thy God, then he was
awakened out of his sleepe. The
common delivery of the word is like that confused noise:
there is matter of heaven, of hell, of grace, of sin spoken
of, there is a common noise,
and all this while men sit
and sleepe carelessly, and never looke about them, but
rest secure: but when particular application comes, that
shakes a sinner,
as the Pilot did Jonah, and
asks him,
what assurance of Gods mercy
hast thou? what hope of
pardon of sinnes? of life and happinesse hereafter? You
are baptized, and so were many that are in hell: you come
to Church, and so did many that are in hell: but what is
your conversation in the meantime? Is that holy in the
sight of God and man?
"When
the Ministers of God shake men and take them
up on this fashion then they begin to stirre up themselves,
and to consider of their estates. This
generall and com
mon kind of teaching is like
an enditement without a
name: if a man should come to the assizes, and make
a great exclamation and have no name to his enditement,
alas, no man is troubled with it, no man feares it, no man
shall receive any punishment by reason of it. So it is
with this common kind of preaching, it is an enditement
without a name. We arrest none
before wee particularly
arraigne them before the tribunall of the Lord, and show
them these are their sinnes, and that unless they repent
and forsake them they shall be
damned: for then this
would stirre them up, and make them seke to the Lord for
HIS WRITINGS. 177
mercy: this
would rowse them out of their security, and
awaken them, and make them say
as the Jewes did to
Peter and the rest of the Apostles,
Men and brethren
what shall wee doe to
bee saved?''1
These
extracts must suffice. They give a
fair aver
age indication of Hooker's style. But they can of
course
only partially suggest the wonderful
variety of
pat, homely, forcible illustration, and of sharp, search
ing,
and energetic application, with which the same
essential theme of the process of personal religion in
the soul is treated in every one of his many volumes,
with the single exception which has been specified.
They are the product of a mind intent on the char
acteristic functions of the preacher.
And such a
preacher was sure of hearers. Such an analyst of
human emotions touched men at many points. A
son of thunder and a son of consolation by turns, his
ministry
-- whatever the defects or extravagances of
his theology -- could not have been other
than that
which all testimony declares it to have been, one of
the most powerful of his age.
1 The Soules Implantation (1640), pp. 73-77.
12
178 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
APPENDIX I.1
THOMAS HOOKER'S
WILL AND INVENTORY
OF
ESTATE.
The last Will
and Testament of Mr. Thomas Hooker,
late of Hartford, deceased.
I Thomas Hooker, of Hartford, vppon
Connecticutt in
New England, being weake in my body, through the
tender visitation of the Lord,
but of sound and perfect
memory, doe dispose of that outward estate I haue beene
betrusted withall
by him, in manner following: --
I doe giue
vnto my sonne John Hooker, my howsing
and lands in Hartford,
aforesaid, both that which is on
the west, and allso that wch
is on the east side of the
Riuer, to bee inioyed
by him and his heires for euer,
after the death of
my wife, Susanna Rooker, provided
hee bee then at the age of one and twenty yeares, it being
my will that my said deare wife shall inioye and possess
my said howsing and lands during her naturall life: And
if shee dye before my sonne John come to the age of one
and twenty yeares, that the same bee improued by
the
ourseers of this my will for
the maintenance and educa
tion of my children not
disposed of, according to theire
best discretion.
I doe allso
giue vnto my sonne John, my library of
printed bookes and manuscripts,
vnder the limitations
and provisoes hereafter
expressed. It is my will that my
1 See page 151.
HIS WILL AND INVENTORY. 179
sonne John
deliuer to my sonne Samuell, so many of my
bookes as shall bee valued by the
ourseers of this my will
to bee worth fifty pounds sterling,
or that hee pay him
the some of fifty pounds sterling to buy such bookes
as may bee vseful to him in the way of
his studdyes, at
such time as the ouerseers of this my will shall judge
meete; but if my sonne John
doe not goe on to the per
fecting of his studdyes, or shall not giue vpp himselfe to
the seruice of the Lord in the
worke of the ministry, my
will is that my sonne
Samuel inioye and possesse the
whole library and manuscripts, to his proper vse for euer;
onely, it is my will that
whateuer manuscripts shall bee
judged meete to bee printed, the disposall thereof and
advantage that may come thereby I leaue wholly to my
executrix; and in case
shee departe this life before the
same bee judged of and
setled, then to my ouerseers to
bee improued by them in theire
best discretion, for the
good of myne, according to the trust reposed in them.
And howeuer I do not forbid my sonne John from seeking
and taking a wife in England, yet I doe forbid him from
marrying and tarrying
there.
I doe giue vnto
my sonne Samuell, in case the whole
library come not to him, as is before expressed, the sum
of seuenty pounds, to bee paid vnto him by my executrix
at such time, and in such manner,
as shall be judged
meetest by the ouerseers of my will.
I doe allso
giue vnto my daughter Sarah Hooker, the
sum of one hundred pounds sterling, to bee paid vnto her
by my executrix when she shall marry or come to the age
of one and twenty yeares, wch shall first happen; the dis
posall and further education of her
and the rest, I leaue
my wife, advising them to attend her councell in the feare
of the Lord.
I doe giue
vnto the two children of my daughter Joan
nah Shephard deceased, and the
childe of my daughter
Mary Newton, to each of them the sum of ten pounds, to
180 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
bee paid vnto
them by my sonne John, within one yeare
after bee shall come to the
possession and inioyment of
my howsings and lands in Hartford, or my sonne Samuell,
if by the decease of John, bee come to inioye the same.
I doe make my
beioued wife Susannah Hooker, exec
utrix of this my last Will and Testament, and (my just
debts being paid,) do giue and bequeath vnto her all my
estate and goods, moueable and
imouable, not formerly
bequeathed by this my will.
And I desire my beloued
frends Mr. Edward Hopkins
and Mr. William Goodwyn,
to affoard theire best assistance to my wife, and doe con
stitute and appoint
them the ouerseers of this my will.
And it hauing pleased the
Lord now to visitt my wife
with a sicknes, and not
knowing how it may please his
Matie to dispose of her, my minde and will is, that in case
shee departe this life before shee dispose the estate be
queathed her, my aforesaid beloued Łrends, Mr. Edward
Hopkins and Mr. William Goodwyn, shall take care both
of the education and dispose of my children (to whose
loue and faithfullnes I commend them,) and of the estate
left and bequeathed to my wife, and do
committ it to
theire best judgment and discretion to manage the said
estate for the best good of mine, and to bestow it vppon
any or all of them in such a
proportion as shall bee most
sutable to theire owne ap'hensions; being willing onely
to intimate my desire that they wch deserue best may
haue most; but not to
limmitt them, but leaue them to
the full scope and bredth
of their owne judgments; in
the dispose whereof, they may haue
respect to the fore
mentioned children of my two daughters, if they see meet.
It being my full will that
what trust I haue comitted to
my wife, either in matter of estate, or such manuscripts
as shall bee judged fitt to bee printed, in case shee liue
not to order the same herselfe, bee wholly transmitted and
passed ouer from her to them, for the
ends before speci
fied. And for mortallity sake, I doe put power into the
HIS WILL AND INVENTORY. 181
hands of the
forementioned beloued freinds, to constitute
and appoint such other faithfull men
as they shall judge
meete, (in case they bee depriued of life or libberty to
attend the same, in theire owne persons,)
to manage,
dispose and performe
the estate and trust
comitted to
them, in as full manner as I haue comitted it to them for
the same end.
THOMAS HOOKER.
This was declared to bee the last Will
and
Testament of Mr. Thomas Hooker, the
seuenth day of July, 1647.
In the presence of
HENRY SMITH,
SAMUELL STONE,
JOHN WHITE.
AN INVENTORY OF THE ESTATE OF MR. THOMAS HOOKER, DECEASED, TAKEN THE 21ST APRILL, 1649.
In the new Parlour; It.: 3 chaires, 2 stooles, s. d.)
6 cushions, a clock, a safe, a table, window
curtaines, &c., 05 00 00
In the Hall; It.: a chest of
drawers, and in
it, 2 dozen of dishes,
a pewter flagon, ba-
sons, candlesticks, sawcers, &c.,
06 00 00
It.: in ammunition, 4l. It. : in a table, &
forme, and 4 wheeles, 1l . [05 00 00]
In the
ould Parlour; It.: 2 tables, a forme, 4
chaires, 4 stooles, 4 table carpetts, window
curtaines, andirons and doggs &c.,
in the
chimny, . 09 00 00
In the Chamber ouer that; It.: a featherbed
and boulster, 2 pillowes, a strawbed, 2 blan
kitts, a rugg, and couerlitt,
darnix hangings
in 7 peeces, window curtaines, curtaines
and
182 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
valence to the bed, a bedstead, 2 chaires, and [ s. d.]
3 stooles, andirons &c. in the chimny, & a
courte cubberd, 14 05 00
It.: curtaines and valence to the same bed,
of greene say, and a rugg of the same, with
window curtaines, 05 00 00
In the Hall
Chamber; It.: a trunck of linnen,
cont.: 20 pr sheets,
8 table cloaths, 5 doz.
napkins, 6 pr of pillow beers, and towells,
27 00 00
It.: a bedstead, two truncks, 2 boxes, a chest
& a chaire, . 03 05 00
In the Kittchin Chamber; It.: a featherbed, a
quilt bed, 2 blankitts, 2 couerlitts, 1 boulster,
a flockbed and boulster, a rugg and blankitt,
a chest & ould trunck,
and a bedstead, l 2
00 00
In the Chamber
ouer the new Parlour; It.: 2
featherbeds, 2 boulsters, a pr of pillows,
5
blankitts and 2 ruggs, stript valence
and
curtaines
for bed & windowes, a chest of
drawers, an Alarum, 2 boxes, a small trunck,
2 cases of bottles, 1 pr of dogs, in the
chimney, 21 00 00
In the garritts: It.: in corne and hoggsheads
and other houshould lumber, 14 15 00
It.: in apparrell and plate, 40 00 00
In the
Kittchin; It.: 2 brass kettles, 3 brass
potts, 2 chafing dishes, 2 brass skilletts, a
brass morter, a brass skimmer,
and 2 ladles,
2 iron potts, 2 iron skilletts, a dripping pann,
2 kettles, 2 spitts & a jack, a p' of cobirons,
a pr of andirons, a pr of doggs, fire shouell
and tongs, 2 frying panns, a warming pann,
a gridiron, 7 pewter dishes, 2 porringers, 1
pr of bellowes, a tinn dripping
pann, a ros
ter, & 2 tyn
couers, potthooks and tram-
mells; all valued at . 12 10 00
HIS WILL AND INVENTORY. 183
In the Brew
ltowse_; It.: a copper mash tubbs,
payles, treyes, &c.
04 10 00
In the sellars_; It. : 2 stills and dairy vessells, 06 00 00
It.: in yearne ready for the weauer, 03 00 00
It.: 2 oxen,
2 mares, 1 horse, 2 colts, 8
cowes, and 2 heifers,
3 two yeares ould and 6
yearlings, valued at, . . 143
00 00 It.: Husbandry implements, .
05 00 00 It.: Howsing and Lands within the bounds of
Hartford, on both sides the Riuer, .
450 00 00
It.: Bookes in his studdy
&c., valued at 300 00 00 It. : an adventure in the Entrance, 50 00 00
1136 15 00
The foregoing perticulars were prised the day and
yeare aboue written, according to such light as at prsent
appeared,
by NATHANIELL WARD,
EDWARD STEBBING.
184 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
APPENDIX II.1
? [The Poor Dovting Christian drawne vnto Christ.
8° London:
Printed in the year 1629.]
Title from Henry Stevens, -from whom Sabin copied it.
This book does not appear in the Registers
of the
Stationers' Company
until 1637, when (May 6) "The
poore doubting Christian drawn to Christ, &c. vpon John
the 6th, the 45th [verse], by Master
Hooker" was en
tered for copyright
to Mr. [R.J Dawlman and Luke
Fawne (Registers, iv. 383). Two
weeks earlier, "certain
Sermons vpon John the 6th, verse the 45th, by T.
H.,"
had
been entered to Andrew Crooke (ibid. 381), -- which
may have been another edition
of the same work.
Its sixth edition was printed in 1641: --
"The Poore Doubting Christian
drawn to Christ.
Wherein the main Lets and Hindrances which keep men
from coming to Christ are discovered. With especiall
Helps to recover God's favor. The Sixth Edition." 12°
London: I. Raworth for Luke Fawne. pp. (2), 163.
After the
6th, I can trace, in the seventeenth century,
only three editions [1652 (Dr.
Willams's Libr. Cat.);
1 See page 155.
HIS PUBLISHED WORKS. 185
1659, J. Macock, for Luke Fawne, 12°, and 1667, 16°
(Am. Antiq. Soc. Catalogue)], before "The Twelfth
Edition," 12°, 1700.
The first American edition, with an
"Abstract of the
author's Life," by the
Rev. Thomas Prince, was printed
in Boston (for D. Henchman),
1743 (12° pp. 14, 144).
This edition, with the Life, and an Introduction by Rev.
Dr. Edward W. Hooker, was reprinted, Hartford, 1845
(16° pp. 165, I).
Sabin (Dictionary,
no. 32847) says: "This, the
ear
liest and most popular of Hooker's works, first appeared
in a collection of sermons entitled
' The Saints' Cordial,'
attributed to Sibbs." I have not seen this collection,
nor can I find any mention
of the edition of 1629,
except
in H. Stevens's catalogue (and in Sabin),
as before noted.
The Sovles Preparation for Christ. Or, A Treatise
of Contrition. Wherein is
discovered How God breaks
the heart and wounds
the Soule, in the conversion of a
Sinner to Himselfe. .PP. (8), 258.
4° London, R. Daw/man, 1632.
[2d edition?] 4° London, 1635.
[3d edition?] sm. 12°
Printed (for the use and
benefit of the English Churches) in
the Netherlands. 1638.
4th Edition. 4° London: Assignes,
of T. P.
for A. Crooke, 1638.
6th Edition. 12° Lond.,
M. F. for R. Dawlman.
1643.
7th Edition. 12° Lond., J. G. for R. Dawlman.
1658.
This work
was entered to R. Dawlman, 29 Oct., 1631,
as "The Soules Preparation for Christ, out of Acts 2,
37, and Luke 15, by F. H.,'' -- as the printed Register
(iv.
263) has it, by a clerical error for
T. H. One third of
the copyright was assigned, 14 Oct., 1634, to R. Allott,
186 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
and by Allott's widow, 1 July, 1637, to Legatt and Andrew
Crooke.
The Eqvall
Wayes of God: Tending to the Rectifying
of the Crooked \Vayes of l\fan. The Passages whereof
are
briefly and clearly drawne from the sacred Scriptures.
By T. H.
4° London.,· for '.John Clarke, 1632. pp. (8), 40.
Entered
to J. Clarke, 6 Dec., r631 (Registers, iv. 267).
The prefatory address, To the Christian Reader, is signed
T. H., showing that the publication was authorized by the
author.
[An Exposition of the Lord's Prayer. By T. H. 1638.]
Entered, as above,
to Mr. [R.] Dawlman, 5 Sept.,
1637 (Stat.
Registers, iv. 392). It is advertised, as pub
lished, in a list of :Mr. Hooker's
books, prefixed to (the
4th edition of) "The Soules
Preparation," etc., 1638.
The Bodleian Catalogue has : Heaven's Treasury opened,
in a faithfull Exposition of the Lord's Prayer, go Lond.
1645 ; and Sabin has that title and date nearly (no.
32839), with" fruitful" in place of "faithfull,"
and add
ing: "with a Treatise on the Principles of Religion;" but
marking the size as 4to. The
Bodleian has, as a separate
title: " An Exposition of the Principles
of Religion," go
1645, -- in the list of Hooker's
works.
The Sovles Humiliation.
4° London, for A. Crooke,
1637. Entered (as, by
T. H.) Feb. 28, 1636-7, to
A.
Crooke, by whom one half the copyright was assigned to
P. Nevill, 13 March, 1637-8 (Registers, iv.
374,412). The
licenser's imprimatur is dated Oct. 10 and Dec. 6, 1637.
The Second
Edition, 4° I. L.for A. Crooke. 1638. The
Third Edition. 4° T.
Cotes for A. 1640.
Crooke and P. Nevill.
Another. 8°
Amsterdam, for T. L. near the
English Church.
1638. pp. 302.
HIS PUBLISHED WORKS. 187
The
Soules Implantation. A Treatise containing,
The Broken Heart, on Esay 57. 15. The Preparation of
the Heart, on Luke 1.
17. The Soules Ingraffing
into
Christ, on Mal. 3. 1. Spirituall Love and Joy, on Gal. 5.
22. By T.
H. 4° R. Young, sold
by
F. Clifton, 1637.
pp. (2), 266.
Entered 22 Apr., 1637, to Young and Clifton (Regis
ters, iv. 382). Another,
much improved edition, under
the title --
The Soules Implantation into the Naturall Olive. By
T. H. Carefully corrected, and much enlarged. With a
Table of the Contents prefixed.
4° R. Young, sold by F. Clifton, 1640. pp. (6), 320.
The Sermon on Spiritual
Joy, on Habak. 3. 17, 18,
is
added in this edition, and the
preceding Sermon, on Spir
itual Love, was printed
from larger and more accurate
notes.
The Sovles Ingrafting into Christ. By T. H.
4° J. H[aviland] for A. Crooke, 1637. pp. (2), 30.
The text is Mal. 3. 1.
It is one of three "Sermons ...
by T. H." entered to Crooke, 22 July, 1637 (Registers,
iv. 390). Another edition
of it makes part of
"The
Soules Implantation" 1637. See
the next preceding
title.
The Sovles
Effectual! Calling to Christ. By T. H.
4° J. H[aviland] for A. Crooke, 1637. pp. (2),
33-668.
Entered to A. Crooke, 21 Apr., 1637, as "certain Ser-
mons upon John the 6th, verse the 45th, by
T. H."
(Register, iv. 381.) Usually
bound with "The
Sovles
Ingrafting," with which its paging is continuous; but
also published separately (though without change of
paging), with a second title prefixed, --
The Sovles Vocati'on or Effectval Calling to Christ.
By T. H.
188 LIFE OF THOJIIAS HOOKER.
With a Table of Contents (II leaves), and in
imprint,
the date 1638.
[The
Soules Possession of Christ: upon Romans
13: 4,
Acts 16:31, Psal. 51:16, John 7:37, 2 Kings 2:12,
1 Peter 5:5, Zeph. 2:3. By T. H.] 8°, 1638.
So entered
to [R.] Dawlman, 13 Nov. 1637. The
Bodleian Catalogue has: The
Soules Possession of
Christ: whereunto is annexed a Funeral Sermon on
2 Kings ii. 12. 8° Lond. 1638. "Spirituall Munition:
a funeral Sermon, on 2 Kings
ii. 12. By T. H. 8° Lond.
1638" (Bodl. Cat.), appears to have been also published
separately.
The
Sovles Exaltation. A Treatise containing The
Soules Vnion with Christ, on I Cor. 6. 17, The Soules
Benefit from Vnion with Christ,
on I
Cor. I. 30. The
Soules Justification, on 2 Cor. 5. 21.
By T. H.
4° J. Haviland,for Andr. Crooke, 1638. pp. (16), 311.
8 April,
1637, [12] "Sermons .. , by T. H." were
entered to Andrew Crooke, -
the text of each being
named (Registers, iv. 380). These
sermons were made
up into three volumes, under the titles, "The Soules
Exaltation" (3),
"Four Treatises," etc. (3), and "The
Vnbeleevers
Preparing for Christ" (5), - all published
in 1638.
The Vnbeleevers Preparz"ng for Christ.
Luke 1. 17.
By T. H.
4° T. Cotes for Andr. Cro(Jke, 1638. pp. (4), 204, (4);119, (4).
Six
sermons. The first five selected from the '' Ser
mons by T. H.," entered to A. Crooke, 8 April, 1637; the
last (on John 6. 44), one of "certain
sermons ... by
T. H.," entered to the same publisher, 22 July, 1637
(Registers, iv. 380, 390).
HIS PUBLISHED WORKS. 189
Four
godly and learned Treatises: viz.: The Car
nall Hypocrite. The Churches
Deliverances. The De
ceitfulness of Sinne.
The Benefit of Afflictions. By
T. H.
12° A. Crooke, 1638.
(Prince Library and
Bodleian Catalogues.) Probably
four of the (12) Sermons by T. H. entered
to Crooke,
8 April, 1637. Among "several
Treatises by this Au
thor" advertised by Cooke,
1638, are "Sermons on
Judges 10. 23; on Psalms 119.
29; on Proverbs 1.28, 29;
and on 2 Tim. 3. 5.'' These sermons are included in the
collection entered 8 April, except the third, which
is one
of four entered to the same publisher, 22 July, 1637.
(Crooke assigned half the copyright
of these "Four
Treatises" to Wm. Wethered, 1 Sept., 1638.)
? [ The Garments
of Salvation first putt off by the
Fall of our first Parents. Secondly, putt on again by
the Grace of the
Gospel. By T. H. 1639 ?]
Entered, 6
May, 1639, to R. Young and Fulke
Clif
ton (Registers, iv. 465). Mr. Arber queries,"?
by
Thomas Hooker." Certainly intended to pass for his.
I have not been able to find a copy of it.
The Cliristians
Two Chiefe Lessons, Viz.
Selfe-Deniall,
and Selfe-Tryall. .As also, The Priviledge of Adoption
and Triall thereof. In three Treatises on the Texts fol
lowing: Viz. Matt. 16. 24. :2 Cor. 13. 5. Iohn I. 12, 13.
By T. H.
4° T. B. for P. Stepliens and C. Meredith, 1640. pp.
(24), 303.
An
"Epistle Dedicatory" to "the Honourable and
truly Religious Lady, the Lady Anne Wake," is sub
scribed, Z. S. [Rev. Zechariah Symmes of Charlestown?],
who "had taken some paines in the perusall and tran
scribing" the copy "after it came into the Printers
190 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
hands," and "one
that was inwardly acquainted with the
Authour [Thomas Shepard?]
hath laboured with me in
this taske."
"A Treatise or certaine Sermons' of Selfe
Denyall'
upon Matthew 16. 24 and 25 verses, by T.
H.," was en-
tered 15 Dec., 1638, to
Stevens and Meredith (Regis
ters, iv. 448). The completed
work, with the title as
above, was entered to the same
partners, 15 Oct., 1639
(ibld. 483).
[The
Patterne of PeifecHon exhibited in God's Image
on Adam and God's Covenant
with him, on Genesis 1.
26. Whereunto is added, An E:rhortacion to redeeme
tyme for recovering our losses in the premises on Ephe
sians, 5. 16. Also certaine
Queries touching a true and
sound Christian, by T. H.]
This title was entered
to Mr.
[R.J Young and Fulke
Clifton, 19 Feb., r638-9 (Reglsters, iv. 455). Published
(in a second edition?), 1640, 8°
(Bodi. Cat.).
Tlze Danger of Desertion: or A Farwell Sermon of
Mr. Thomas Hooker, Somtimes Minister of
God's Word
at Chainsford in Essex; but now of New England.
Preached immediately before his departure
out of old
England. - Together with Ten Particular rules to be
practised every day by converted
Christians.
4° G. M.for Geo. Edwards, 1641. pp. (4), 29.
Text,
Jerem. 14. 9. A Second edition was printed
the
same year (Prince
Libr. Cat.). A MS. note by the Rev.
T. Prince attributes the "Ten Rules" to the Rev. E.
Reyner.
The Faithful Covenanter. A Sermon preached
at the
Lecture in Dedham in Essex. By that excellent ser-
vant of Jesus Christ, in the work of the Gospel, Mr. Tho.
Hooker, late of Chelmsford; now in New-England. Very
HIS PUBLISHED WORKS. 191
usefull in these times of Covenanting
with God. Psal.
78. vers. 9, [10, 36, 37: 8 lines].
4° Christopher Meredith, 1644. pp. (2), 43.
Text from
Deut. 29. 24, 25. Printed from the
notes of
some hearer - and without the author's knowledge -- as
"very useful in these times" of subscribing the "Solemn
League and Covenant."
"? [An Exposition of the Principles of Religion.
8° 1645.]
Title from the Bodleian Catalogue. I have not seen it.
The Saints Guide, in three Treatises on Gen. vi. 13,
[3,] Rom. i. 18, and Ps. i. 3. 8° Lond. 1645.
Bodl.
Catalogue. "Three Sermons
upon these Texts
(vizt.)"Romans I. 18,
Genesis 6. 3, Psalms r. 3, by T. H."
were entered to John Stafford,
10 Aug., 1638 (Stat. Reg.,
iv. 428); but I can
trace no earlier edition than that of 1645.
? [The
Immortality of the Soule. The Excellencie
of Christ Jesus, treated on. Wherein the faithfull people
of God may find comfort
for their Souls. By T. H.
Published according to Order. 4° 1646. pp. (2), 21.]
Title from Sabin's Dictionary (no. 32841), where it
is attributed to Hooker.
? [Heautonaparnumenos: or a Treatise of Self-Deny
all. Intended for
the Pulpit; but now committed to
the Presse for the Publike
Benefit. By Thomas Hooker.
London, Wilson for Rich. Royston,
1646.
itle from Sabin (no. 32840), who evidently had not
seen the book, for he does not give the size or number of
pages. I am confident this title is not (our) Thomas
Hooker's : but the book may be
a bookseller's make-up
from "The Christians Two Chiefe Lessons/' etc., pub
lished in 1640.
192 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
POSTHUMOUS.
A Survey of tlte Summe of Church-Discipline.
Wherein, The Way of the Churches of New-England is
warranted out of
the
Word, etc.... By THO.
HOOKER,
late Pastor of the Church at Hartford upon Connecticott
in N. E.
4° A. M. for John Bellamy, 1648. pp. (36); Part 1.
The author's preface (r8 pp.) is followed by an Epistle
to the Reader (4 pp.) subscribed by
Edward Hopkins
and William Goodwin,
Hartford, 28 Oct., 1647: a Poem
"in obitum viri Doctissimi Thomae Hookeri," by
Samuel
Stone; others by John Cotton and
E. Rogers: and a
further commendation to the reader by Thomas Goodwin,
April 17, 1648.
This work, it appears, was
"finished, and sent near two
years " earlier, to be printed; but the copy "was
then
buried in the rude waves of
the vast Ocean, with many
precious Saints, in their passage hither." Mr. Hooker
reluctantly consented to prepare another copy for the
press, but " before the full transcribing, he was
translated
from us to be ever with the Lord."
To some
copies of the work, John Cotton's" The Way
of Congregational Churches cleared" was appended, and
a general title, including both works, prefixed
to the
volume. Mr. Cotton's treatise
continues the answers to
Rutherford, begun by Mr. Hooker in Part I. Chap. 10, of
the
Survey. That chapter ends on p.
139, the next page
is blank, and Chapter r I begins
on the next page follow
ing, numbered 18;, with a new signature. It may have
been the intention of the
editors to incorporate Mr. Cot
ton's
work with Hooker's, in this division of the Survey,
or
the former may have been substituted for Hooker's
unfinished notes.
HIS PUBLISHED WORKS. 193
The
Covenant of Grace opened: wherein These partic
ulars are handled ; viz. 1.
·what the Covenant of Grace
is, 2. What the Seales of the Covenant are, 3. Who are
the Parties and Subjects fit to receive these
Seales.
From all which Particulars Infants
Baptisme is fully
proved and vindicated. Being severall Sermons preached
at Hartford in
New-England. By that
Reverend and
faithfull Minister of
the Gospel, Mr. Thomas Hooker.
4° G. Dawson, 1649. pp. (2), 85.
The
Saints Dignitie and Dutie. Together with The
Danger of Ignorance
and Hardnesse. Delivered in
severall Sermons: By that Reverend
Divine, Thomas
Hooker, Late Preacher
in New-England.
4° G. D[awson], for Francis Eglesjield, 1651. pp.
(12), 246.
Seven sermons: 1. The Gift of Gifts: or, The End
why Christ gave Himself (Titus
2. 14) : 2. The Blessed
Inhabitant: or, The Benefit of Christs being in Beleev
ers (Rom. 8. 10); 3. Grace Magnified: or the Priviledges
of those that are under Grace
(Rom. 6. 14); 4. Wis
domes Attendants: or The
Voice of Christ to be obeyed
(Prov. 8. 32): 5. The Activitie of Faith: or, Abraham's
Imitators (Rom. 4. 12) : 6.
Culpable Ignorance: or the
Danger of Ignorance
under Meanes (Is. 27: 11): 7.
Wilful Hardnesse: or the Means of Grace
Abused
(Prov. 29. 1). Each sermon has
a full titlepage, with
imprint as in the
general title; and probably each was
sold separately, though the paging is continuous.
The preface, signed T. S. [Thomas Shepard], shows
that this volume was prepared
for the press by Mr.
Hooker's son-in-law.
A
Comment upon Christ's Last Prayer In the
Seven
teenth
of John. Wherein is opened, The Vnion
Beleev
ers
have with God and Christ, and the Glorious Priviledges
thereof…. By ... Mr. Thomas Hooker,
etc….
13
194 LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.
Printed from the Author's own Papers, ... and attested
to be such ... by Thomas Goodwin and Philip Nye.
4° Peter Cole, 1656. pp. (26), 532.
Half-title,
on p. I : "Mr. Hooker's Seventeenth Book
made in New-England." A series of sermons on John
17. 20-26, preached, at the administration of the
Lord's
Supper, in the last years of Mr. Hooker's pastorate.
The numbering
of the volume as " Mr. Hooker's Seven
teenth Book" has given some trouble to the bibliographers.
Of a collection of seventeen
"books " -- each comprising
one or more sermons - sent to England for publication,
the first eight were published
together by P. Cole, 1656
[and 1657], under the general title of "The Application
of Redemption," etc. ; and two others,
the ninth and tenth,
made a second volume under the same title. Six others
(the eleventh to the sixteenth, inclusive) were announced
by Cole, in 1656, as "now printing, in two volumes," but I
find no evidence that they
were ever published. The
seventeenth "and last" (as Cole announced it) was " A
Comment upon Christ's Prayer," etc.
Tlie Application of Redemption. By the Effectual
Work of the Word, and Spirit
of Christ, for the bringing
home of lost Sinners
to
God. [The first Eight Books.]
… By ...
Thomas Hooker, etc. Printed from the
Authour's Papers, ... with ... an Epistle by Thomas
Goodwin, and Philip
Nye. 8° 1657. pp. (46), 451.
The title and collation
are from Sabin: but the Cat-
alogue of the Red Cross (Dr. Williams's) Library men
tions two editions of 1656, one in octavo, the other
in
quarto.
The Application of Redemption, etc. The Ninth and
Tenth Books ... Printed from the Author's Papers,
Written with his own hand. And attested
to be such,
in an Epistle, By Thomas
Goodwin and Philip Nye.
4° Peter Cole, 1657. pp. (22), 702, (30).
HIS PUBLISHED WORKS. 195
The same. The Second Edition.
4° Peter Cole, 1659. pp. (22), 702, (30).
The prefatory
epistle of Goodwin and Nye gives, in
brief, the history of this work, and, incidentally,
of many
of the earlier editions of Hooker's
sermons. "Many
parts and pieces of this
Author, upon this argument, ser
mon-wise, preach'd by him
here
in England, having
been taken
by an unskilful hand, which, upon his
recess
into those remoter parts of
the World, was bold without
his privity or consent to print and publish them,… his
genuine
meaning was diverted ... from the clear draft
of his own
notions and intentions
…. In these Trea-
tises, thou hast his Heart from his own Hand, his own
Thoughts drawn by his own Pencil,"
etc. He had
preached more briefly of this subject, first, while a Fellow
and Catechist at Emmanuel College, and again, many
years after, more largely, at Chelmsford, -- "the product
of which was those books of Sermons that have gone
under his name, --
and last of all, now in New-England."
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