"MAKERS OF  AMERICA"

 

 

 

 

THOMAS  HOOKER

 

        Preacher, Founder, Democrat

 

 

 

                                                     BY

 

GEORGE LEON WALKER

 

 

 

 

 

 

                       NEW YORK

DOD MEAD, AND COMPANY

                                PUBLISHERS


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

         Copyright, 1891,

Bv Donn, MEAD, AND Co.

       All rights reserved.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

             University Press

JOHN WILSON  AND SON,  CAMBRIDGE.


 

 

 

 

 

                      PREFACE.

 

 

 

ONE striking difference in the advantages possessed
by a biographer of the more distinguished personages
of the Massachusetts and of the Connecticut colonies
is the comparative destitution, in the  latter case,  of
the aids afforded by contemporaneous diaries, his­
tories,  and  portraits.  The lack of such writings
in the Connecticut annals is a little surprising; the
want of portraits may be considerably accounted for
by the remoter and poorer conditions of the inland
settlement.

No portrait or other contemporaneous representa­

tion of Mr. Hooker remains. The picture which
prefaces this volume is taken from Niehaus's statue,
ordered by the Commonwealth of Connecticut for the
State Capitol; in the making of which the artist com­
pared the likenesses of various and widely separated
members of Mr. Hooker's lineal posterity, among
whom exists, however, a strong family resemblance.
Attired thus in the characteristic costume of the time,
the figure affords a not improbably fair representation
of the great Founder of the Colony.


 

 

vi                    PREFACE.

The present writer had occasion, in 1884, in nar­
rating the two hundred and fifty years' history of the
 Hartford Church, of which Mr. Hooker was the first
pastor, to publish, in a volume of local imprint and
limited circulation, together with the biographies of
subsequent pastors, the story of Mr. Hooker also.
Subsequent repeated   visits   to  the scenes of Mr.
Hooker's English ministrations, as well as investiga­
tions at home, have added to the facts there narrated.
Still, in addressing on the same theme the wider con­
stituency of the MAKERS OF AMERICA series, the writer
could not, without awkwardness and even affectation,
avoid the frequent use of language in which he had
already narrated the same biographical and historical
incidents. He has therefore drawn without hesitation
on his own previous statements, so far as the altered
proportions of a separate biography and added facts
and illustrations suited him to do.

The valuable bibliography of Mr. Hooker's pub­
lished writings (found in Appendix IL) was compiled
by J. Hammond Trumbull, LL.D., to whom indebted­

ness is due, also, for the discovery and rescue from
oblivion of the most important manuscript docu­
ments illustrative of Mr. Hooker's chief title to
remembrance.

 

HARTFORD, CONN.,

September 1, 1891.


 

 

 

                        CONTENTS.

 

 

CHAPTER                                                                          PAGE

I.    BIRTH AND BOYHOOD ASSOCIATIONS                  1-17

II.    EDUCATION AND  RESIDENCE  AT  CAM-

BRIDGE                                                                         18-31

III.    HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY                          32-51

IV.  LIFE  IN HOLLAND  AND DEPARTURE  FOR AMERICA  ….                                                                              52-70

V.  IN    MASSACHUSETTS  AND  REMOVAL TO

CONNECTICUT                                                                 71- 93

VI.     HOOKER  IN  CONNECTICUT                                     94-154




Section  I.                                                     94-117

                        "    II.                                                 118-133

      "   III.                                                 134-154




VII.        THOMAS   HOOKER'S    WRITINGS                            155-177

 

                                         APPENDIX.

I.       HOOKER'S WILL  AND  INVENTORY                    178-183

II.       HOOKER'S PUBLISHED  WORKS                            184-195

INDEX                                                . . . .                            197-203


 

 

                      LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

                                 CHAPTER  I.

 

           BIRTH AND   BOYHOOD   ASSOCIATIONS.

 

        Come,  Hooker, come forth of thy native soile.

 

                            JOHNSON: Wonder-Working Providence, 1654.

 

THOMAS HOOKER was born at Marfield in Leicester
County, England,  probably on  July  7,  1586. This
little hamlet of Marfield --  variously spelled in Leices­
te
r records as Mardifeud, Marclefelde, Markfelde,
Markfild, Marefield, as well as Marfield -- is one of
four tithings which make up the parish of Tilton, or
Tilton super montem, as the old  chronicles often  have
it; the other three being Tilton, Halstead, and What­
borough. These four tithings or towns have for their
common place of worship the stately  gray-stone
church of St. Peter, dating from  the  days  of  King
John, built on the hill-top corner  of  the Tilton  pre­
cinct of the parish,  and  commanding  one  of  the
widest and most beautiful landscape-views of Midland
England. Around  the  church lies the  churchyard,
with four gates giving access to  the four precincts  of
the ground allotted as a burial-place to the inhabitants

                                       1


2             LIFE   OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

of the four tithings which constitute the parish. The
church  itself is an inter
esting specimen of Early Eng­
lish architecture,  with  embattled  tower,  surmounted
by an old,  but  later-added spire,  pierced  by  eight
open windows, -- a  landmark  visible from  far. The
word " steeple-chase " is said to  be  of  Leicester
County origin, and to h
ave  been  derived  from  the
many spires surmounting the hill-tops of this county,
toward some one of which, in default of game, the dis­
appointed hunters  direct
ed  their  chase;  the first  to
gain  which  was  account
ed  victor  as  if  he  had been
"in at the death" of fox or deer.

It is with a feeling of surprise that one sees so
stately and beautiful an e
difice in so comparatively
quiet   and   solitary   a spot.   Four   ancient   bells   hang
in the   tower, -   three   of   them   bearing the inscrip­
tion I. H. S. Nazarenvs. Rex. Ivdeorum. Fili. Dei.
M
isere. Mei.;
and one, of somewhat later date, the
motto, Praise the Lord. These bells   doubtless in
former times summoned a far larger congregation to
worship in the house below them than they can have
gathered   for   several   centuries   past.    The   Wars   of
the Roses did much, in the two hundred years before
the   period   at which   our story   b
egins,   to   depopu­
late the whole region; but th
e wonder still remains
here, as w
ell as in many other parts of   England, how
such chur
ches as the traveller finds in the quietest and
m
ost secluded portions of the land could   have been
built amid
so sparse a population as at any time lived
on the soil about them.

But in young Hooker's  day matters in  this respect


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.   3

of numbers attendant on the services of the parish­
church could not have been much different from their
condition  at present. Twenty-two  years  before he
was born a parliamentary return gives the number of
houses in Tilton as twenty-eight, in Halstead as six­
teen, in Whatborough one, and in " Markfield " six.
T
o-day Marfield has five; though as late as 1882 the
present writer saw some carved beams which had be­
longed to another. These however, on a later exami­
nation, in 1886, were found to have been destroyed.

The visitor to the  region, therefore, may be confi­
dent that he sees all things substantially as they were

when the boyish eyes of young Thomas Hooker looked
upon  them. The  picturesque old church of  mottled
gray on Tilton  hill-top, compassed  round  by the dead
of the different precincts of the p1rish; the  wide
prospect of alternating woodland and open fields and
spire-surmounted hills  toward  every compass-point;
the old Rose and  Crown Inn, which Cromwell  made
his  head-quarters when  his army lay in  this vicinity;
the thatch-covered houses which hang  irregularly
around the summit occupied by the  church  and  its
Acre of God; and the little Marfield hamlet  em­
bowered in  trees  down  in  the  valley,  about a mile
and a half away, and approached through rustic gates
and stiles which the visitor opens or climbs as he de­
scends through the sweet green fields, -- all present a
spectacle which cannot  be  materially  different  from
the aspect it wore two and three hundred years ago.

Of the family ancestors of Thomas  Hooker  there is
at present little known. His father, Thomas, appears


4             LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

to have come to Marfield from Blaston in the same
county, in some capacity as overseer  of  the  large
landed properties of the Digby family; and as his
grandfather  bore  the Christian  name of"   Kenellyme,"
it seems to be indicated that the connection with the
Digby family, with whom Kenelm was a frequently re­
current name, must have been of long standing. The
records of Tilton parish previous to 1610 having dis­
appeared, it is impossible to state the date of young
Thomas's birth or baptism. His mother, " Mrs.
Hooker wife to Mr. Hooker of Marefield was buryed,"
April, 1631; his father,  "Thomas  Hooker of  Mare­
field was  hurried"  July  24,  1635;  and  his  brother
"Mr.  John  Hooker  of  Marfeild  were  burryed,"  Jan.
25, 1654. These are all  the references to the family
which  appear  on  the  extant  records  of  the parish.
But the title  "Mr.,"  used  in  mention  both  of  the
father and brother of our Thomas, indicates that the
family was regarded as of honourable standing.   The
will  of  the brother  John,  above   mentioned,  dated
Jan. I,  1654-5,  a  few days before he died,  and
proved  at  London  on November  26  of  the  same
year, as the will of "John Hooker of Marfield, Co.
Leicester, Gentleman," gives the same impression of
recognized  social  position.     This will  bequeaths  to

"Samuel  Hooker, student in New England, Ł 100;"

and to "John Hooker,  student  at Oxford,  Ł200."
These were the two sons of our Thomas, who at the
date of this will had been some seven years dead in
Hartford. The first named, Samuel, was then about
graduating at Harvard Colle
ge, and soon -- in 1661


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.     5

--  to be minister at Farmington; and the other, John,
was our Thomas's oldest son, of whom his dying father
said in his will, July 7, 1647, "However I do not for­
bid my sonne John from seeking and taking a wife in
 England, yet I doe forbid him from marrying and tarry­
 ing  there." The young man did however marry and
tarry there, and became a minister of the Episcopal
church, rector of Lechamposted in Bucks, dying  in
1684.  There were also in the Marfield family of our
Thomas's father at least four daughters, one of whom
married a "revolutionist by the name of Pymm;"
another, Frances, married a Tarlton of London;  an­
other, Dorothy, married John Chester of Blaby, Lei­
cester County; and another married Mr. John Alcock,
afterward deacon of the church in Roxbury, Massa­
chusetts. Who the mother was  who presided  over
the crowded household  in the  little  Marfield  home  is
at  present  unknown. Little can be recorded of her
 save that she lived long  enough to  see  one  of  her
boys become a preacher sufficiently famous to attract
crowds whenever he  spoke at  the great  parish-church
of Leicester twelve  miles  away, to  know  of his  exile
 to Holland, and to mourn the death 1 of one of her
daughters in that far American land to which that son
was still some years later to flee.

The family life at Marfield may have been comfort-

able and happy, but it must have been narrow and
limited. Its chief points of interest, outside the con­
cerns of home and the labours by which home wants
were provided for, must have been in the church.

1 Young's Massachusetts, p. 314.


6             LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Even the material edifice which lifted itself as the
most prominent object before the eye, contained many
things suited to touch duller imaginations than young
Thomas certainly had, or than were possessed probably
by the whole group of  brothers  and  sisters  to whom
the old  building on  the  hill must  have  been at  once
the home of their fancy and their faith.

There was the quaint oct1gonal font at which had
been baptized the generations of Tilton's  parishioners

from near the days of the Conquest. There were the
monumental effigies of  Jehan de Digbie and his wife;
he a crusader -- lying cross-legged with  hand  on  his

half-drawn sword, at his feet a lion - who died in
1269, and whose stone likeness was laid  here  not
long after, with an inscription in old Norman French
asking prayers; she, full-robed, large-moulded, lying
by his side, a lap-dog at her feet. There, too, was
another of the same _family of a later generation,
great-grandfather of a boy six years older  than
Thomas Hooker was, - which boy  young  Thomas
might sometimes have seen at Tilton, where so much
of the family  property  lay, -  great-grandfather, that
is to say, of Sir Everard  Digby of the Gunpowder

Plot,  executed  in  St.  Paul's  churchyard  in  1606.

 This old ancestor -of the youth who was to attain  so

  sinister an eminence lay there in coat-of-mail, a fleur­
  de-lis on his shield ; having just before his death
  executed his will: "I bequeathe my sowle to God all
  myghty, our blessed lady Seynt Mary and  all  the
  Seynts of heven, my baddie to  be  buryed in the
  parishe church of Seynt Peter at Tilton, before the


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.      7

Ymage of the blessect Trinitie att our Lady authur.''
Other monuments and escutcheons were  there beside,
to waken inquiry and to freshen fireside-legend and
romantic tale.

Who the vicar of the parish was in Hooker's boy­
hood is probably only learned from a broken  brass
tablet in the church at Knossington, recording the
burial-place of "Thomas Bayle  ...      sometime rector
of Tilton;" who, because we know who came before
and after him, may with considerable likelihood be
believed to have been the minister by whom  Hooker
was baptized. Vicar Bayle was succeeded by Chris­
topher  Denne.   Little  is known  of  him,  except  that
he was the Tilton rector in 16 ro, and was probably a
young man, as he had  children  christened  between
then and 1613, as shown by the parish records.

But concerning another minister of the parish in
Hooker's early manhood, and for several years before
his brother John's burial in the Marfield grave-plot,
there is quite definite information. It is a sort of
information, moreover, which sheds a good deal of
light, not only on the religious  condition of  that
parish, but on that of the important county  of
Leicester and of the country generally.

In  the Minute-books  of  the  Parliamentary  Com­

mittee of Sequestration in the Bodleian Library, it is
recorded, under elate of 1645-6,
that" Thomas Silver­
wood, minister to the Assembly, is referred to the
church at Tilton." An entry of a later date, 1647,
explains matters: "Whereas  the  Vicarage of  the
parish  of Tilton, in the County of  Leicester,  is,  and


8             LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

standeth, sequestrated by the  Committee  of  Parlia­
ment from Dr. Manwaring for his delinquency, it is
ordered that the said Vicarage shall stand and be
sequestrated to the use henceforth of Thomas Silver­
wood,  a  godly  and  orthodox   divine,  and  appointed
to officiate said cure by the said Committee of
Parliament." The nature of Dr. Manwaring's " delin­
quency" appears from the report of the Parliamentary
Survey of the Churches in Leicester County, on which
the action of the Parliament in "sequestrating" one
minister  "from"  and  another  "to"   the  livings  of
the various Leicester parishes is based. That report
divides the Leicester County ministers  into "three
sorts," - first, "Preachers, " of whom there were one
hundred and   fifty-three;   second,  "No   Preachers,"
by which is meant "no preaching and dumb
ministers," as those who could or  would only
conduct service by the use  of  a  liturgy were  called,
and of these there were seventy-six; third,  "scan­
dalous of both  the  former  sorts,  and  they  arc  32."
The report   further   divides   the   first-mentioned
"sort" of ministers  in  Leicester,  namely, "Preach­
ers,"   into   four   classes, --   "sufficient,  
102; weak
and unprofitable, 25; careless and negligent, 20;
corrupt and unsound, 6."

The particular incumbent of the Tilton vicarage is
set down as "no preacher and a pluralitan," from
which the inference is that the Tilton vicar was an
anti-Puritan or perhaps high prelatical man, who
insisted on confining himself to the liturgy of the
church and declined to preach, and that he held


BIRTH  AND BOYHOOD.   9

some other  living  beside that  of Tilton.  That  he
was  "Dr."  Manwaring -- as  well  as  Prebendary  of

Weeford, as is ascertainable from another source than
the parliamentary statement  about him -- suggests
that his "no preaching "  depended  rather  upon  his
will than his ability ; making him to  differ in this
respect from a great many of the clergy of the day,
whose pulpit incapacities were  those  of  ignorance
more than of choice.

What set young Hooker on a course of education
cannot in particular be discovered. There can be no
considerable doubt, however, that the place of his
preparatory  training for  the University was the school
at Market-Bosworth,  established by Sir Wolstan Dixie,
a wealthy Londoner having landed property at that
place,  and which  was founded in 1586, the same year
in which it is believed Hooker was born. Market­
Bosworth lies about twenty-five miles west from
Marfield, and close to the celebrated Bosworth-field,
where Henry, Earl of Richmond, defeated and killed
Richard III.

The evidence on which this statement of the  prob­
able place of Hooker's  early  education  rests, is  the
fact that he afterward occupied at Emmanuel College
one of the two Wolstan Dixie fellowships, the conditions
of which demand that the incumbent be  either  a
relative of the founder or a graduate of Market-Bos­
worth School.1 And  this  connection  of  the school
with Emmanuel College may be taken also as an in­
dication of the quality of the religious influences

1 Cambridge Calendar;  Ackermann's Cambridge, ii. 234.


10           LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

under which learners were there brought. For Em­
manuel was distinctly a Puritan institution, and Sir

Wolstan's establishment of the two fellowship foun­
dations there, which still bear his name, must at least
signify that the preparatory school he endowed would
 be in sympathy with the Puritan side in then existing
ecclesiastical controversies. Probably the same in­
ference may be drawn· concerning the  tendency of
the parochial instruction imparted to the  pupils in
their residence at Market-Bosworth; for Rev. Wil­
liam Pelsant, who was rector there for more than fifty
years,  dying in 1634, was one of the first of the  board
of the school governors appointed by its founder.

It was in all likelihood while Hooker was at this
school, and about a year before his going to the
University, that an anxiously anticipated event oc­
curred, which was looked for by all parties in the relig­
ious commonwealth as destined  to  affect  profoundly
the   course   of   ecclesiastical   affairs, -- the death of

Elizabeth, and the accession of the Scottish Presby­
terian James  to  the  English monarchy. The  long
reign  of  Elizabeth  had  been a protracted  endeavour

to maintain Conformity to the laws and ritual of the
Church against Puritanism and Separatism; as the
doctrines of those who desired to purify the polity and
the usages of the Church, or those who desired to sep­
arate entirely from any national religious establishment
whatever,  were respectively called. The   numbers
who preferred actual divorcement from  the State
Church were, indeed, few compared with  those who
only wanted a reform of  the administration and  prac-


BIRTH  AND BOYHOOD.      11

 

tice within it. Some distinctly Separatist movements
there had been in  England  as  early  as  1566,  and
more important on s arose near the close of the great
queen's reign;  but the great  body of devout  objectors
to the existing system of affairs were Puritans, not
Separatists. And  as  the  Puritans  generally  agreed
with the Genevan Reformers in matters of faith, a
Puritan came to stand for a man of strict morals, a
Calvinist in doctrine, and  a  non-conformist  to  the
rules and discipline of the Church, though not a re­
nouncer of its fellowship or a denier of its churchly
character.

Into the struggle which  turmoiled  nearly the whole
of her reign by the conflict of the dissentient religious
parties in the realm, the queen put the entire strength
of her character and will. She established a High
Commission Court, of which even the Romanist his­
torian Lingard, comparing it with the Inquisition,
declares,1 " The chief difference consisted in their
names."    The Commission varied at different periods
of  its existence in  its  personnel  and  its  powers; but
at its ripest development, as ordered under the Great
Seal in December, 1583, was composed of some
forty-four bishops, privy-councillors, lawyers, and offi­
cers of State, any three of whom, under the general
presidency of a bishop, constituted  a  court  endued
with full power to inquire into and punish by fine,
deprivation, or imprisonment all opinions or practices
different from those of the Established Church. This
High Commission vindicated its character, as de-

1    History of England, vol. v. chap. vi,


12           LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

scribed by Hume, as a "real Inquisition,  attended
with all the iniquities as well as cruelties inseparable
from that tribunal." 1 Put into effective operation by
Archbishop Whitgift, in the single first year of his
administration, 1584, two hundred and thirty-three
ministers were su
spended in six counties of Canter­
bury alone.2

Under the vigorous procedures of this body no less
than a fourth part of the  clergy  of  England  were, at
one time and another,  under  suspension; and  this
not on account of any moral  misbehaviour  or  neglect
 of pastoral duty, but on account of conscientious con­
victions which prevented their wearing certain pre­
scribed ecclesiastical vestments, their  baptizing  with
 the sign of the cross, their use of the ring in marriage,
their assent to the apostolical succession of the epis­
copate, and their obedience to churchly regulations
which were, in their opinion, unjustified by Scripture.
To people of our comfortable time some of these
particulars of Puritan objection to the prescribed
 usages of the Church Establishment may doubtless
seem insignificant; but to the actors on the then ex­
isting  stage  they  were  immensely  important. The
 surplice was the badge of that hierarchical separation
of ministry and people which long ages of ecclesi­
astical oppression had made offensive, and which the
Puritans believed was inconsistent with  the  doctrine
 of  the  brotherhood  of  all  believers in Christ.    The
 sign of the cross in baptism was a reminder of a whole
class of superstitious ceremonies which had come

 Eliz., chap. xli.            2  Neal, i. 157.


BIRTH  AND  BOYHOOD.  13

down from a  corrupted past, in which  the symbol of
the crucifix was accorded a magical efficacy in exor­
cising evil spirits, in warding off physical dangers, as
well as in securing spiritual benefits. The ring in
marriage was the token of that ecclesiastical doctrine
which made marriage exclusively a religious  sacra­
under  the  care  and  authority of  the  Church.
The bowing at the name of Jesus was a seeming im­
peachment of the reverence due equally to the Father
and the Spirit. The observance of saints' days brought
recollections of ecclesiastical impositions which bur­
dened life with their restrictions and bound time in
fetters and obligations hard to bear. The rule of bish­
ops associated with temporal dignities and powers
seemed to the Puritan not only an assumption of un­
warranted authority by one soul over another soul, but
an  intrusion  of  churchly functions  into a department
of things not legitimately its own. These objections
were not to the participators in the then ·waging con­
flict matters of whimsey or sentiment. Every one of
them stood for and represented a principle. As a na­
tional flag may be  the symbol of  principles  central  to
a people's life, and of memories  in  which  are gath­
ered up generations of history, so to the Puritan of
Elizabeth's day the ring, the cross, the surplice, were
symbols of the whole of that great conflict which had
been waging in England and Europe for centuries
between freedom and authority, between individual
conscience and established privilege.
    
It is impossible to conceive of any intelligent house­
h
old in England, still less of any company of students


14           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

even  if  not  yet  quite  attained  to university standing,
as unconcerned  in  the bearing upon this great conflict
of such an event as took place in 1603, when  the
uncouth and polemic James succeeded to the throne
vacated by the strong-willed virgin queen.

All those who had in any degree  sympathized with
the Puritan side in the struggle, looked now for some
measure of relief from the compellant hand of Con­
formity. The expectation was certainly not irrational.
James had been brought up a Presbyterian. He had
written  Calvinistic  commentaries  on  the  Scriptures.
He had been the ostentatious champion of the anti­
prelatical views of the continental  reformed churches.
He was a man of scholarship, and many hoped a man

of Puritan convictions.

But whatever hopes of  this kind  were  awakened
were  destined  to  early  disappointment. James  was
met on  his  journey  up to London  from  Edinburgh  by
a deputation of Puritan ministers, bearing  what  is
known as the Millenary Petition from the popularly
supposed thousand of its signatures. Some  seven
hundred and fifty of  the clergy of  England  united in
this document entitled "The humble Petition of the
Ministers of the Church of England desiring Refor­
mation of certain Ceremonies and Abuses of that
Church." 1 The first specified matter needing refor­
mation mentioned in the petition related to church
services; and as it refers to what was the main issue
between the  Conformist  and  Puritan  parties,  it  may
be well to quote that portion of it here:2 --

1    Neal, i. 228.          2 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 479, 480.


BIRTH AND BOYHOOD.

 

"Namely, first, In the 'Church service,' the cross in
B
aptism, interrogatories ministered to infants; confirma­
tions,
as superfluous, to be  taken away: Baptism  not  to
be ministered by women, and so explained: the cap and
surplice not to be urged: that  examination  might  go
before the Communion:  that it  might  be ministered with
a sermon: that divers terms, viz. of  Priests, and  absolu­
tion and some other used, with the ring in marriage and
oth
er such like in the book, might be corrected: the
longsomeness of suits abridged: Church songs and music
moderated to better  edification:  that  the  Lord's  day
might not be profaned: the rest upon holydays not so
strictly urged: that there might be an uniformity of doc­
trine prescribed: no popish opinions to  be  any  more
taught or defended: no Ministers charged to teach their
people to bow at the name of Jesus: that the Canonical
Scriptures be only read in the Church."

In response to this petition the king appointed a
meeting at Hampton Court ostensibly to confer with
representatives of  the petitioners  about  the proposed
reforms. The  king nominated the disputants on  
both sides: those for the Establishment being nine
bishops, seven deans, one archdeacon and  two  doc­
tors in divinity; while  the  Puritans  were  represented
by only four of their ministers, Drs. Reynolds and
 Sparke of  Oxford, and Mr. Knewstubs and Mr.
Chaderton of  Cambridge. The meetings continued
 for three days  about  the  middle  of  January,  1604, --
the Puritans being admitt
ed to audience only on the
second and third, -- and were, so far as any substantial
result in approximating the two parties  in  issue,  or
in providing relief for conscientious dissent from the
established usages of the Elizabethan settlement was


16           LIFE   OF   THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

concerned, an entire failure. A few minor matters of
offence to the petitioners were indeed promised re­
dress, - baptism by women and the reading of such
portions of the Apocrypha as have "some repugnancy
to the canonical  Scripture " among  them;1   but as to
the main body of the usages objected to, the king was
found their defender.   He put himself into the hands
of the ecclesiastics, who delightedly declared, by the
mouth of Whitgift, their  archbishop,  "undoubtedly
his Majesty spoke by the especial assistance of God's
Spirit." 2 He badgered the Puritan representatives

with taunting questions and brow-beating lecturings;
commanded them to "awaie with their  snyvelings," 8
and wound up  the   interview  with   the  declaration:
 "If this be all your party  have  to say,  I  will  make
them conform, or  I  will  harry them  out  of  the land,
or else worse." 4

The king and the  bishops  were  mightily  pleased
with  their  part  in the  conference.   Bancroft,  falling
on his  knees,  declared:  "I  protest my heart  melteth
for joy, that
Almighty God, of his singular mercy, has
given us such a king as since Christ's  time  has not
been." 6
And James wrote  to  a  friend  in  Scotland
about  keeping  "a revel  with  the  Puritans  this two
days   such   as  was   never    heard   the   like,"   having
"peppered   them"   with  such   arguments   that   they
"fled from him" like schoolboys.
6

1  Strype's Whitgift, ii. 501.         2 Ibid. 498.

3 W. Barlow, The   Summe and Substance of  the  Conference

at Hampton Court.

4  Neal, i.  2.32.                  5 Ibid. 233.

6 Strype's Whitgift, ii. 500.


BIRTH AND BOYHOOD.

 

Echoes of these events on  the  public stage  must
have reached quieter places than Market-Bosworth,
whence Hooker was just taking  his  departure,  and
must  have afforded topic for  interested  and wonder­
ing comment to duller wits than those with whom  he
had  been there associated. Two months later  found
him at Cambridge and the University.


18           LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

                     CHAPTER  II.

 

EDUCATION AND  RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.

 

When he was fellow of Emmanuel

Much learning in his solid head did dwell.

SAMUEL STONE: Elegiac Verses, 1648.

 

THE  Cambridge  at  which  Thomas  Hooker  arrived
in 1604, bore many traces of that  Puritan  influence
which in this  university, much  more than at  Oxford,
had marked  the  history of  the  previous century. A
very considerable number of the members of the
university  who  after  the  Marian exile  returned to
their former or to higher posts  in  its  service,  came
back with more pronounced views  of nonconformity
than those they carried with them abroad. At Zurich,
Geneva, Frankfort, or Basel they had  been  received
with hospitality by the continental reformers, and had
come in many instances still more fully to sympathize
with the theological opinions and the practices  in
church   usage  which   characterized   the   theologians
of  Southwestern   Germany   and  Switzerland.  Men
like the  two  brothers  Pilkington,  successively  mas­
ters  of  St.  John's  College,  and   Roger  Zelke,  mas­
ter of Magdalen, brought back   with   them   from
their  exile  an  opposition  to  "ceremonies"  as  pro-


RESIDENCE   AT  CAMBRIDGE.     19

 

nounced almost as that of any Separatist;  an  oppo­
sition which the  elder  Pilkington  carried  with  him
into the exercise of his bishopric of Durham when
promoted thither.

But the most potent influence which had affected
Cambridge emanated from Thomas Cartwright, Mar­
garet Professor of Divinity, who preached and taught
both the doctrine and polity of Geneva, and profoundly
influenced the younger and rising class of fellows and
scholars.    Under  his  powerful  impression  the  spirit
of dissent from the prescribed ritual grew rapidly.
Undergraduates and fellows in many of the colleges
objected to the surplice, declined to kneel at the sac­
rament, and deemed the hierarchical orders of the
ministry unscriptural. Theological degrees were de­
nounced as being an attempt on the part of secular
institutions to determine who might properly teach in
religious matters.

And even when, as in the case of Dr. Whitgift, --
successively Margaret and Regius Professor of Divin­
ity, master of Trinity, and vice-chancellor of the uni­
versity, - no sympathy with nonconformity was found,
there was often a high degree of accordancy with the
continental divines in matters of  theology. It was in
1595 that  what are  known  as the  Lambeth  Articles --
so called from the place of their subscription at the pal­
ace of that name in London, and beyond comparison
the most vigorous symbol of Calvinism ever framed as
an expression of English faith -- were written by Dr.
Whitaker, who succeeded Whitgift as Regius Pro­
fessor of Divinity at Cambridge, and were approved


20           LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

by Whitgift himself, now elevated to the  Archbishop­
ric of Canterbury.    The  prevalent tone of teaching in
the university was Calvinistic. The most celebrated
preacher in Cambridge for nearly twenty years before
Hooker's coming there was Rev. William Perkins,
fellow of Christ College and lecturer at Great St.
Andrews, a thorough Puritan in principles and a vig­
orous expounder of Genevan theology.

Mr. Perkins was repeatedly summoned before the
Commission on account of his irregularities in
matter of ritual, and authorities are somewhat at vari­
ance as to his having been or not having been  ulti­
mately  put under interdict.    But at his death in 1602

the town and the university contended for the  privi­
lege  of  being  foremost  in  bemoaning  his loss. Into
the rather warmly heated atmosphere of doctrinal and
ecclesiastical controversies such as are thus indicated,
young Hooker was introduced on his university en­
trance  at about eighteen years   of   age.   Cotton
Mather says I that he was born " of parents that were
neither unable nor unwilling to bestow upon him  a
liberal education." But to one acquainted with  the
narrow conditions of life, such as must have  been lived
at Marfield, it can occasion no surprise that, like many
another university scholar destined to after eminence,
Hooker entered college in a position implying some
inferiority of pecuniary  resource. He  was  matricu­
lated at Queen's College as sizar, March 2 7,  1604;

 

1 Magnalia (ed. 1820), i. 303.

2 Records of the College, and letters of librarians of that in-
 stitution and Emmanuel.


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.    21

 

a sizar at  Cambridge  being, like a batteller  at  Oxford,
a student who waits upon the fellows at table, and who
generally, in consideration  of these and other services,
is personally exempt from college charges. At some
uncertain date, however, he was transferred to Emman­
uel College, where he appears to have  been on taking
his B. A.  degree  in  January, 1608,  and  his  M.A. in
1611.

Occupying one of the two Wolstan  Dixie  fellow­
ship foundations he remained  for an  indeterminable
but considerable  period,  prosecuting  his studies, and,
in the latter part of the  time  certainly, engaging  in
some form of clerical  work. Here  then  at  Cam­
bridge, as a student for certainly seven years, and as a
fellow resident for some years more, Thomas Hooker
was, from eighteen to probably at least twenty-eight
years of age, in the focus of  Puritanism,  and in the
midst of some of the most considerable actors in the
great events of the time. How much of acquaint­
anceship was had among particular students of the
university, it is impossible of course more than to con­
jecture;  but  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  there were
in Cambridge during these  important  years  of  col­
lege experience several men who in  the  chances  of
after life  were  to be thrown  more or less intimately,
and some of them quite intimately, into Hooker's
fellowship.

Nathaniel Ward, afterward to be minister of the
gospel in Ipswich, New England, and author of the
"Simple Cobbler of Agawam," had just taken his mas­
ter's degree at Emmanuel in 1603, a year before


22           LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Hooker entered the university, and  was  pursuing
there his divinity studies. William Ames, with whom
Hooker was subsequently to be  joined  in  the  care of
the church of exiles in Rotterdam, and in the publi­
cation of Ames's book against  Ceremonies,  a graduate
of Christ  College,  was  resident in  Cambridge  nearly
all the time till Hooker became a fellow at Emmanuel,
and was already challenged by the authorities for his
outspokenness  against church vestments, and  his pub­
lic denunciation of games countenanced by the clergy.
Peter Bulkley, afterward to be associated  with  Hooker
in the moderatorship of more than one historic New
England assembly, and pastor of the  church in Con­
cord, was taking his M. A. at  St. John's  College  in
1605, a year after Hooker's  arrival  at  Cambridge.
John Cotton, a  year older  than  Hooker, and  a student
of earlier start in letters, who was to sail in the same
vessel with him across the seas, and to be to Massa­
chusetts  what  Hooker  was  to   Connecticut,  reached
his B. A. at Emmanuel a year before Hooker was
matriculated, and arrived  at  his M.A. in 1606.    Fran­
cis Higginson, Hooker's junior by a year, who was to
precede both him and Cotton in the American enter­
prise, attained his B. A. at Jesus  College a year  later,
and  his  M. A. two  years  later,  than  Hooker's  arrival
at  the same standing.    John Wilson,  Hooker's  junior
by two years, and  afterward  so long Cotton's associate
in the pastorate of the Boston church, entered Kings
College in 1602, and after pursuing  the usual  univer­
sity course, and attempting awhile the study of law,
returned in 1610 to Cambridge to put himself under


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE. 23

 

the special instruction of  Mr. Ames, and to prosecute
his studies in divinity.

All these and several other afterward distinguished
men who were to be in one way or another closely
associated with Hooker  in  his  subsequent history,
were in Cambridge during some part of his residence
there ; and with them all it was quite possible, and with
several of them altogether probable, that he had per­
sonal acquaintance.

The particular college with which Thomas Hooker
was  most  identified --   Emmanuel --   and  where  he
held one of  the Wolstan Dixie  fellowships, was, from
its  foundation,  regarded  as a Puritan  institution.   It
was established in 1584 by a charter granted by Eliza­
beth to Sir Walter Mildmay,  a  prominent  statesman
and councillor in the service of that sovereign, and
employed  by her  in  many responsible  trusts.    There
is nothing in  the  charter of  the institution to suggest
any deviation from the established order,  but  ru­
mours of its founder's intention to encourage dissent
were early promulgated;  and the queen, on his coming
to court soon after the allowance of the  new institu­
tion,  is  said to  have .addressed  him:  "Sir Walter, I
hear yon have erected a  Puritan foundation;" to
which  he  is  said  to  have  made reply, "No, madam,
far  be it from  me  to  countenance   anything  contrary
to your established laws; but  I  have  set  an acorn
which, when it becomes an  oak, God  alone  knows
what will be the fruit thereof." 1 Something of the
diplomatist is probably discoverable in this reply, espe-


1
 Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, ii. 354.


24                LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

 

cially as Sir Walter conditioned his foundation of the
college  upon  the  acceptance  by Laurence  Chaderton
of the mastership. Chaderton had always  the  repu­
tation of belonging to the Puritan side in the then cur­
rent controversies.    As such he was  chosen  by James
as one of the four ministers to represent the  Puritan
cause in the famous mock-conference  at  Hampton
Court a  few years later;  on which  occasion  he is said
to have fallen on his knees and entreated  the  railing
king  that  the " wearing  of the  surplis and the vse of
the Crosse in Baptisme might not be vrged vpo some
honest, godly, and painfull ministers in some partes of
Lancashire." A pious and learned  man, he was one
of the translators of the new version of the Bible au­
thorized by James; the section on which he with his
immediate co-labourers was employed being "from
Chronicles  to Canticles, inclusive."    Chaderton  lived
to be  one  hundred  and  three  years old;  and  though
he  is  spoken  of  as  a  " moderate "  man  in his spirit,
he  had  fire  enough  in  his  bones in 1622,  at  eighty­
six years of  age, to resign  the mastership of  Emman­
uel in favour of the celebrated  Calvinistic  preacher
John Preston, fearing that otherwise an Arminian suc­
cessor might be chosen.

And  it  must be  confessed that Emmanuel College

under his and Mr. Preston's guidance vindicated the
character given to  it by Carter at a somewhat later
date than Chaderton's day, as "neither more nor less


1 Barlow's Summe and Substance, p. 99.

2 Ackermann's Cambridge, ii. 237.

3 Ibid.


RESIDENCE   AT CAMBRIDGE.     25

than a mere nursery of Puritans."1 During the Com­
monwealth no less than eleven masters of
other colleges
in  Cambridge were graduates of  Emmanue1, all more
or less distinct representatives of Puritan views.

A single but very significant hint of the temper of
things  in Emmanuel  remains  to  this day.    Alone of
all the college chapels in Cambridge or Oxford, its
original chapel - now, indeed, disused  for  this  ser­
vice,  and  employed  as  the  library -   stands, as built
by Sir Walter, facing north
and south instead  of  east
and  west.    A  report  made  to  Archbishop   Laud  in
1
633 of the condition of affairs at the college, prob­
ably gives a substantially accurate account of matters as
 they were twenty years  before, when Hooker  occupied
 a fellowship there. The reporter says:--

"In Emmanuel College their chappel is not conse­
crate. At Surplice prayers they sing nothing but certain
riming Psalms of their own appointment instead of ye
Hymmes
between ye Lessons.    And at Lessons they read
not after ye order
appointed in ye Callendar, but after
another continued course of their own. All Service is
there done and performed
by the Minister alone.   When
they preach or Commonplace   they omit all service
after
ye first or second Lesson at ye furthest." 2

Indeed,  the vigour  of  Emmanuel's  Puritanism  was
a  popular  proverb.   The doggerel and ridiculing lines
of the "Mad Puritan"  in  Percy's  Ballads  have 
all
their significance from the recognized character of the
college to which they ref
er:--

1 Ackermann's Cambridge, ii. 228.

2 Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, ii. 383.


26           LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

"In the house of pure Emmanuel
 I had my education;

Where, my friends surmise,
 I dazzled my eyes

With the light of Revelation.

"Boldly I preach,

Hate a cross and a surplice;
 Mitres, copes, and rochets;
Come hear me pray,

Nine times a day,

And fill your head with crotchets."

The avowed design of Sir Walter Mildmay in estab­
lishing a new college was  to train up a  "godly minis­
try;"  and  however wise or unwise minor features of
the administration may have been,  tried by the test  of
its avowed intention Emmanuel was certainly a suc­
cess. The acorn planted only in 1584, which before
Cromwell's time had  fruited  with  such  names -- not
to mention any already spoken of-.-as William Brad­
shaw, Ralph Cudworth, John Richardson, John Har­
vard, William Eyre, Jeremiah Burroughs,  Ephraim
Udal, Richard Holdsworth, Thomas Shepard, Samuel
Hudson, Thomas Hill, Nathaniel Rogers, Stephen
Marshall, Samuel Stone, Anthony Burgess, William
Bridge, Anthony Tuckney, and Bishop Hall, among
many others nearly or equally distinguished,  must
surely be regarded as an acorn well worth planting.

Of Hooker's  personal  experiences  during the years
of his residence in Cambridge scanty authentic me­
morials remain. These years themselves were marked
by some events on the public stage which must have
been felt at Cambridge quite as sensibly as anywhere


RESIDENCE   AT  CAMBRIDGE.      27

else. It  was  in  his second  year's residence that the
plot to blow up the king  and  Parliament  in the  inter­
est of the Romanist party, by Catesby, Digby, Guy
Fawkes, and others, was discovered just  in  time  to
have no worse consequences than the execution of the
conspirators.    It was just when he was taking his B. A.,
in 1608, that John Robinson and his Scrooby church,
unable to find toleration for Independency in England,
sought refuge and liberty in Holland. Two years later,
James, the whilom Presbyterian of Scotland, forced
Episcopacy into the country north of the Tweed.

It was just as Hooker was taking his M.A., in 1611,

that James inaugurated the protracted fight  of  the
Stuarts with  the Commons  of England  by dissolving
his first Parliament. The years following, to 1620, saw
the clouds of civil and religious trouble steadily deep­
ening. They beheld the scandals of Somerset's eleva­
tion to power, of Overbury's murder, of the sale of
peerages for money payments, of  the  dismissal  of
Lord Coke, of the rise to supremacy of  the  ignorant

but dangerous Buckingham. They saw the  peremp­

tory dissolution of James's second Parliament, the ne­
gotiations for the marriage of Prince Charles with the

Infanta of Spain, the execution of Sir Walter Raleigh,
the outbreak in Europe of the Thirty Years' War, -- a
struggle virtually between Protestantism and Roman­
ism, -- and perhaps  least  noticed  of  all, the  planting
of Plymouth Colony in America by English exiles for
the sake of religious liberty.    These things, and mat­
ters involved  in them, could not but have been  things
of  interest, and  some of  them of  intense concern, to


28           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

the nearly three thousand students of the various
colleges of the university.

But to Hooker himself an event which occurred
apparently after his reception of  his  master's  degree
and during his residence as Dixie fellow,  was  of
greater personal  moment  than  any  yet  alluded  to.
This event,  to  use phrases which  he was  accustomed
to employ in characterizing similar experiences in
others, was his  Effectual  Calling,  and  Implantation
into Christ. Whatever may have hitherto been his
religious convictions  or feelings,  this  was  the  period
of that great spiritual crisis  which  he  would  have
called his conversion.

That his processes of mind in this passage of his
inward history should have been sombre and tumul­
 tuous might easily be anticipated. Such  was  the
common course of religious experience in  his  time.
And there is reason to believe that it was unusually
common at Cambridge, where the strenuous presenta­
tion of some of the sterner features of the Calvinistic
system, by powerful popular preachers like Perkins,
Baynes, and Gibbs, had given a kind of established
direction to the courses of men's experience under the
operation of strong religious emotions. But there was
also something in Mr. Hooker's temperament, and
probably something also, as we shall have occasion
hereafter to see, in his theological views and tenden­
cies, to make this religious struggle in his own case
unusually protracted and severe. He is saidto have
long afterward observed of this passage of his experi-


1    Magnalia, i.  303.


RESIDENCE  AT  CAMBRIDGE.      29

 

ence, "that in the time of his agonies, he could reason
himself to the rule, and conclude that there was no way
 but submission to God, and lying at the foot of  his
mercy in Christ Jesus,  and  waiting  humbly  there  till
he should please to perswade the soul of his favour;
nevertheless, when he came to apply this rule unto him­
self, in his own condition, his reasoning would fail him,
he was able to do nothing." Readers of his treatise on
 the "Soules Humiliation" will not wonder why he found
it hard to  apply  his "rule "  to  his own  case,  or  why
 his reasoning  failed  him. The extreme  conceptions
of what is involved  in  a  true  submission  of  the  soul
to God set  forth  in  that  treatise,  and  to  some  extent
in other of Mr. Hooker's writings, have always, when­
ever presented, been  a  source  of  perplexity  to  men.
As expounded a hundred and fifty years later in the
writings of Samuel Hopkins, they not only introduced
an era of controversy in theological  debate, but  a
period of bewilderment and trouble in the individual
religious  experience  of  multitudes. The making
_a
willingness   to  be  lost  a  condition  precedent to a
reasonable hope of being saved, whether prescribed by
Hooker or his son-in-Jaw Shepard, or by  the  cele­
brated Newport divine who has in New England
theology given his name to the particular dogma in
question, is and must ever be  a  prescription  perplex­
 ing and embarrassing to the process of most people's
 religious experience.

How far this particular notion of  what is necessary

before a soul can rest in a cheerful hope of  God's
 mercy  actually  embarrassed  the  process  of attaining


30           LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

that quietude in Hooker's own case, it is probably
impossible to say; but his  doubts  and  perturbations
were protracted.    He is said1 to  have remarked,  "I
can compare with any  man living  for  fears."  And it
is not without a  touch of  pathos  that it  is recorded2
that one considerable source of  relief  to him  in this
time of trouble came from the young sizar who waited
upon  him,  whose  "prudent  and   piteous  carriage"
and "discreet and proper compassions" were of
"singular help."    The giver of this important  aid was
Mr. Simeon  Ashe,  afterward  a graduate of  Emmanuel,
 a minister in Staffordshire, chaplain to the Earl of
Warwick in the civil wars, rector of St. Austin  in
London for  twenty years, and  though, as Calamy says,
"a nonconformist of the old stamp," one of the divines
who went to Breda to meet Charles II just before his
restoration. The piety and moderation of which the
general  course  of  this  Puritan  minister's  history was
an illustration, had  apparently one  of  its earlier and
most useful manifestations in helping to lead the Fellow
whom it was his function  to serve  into a more  cheer­
ful assurance of religious welfare.

There  appears  to  be  evidence  that  after passing
this crisis-point in his religious history, Mr. Hooker
continued a considerable time in the university as
catechist and lecturer. Here and  in  the  vicinity he
began the systematic development  into sermonic form
o
f those essays on experimental religion which consti­
tuted always the main  bulk of his preaching, and ove
r
the general track of which he seems again and again


1  
Magnalia, i. 314.         Ibid. 303.


RESIDENCE   AT  CAMBRIDGE.      31

to have gone, at Cambridge, at Chelmsford, and in his
successive ministries in Holland and America. These
sermons, which are in effect a kind of body of divinity,
not so much of the doctrinal  as of  the experimental
kind, were  immensely  popular. They  grew  out  of,
and were exactly suited to, the religious feeling of the
period. They  gave  their  author  an  immediate  and
wide distinction as a powerful applier of the gospel to
men's  hearts and consciences.  They were circulated
to some extent in copies  enlarged  from  short-hand
notes surreptitiously taken. They were collected with
less or more accuracy into volumes published not
always with their author's knowledge or sanction. And
they make up in the whole  that body of writing about
the general  subject of  the  application  of  religion  to
the soul,  which as one substantially connected
treatise, though divided in  title into various subordi­
nate portions, there will be occasion hereafter more
particularly, though briefly, to notice.


32           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

 

                                CHAPTER III.

 

                 HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY.

 

His knowledge in Theologie Divine,

In Chelmsford Lectures divers years did shine.

SAMUEL STONE: Elegiac Verses.

 

LEAVING out of view the functions which Mr.
Hooker may have performed as catechist
and lecturer
while still resident at Cambridge, the probable period
of his exercise of ministerial duty in England was ten
or twelve years,
-- that is to say, from 1618 or 1620 to
his flight to Holland in 1630. This space of time was
all included in the duration of the archbishopric of
George Abbot, who had
been appointed to the pri­
macy on the death of Bancroft in 1610. These
twenty-two years of  Abbot's  nominal  headship  of
the Church of England, and especially the last thir­
teen of them which cover the period of Hooker's
English ministry, were momentous years in Puritan
story. Abbot himself was a Calvinist, and by convic­
tion attached to the cause of Puritanism and the Par­
liament. He advocated a definite policy of Protes­
tantism abroad, and it was his influence which sent
English representatives to the Synod of Dort in
1618-19. He favoured the maintenance of the Puritan
Lectureships,  which  had become so extended a part
of the machinery employed for the dissemination of


HOOKER'S   ENGLISH  MINISTR Y.      33

the principles of which nonconformity stood the rep­
resentative. By his doctrinal sympathies with his
pragmatic sovereign and  by his official  place as head
of the hierarchy, he seemed to stand in a favourable
for mediating between  the contending  parties
in the civil and religious commonwealths. But Abbot
had no skill as a reconciler; events were too strong for
him,  perhaps were  too strong for any one. The  years
of his primacy saw the progressively definite identifica­
tion of Puritanism with the Parliament, of prerogative
with churchly authority. The Presbyterian king put
himself increasingly into the hand of  Arminian  pre­
lacy; the Commons more and more accepted the
leadership of Calvinistic nonconformity.

The great figure  on  the stage of  this generation of

English story, and the great power by which this defi­
nition of party lines was effected, was William Laud.
Laud had been from his university days a rival and
opponent of the archbishop; and during all the later
years of Abbot's nominal headship of the  establish­
ment it was far more the inferior than the superior
church-functionary who gave  direction  to  the  course
of religious affairs, and influenced the counsels of his
sovereign. Laud's advancement was rapid, and in­
dicative alike of his personal abilities and of  the
growing conviction on the part of the king, which he
formulated in the characteristic saying, "Presbyteri­
anism agreeth as well with monarchy as God and the
devil."     In 1611   Laud was appointed   president   of
St. John's College, Oxford. The same year made him
also  chaplain  to  the  king.    The  year  1616 saw him

                                                  3


34           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

Dean of Gloucester; in 1621 he was Bishop of St.
David's; in 1626, of Bath and Wells; in 1628, of the
important See of London. He  guided, almost regu­
lated, the church patronage by giving the king a list of
the clergy, marked for advancement or neglect by the
cabalistic sign  "O" or  "P" (Orthodox  or Puritan)
affixed to their names. His hand, as there will be
occasion to see, was in every considerable event of the
period covered by our Hooker's English ministry.

This ministry began in Mr. Hooker's appointment,
probably some time between 1618 and 1620, to the
rectorship of the little parish of Esher in Surrey, a
small place sixteen miles southwest from the Parlia­
ment houses in London.

That Mr. Hooker's principles allowed  him  to  go
there was owing to the fact that the living was a dona­
tive
one, -- given, that is to say, directly  by the  patron
of the benefice, a  Mr. Francis  Drake, and  not requir­
ing presentation to the bishop and induction by  his
order; to which presentation Mr. Hooker's non­
conforming views  would  not  allow  him  to  accede,
and which would  therefore  have availed  to  exclude
him from the greater part of the benefices in England.
Esher 1 was and is a pleasant, small village, built on a
rising ground a little distance from the Thames, and in­
cludes in its parochial boundaries two or three ancient
manorial properties, one of which, Esher Place, was
occupied by Carclin:11 Wolsey after his disgrace; an­
other, Clermont, was formerly the home of Lord

1 Manning's History and Antiquities of Surrey, vol. ii.: art.
"Esher."


HOOKER'S ENGLISH  MINISTRY.     35

Clive; then of Princess Charlotte, and now of  the
widow of Prince  Leopold.   Adjoining  Esher Common
is the tract of ground which used to be  known as
Sandon Farm, now the scene of the Sandon races.

That Esher was, and is still, a little village with so
much that is picturesque in its  situation  and conven­
ient in its proximity to the city, the rector at present
(1891) incumbent ascribes to the fact of its being
hemmed in and limited by these large landed estates.
 The church where Mr. Hooker preached still stands,
though  not at  present used for public worship.    It is
very small, with a nave and chancel only, except that
 at a period considerably later than that we are now
speaking of, the Duke of Newcastle, who occupied
Clermont before Lord Clive, built a kind of chamber­
room or gallery on one side of it.  The glass of the
 chancel windows is said once  to have  been  fine,  but
no vestige of its former glories remains.  At the west
 end the nave is surmounted by a low pyramidal tower
in which formerly hung three bells, one of which was
 understood to be a war-trophy brought by Sir Francis
Drake from St. Domingo. The living was worth only
forty pounds a year; the  place of worship  not capable
 of stretching beyond a hundred sittings; the congre­
gation a few lowly people of the village, and members

of the manor house families.

The patron of the living, a gentleman of the same
name, and a  kinsman  of  the great  admiral: received
the rector into his  house,  and  gave  him  a  home  in
his family, -- a fact attended with important conse­
quences to the rector.


36           LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

The persuasive cause of the procuring of Mr.
Hooker's services at Esher was the condition of Mr.
Drake's wife. The story is told in a little volume
printed the year Mr. Hooker died. It bears the
characteristically quaint title of the time, "Trodden
down Strength by the God of Strength, or Mrs. Drake
Revived, showing her strange and rare Case, great and
manifold afflictions for tenne years together. Related
by her friend Hart On-hi. London,  1647." Mrs.
Drake was an invalid and hypochondriac. She had
already worn out the consolations of two worthy
ministers --  Rev. Mr. Dod,  the author  of a  comment­
ary on the Decalogue, and hence popularly known as
Decalogue Dod; and Rev. Mr. Usher, afterward Pri­
mate of Ireland -- in their efforts to persuade her that
she had not committed the unpardonable sin.

Mr. Dod being obliged  to  leave  her  after  three
years' wrestling with her case, tidings came  to  Mr.
Drake of"   one Mr.  Hooker,  then  at Cambridge,  now
in New England: A great  Scholar,  an  acute  Dis­
putant, a strong learned, a  wise  modest  man,  every
way  rarely  qualified;  who  being  a  Non-conformitan
in judgement, not willing to trouble himself with Pre­
sentative
Livings, was  contented  and  persuaded  by
Mr.  Dod   to  accept   of   that   poor   Living  of  40l.
per annum: This worthy man accepted of the place,
having withal his dyet and lodging  at  Esher,  Mr.
Drake's house."

Mr. Hooker's ministrations seem to have been use­
ful. " For Mr. Hooker being newly come from the
University had a new answering methode (though


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY    37

the same thing) wherewith shee was marvellously de­
lighted." Just how  long or precisely  at what date
these ministrations  were rendered  is not stated, but
the period came when  Mrs.  Drake felt  "that  her
time on earth was but of small continuance. About
which time it fell out that Mr. Hooker also having
acted his part with her, and done his best, to comfort,
uphold and rectifie her spirit, . . . by God's provi­
dence he was married  unto  her  waiting-woman:
After which both of them having lived some  time
after with her, and he cal'd to be Lecturer at Chelms­
ford in Essex, they both  left her."

It is pleasant  to  be  assured  that  the  counsels  of
Mr. Hooker, and of Mr. Dod which were again re­
newed, did much to  help  Mrs.  Drake, and  that  she
was "more cheerful in mind divers years," coming
indeed to her end at last in "a Fit of sudden, extream,
ravishing, unsupportable Joy, beyond the Strength of
Mortality to retain, or be long capable of, which

put Mr. Dod, her Husband, and all of them to a non­
plus,
as being beyond all Experience; they in all their
lifetime never having seen or heard of the like."

The chief recorded result to Mr. Hooker himself,
however, of this Esher experience  was his marrying
Mrs. Drake's waiting-woman,  Susanna. Who this
young woman was, whose future was to be so full of
vicissitude, who was to be exiled to  Holland, to voy­
age the Atlantic, to be carried on a litter through the
Massachusetts forests to Connecticut, to survive her
husband we  know  not  how  long,  and  to  be  buried
we know not where -   there  seems  no way at  present
to determine.


38           LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

That she was esteemed in Mr. Drake's family is
evidenced by the provision in Mr. Drake's will, dated
March 13,  1634,  by  which he gave to  "Johana
Hooker  whoe  is  now  in  New  England Ł30   to  be
paid her the day of her marriage." This was  Mr.
Hooker's daughter who  married  Rev. Thomas Shep­
ard,  and from  a  comparison   of  dates   would   seem
to have been  his oldest  child,  and  may  have  been
born at Esher, and named Joanna  for  Mrs.  Drake,
whose maiden name was Joanna Tothill.

Esher's proximity to London favoured the more ready
recognition  of  Mr.  Hooker's  gifts as  a  preacher,  and
it  appears  that  some  ineffectual  attempts were  made
to secure his establishment in some capacity at
Colchester in Essex, "whereto Mr. Hooker did very
much  incline,  .  .  .  but  the  providence  of  God gave
an obstruction to that settlement."

     Mather  says1  Hooker's  desire to  be at Colchester
was on account of its proximity to Mr. Rogers of
Dedham, whom he used to call "the prince of all the
preachers in England; " but "it was an observation
which  Mr. Hooker  would  sometimes  afterwards  use

     unto  his  friends  'that  the  providence  of God  often

l

 
    diverted him from employment  in such places as he
himself  desired, and  still  directed him to such  places
as he had no thoughts of.'"

But sometime probably in 1626 an invitation was ex­
tended and accepted for Mr. Hooker's·establishment
as Lecturer in connection with the church of St. Mary
at Chelmsford, Essex, then under the rectoral care of

1 Magnalia, i. 304.


HOOKER'S ENGLISH MINISTRY.    39

 

Rev. John Michaelson.  Possibly he  had  been  resi­
dent a little while previous in the immediate vicinity,
for the parish register of Great Baddow contains the
following entry: "Anne, daughter of Mr. Thomas
Hooker, clerk, and Susan his wife, baptized at Great
Baddow,  Essex,  January 5. 1626."   As  pertinent  to
Mr.   Hooker's   family   relationships   it   may   also
here as  appropriately as anywhere  be  remarked  that
the Chelmsford parish register contains the  record,
under date of April 9, 1628, of the baptism
of ''Sarah
daughter of Nir. Thomas Hooker and Susan his wife;"
and on August 26, 1629, of her burial.

Chelmsford was a busy town twenty-nine miles east
from London, and  its  old Gothic  church is an  edifice
of great antiquity. The great-tower and  most of  the
older portions of the building are made of the flint
nodules, from the size of the fist upward, found in the
chalk-pits of the neighbourhood, laid in cement.  The
arch of the Norman  door  in  the great-tower has the
Boar and Mullet pf the De Vere family. In 1641 the
Parliamentary visitation was the occasion of a riot in
which the beautiful glass windows were destroyed, and
Rev. Dr. Michaelson, the rector, subjected to personal
indignities  and  injury.  The  roof  of  the  nave fell  in,
in 1800, and the repair in other stone than that which
characterizes  the  older  portion  of  the   structure  has
an unpleasing and incongruous appearance. The
patronage of the church was given or sold by Henry

VIII.      to Roger Mildmay, ancestor of Sir Roger Mild­
may, founder of Emmanuel College; and twenty gen­
erations of the family sleep underneath its roof.   This


40            LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

noble old  sanctuary became for between  three  and
four years the scene of Mr. Hooker's public labours as
Lecturer.

These Lectureships, to which  reference has already
 several times been made, were one of the most char­
acteristic  outgrowths of the Puritan movement in
England. They
were designed to secure a more
efficient preaching  service  than  could be  often had
from the  legal incumbent  of  a  benefice.     They were
generally  
·supported  by voluntary gifts of wealthy
Puritans, though  sometimes  endowed by permanent
funds ; and were customarily held by persons having
scruples about the ceremonies and the vestments, and
consequently not always, though generally, in priest's
orders. The Lecturer preached on market-days and
Sunday afternoons, as supplemental to the regularly
appointed   church services.  The system was im­
mensely popular with the multitude, who were dis­
satisfied  with "no  preaching  and  dumb  ministers,"
as those who confined themselves to the liturgy were
called, and  developed  into  wide  and  large  proportions
in the country generally.

But  by so much as Lectureships were  popular with

the masses they were obnoxious to the church party,
who sympathized with
 Laud and with the intensifying
demand   for  Conformity   represented    by  the   king.
Already: some four years previous to Hooker's enter­
ing on his Chelmsford Lectureship, James, in   1622,
had issued injunctions to the clergy, through the arch­
bishop, forbidding any one of them  under  the  stand­
ing  of  "a bishop or dean [to] presume to  preach  in


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH MINISTRY.      41

 

any popular auditory on the deep points of predes­
tination, election, reprobation, or of the universality,
efficacy, resistibility, or irresistibility of God's grace;"
and prescribing that all Sunday afternoon sermons be
rigidly restricted to exposition of the "Catechism,  
Creed, or Ten   Commandments." 1 This was a direct
stroke at the Lecturers. The Puritan revival had
brought these doctrinal topics to the forefront of de­
bate, and these themes were now prohibited. Charles
followed up his father's attempt to silence the  L
ec­
turers by his proclamation in June, 1626, -- just about
the time Hooker was making his first essays at
Chelmsford, -- forbidding discussion of any opinions
not justified by the " literal and grammatical sense
"2
of the Articles  of the Church. Lecturers were or­
dered to read the service of the liturgy before the
delivery of the homily, and to wear the surplice in
 doing so.

It was  under  the  at  least  nominal  imposition  of

these limitations that all Lecturers were placed during
 the period which followed Hooker's arrival at Chelms­
ford.   Doubtless these limitations were often disre­
garded.   Certainly he disregarded most of them.
Probably he preached  in  the Genevan gown rather
than  the  surplice. Certainly he treated of election,
reprobation, the resistibility or irresistibility of God's
grace  without   mincing.   His  published  sermons --
the fruit, as has  been  said, of  his  repeated  traversing
 of experimental points of divinity at Cambridge, Esher,
and Chelmsford -- leave no doubt on that point.


            1  Neal, i. 272.        2 Ibid. 291.


42           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Nor is there any doubt of the wide and profound
impression made by his  discourses.    Auditors flocked
to  his ministrations  from  great distances,  and "some
of  great  quality  among  the  rest,"1 --  one  of  whom
was the Earl of Warwick, who afterward sheltered and
befriended the Lecturer's family  when  Mr.  Hooker
was  forced to flee the country.   His  labours  resulted
not only in the visible reformation of morals in Chelms­
ford, but in stimulating to similar endeavours  many
other ministers of the surrounding region.

It was probably of  this period of his English minis­
try that the occurrences took place which }.father nar­
rates concerning the effect of Mr. Hooker's preaching,
which may as well be given in Mather's language:2

"A profane person designing therein only an ungodly
diversion  and  merriment said unto his companions, Come,
let us go hear  what that bawling 
Hooker  will  say to
us; 
and  thereupon  with  an   intention   to  make  sport,
unto Chelmsford  lecture  they came.  The  man  had  not
been long in the church, before the  quick  and powerful
word
of Goel in the mouth of  his  faithful Hooker, pierced
the soul of him; he came out with an awakened and a
distressed soul,  and  by  the further blessing  of  God  upon
M
r. Hooker's ministry he arrived unto a true conversion;
for  which  cause  he  would  not  afterwards  leave  that
blessed ministry, but  went a  thousand  leagues  to  attend
it, and  enjoy  it.   Another  memorable  thing  of  this  kind
was  this;   it  was Mr. Hooker's  manner  once a  year  to
visit  his  native county;  and in one  of   these  visits  he  had
an invitation to  preach  in the  great  church of  Leicester.
One of the chief burgesses in the town much opposed his

                     1   Magnalia, i. 304.         2 Ibid. i. 306, 307.


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.    43

preaching there;  and when  he could  not  prevail to  hinder
it, he set certain fidlers at work to disturb him in the
church-porch, or church-yard.  But such  was the  vivacity
of  Mr. Hooker, as  to proceed in what he was  about, with­
out  either  the  damping of  his  mind, or  the  drowning  of
his voice; whereupon the man himself went unto the
church-door  to  over-hear  what  he  said.    It  pleased  God
so to accompany some words uttered by M
r. Hooker, as
thereby to procure, first the attention and then the con­
viction
of that wretched man; who then came  to  M
r.
Hooker with a penitent confession of his wickedness, and
became indeed so penitent a convert, as to be at length a
sincere  professor and  practiser of  the  godliness, whereof
he had been a persecutor."

Of the same date is also another of Mather's stories1
concerning Mr. Hooker's preaching at Chelmsford  on
the occasion of "a fast kept throughout the nation,"
when --

"Mr. Hooker then, in the presence of the Judges, and
before a vast congregation, declared freely the sins of Eng­
land, and the plagues that would come for such sins;  and
in his prayer he besought the God of  heaven to set on the
heart of the King what his own mouth had spoken, and in
the second chapter of Malachy, and the eleventh and
twelfth verses (in his prayer he so distinctly quoted it!)

An abomination  is committed, Judah  hath  married  the

daughter of a strange God, the Lord will cut off the man
that  doeth  this.  
Though  the  Judges  turned  unto  the
place thus quoted, yet  Mr.  Hooker came  into  no trouble;
but it was [not?] long before the kingdom did."

It is in connection with this incident of more than
indirectly passing censure on the king before the

l Magnalia, i. 313.


44           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

judges, that Mather quotes a saying of one  that  had
"observed the heroical spirit and courage with which
this great man fulfilled his ministry," that "He was a
person who while doing his master's work: would put a
 king in his pocket."

Meantime, however, the tension between  the king
and Parliament was growing hourly  more severe.   In
the middle of July, 1628, Laud had been transferred to
the See of London, and henceforth had the ear of the
king  in all  matters.  The  Parliament, which  met on
the 20th of January, 1629, proceeded at once to the
discussion of  the  religious  question;  and on the  25th
of February certain  Heads of  Articles  were presented
by the Commons, complaining of the "subtle and per­
nicious spreading of the Arminian faction; " of  the
"bold and  unwarrantable " introduction  of  "sundry
new ceremonies "  and  " bringing  men  into question
and trouble for not obeying that for which there is no
authority." The king rejoined  by dissolving  Parlia­
ment. For eleven years there was not to be another.
Government was now in  the  hands  of  prerogative
only.

The decks cleared for action, Laud now turned at­

tention to the Lecturers. Long hateful to him, he now
presented a series of Considerations to the  king  for
their regulation or suppression. He alleged that the
Lecturers  were "  the people's creatures," and  "blew
the  bellows of  their sedition."    He  inveighed  against
"Emmanuel and Sidney Colleges" as "nurseries of
Puritanism," and implored  that "grave and orthodox
men" be appointed governors therein.


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.     45

The king, nothing loath, authorized the promul­
gation of "certain Orders to be observed and put in
execution by the several Bishops."1 Among these
orders were the following: "That in all parishes the
afternoon service be turned into catechising by ques­
tion and answer;" "that every lecturer read Divine
service before lectures in surplice and hood;" that
lecturers "preach in gowns, and  not  in cloaks,  as
too many do use; " and that in general the former
instructions concerning the avoidance of matters con­
nected with the predestinarian controversy be strictly
observed.

Armed with these newly sharpened weapons, the
bishop proceeded to clear  his diocese of  the obnox­
ious blowers of the  bellows of sedition.  Among those
who this year were silenced for nonconformity to the
orders of the bishop, in the near vicinity of Chelms­
ford,  were John  Rogers  of  Dedham,  Daniel  Rogers
of Wethersfield, and John  Archer of  Halsted.2  The
blow fell also  on  Mr.  Hooker.   How likely it was to
do so appears vividly set forth in a letter written  by
Rev. Samuel Collins, Vicar of Braintree, in a letter to
Dr. Duck, Laud's Chancellor, which  under  date  of
May 20, 1629, obviously recognizes the commence­
ment of ecclesiastical procedures already against the
Chelmsford Lecturer. Mr. Collins writes:3 --

"Since my return from London  I  have spoken  with
Mr. Hooker, but I have small hope of prevailing with

1 Neal, i. 298.
2 David's Nonconformity in Essex, p. 146.
3 Ibid. 150, 151.


46           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

him.   All the  favour he desires is that my Lord of  Lon­
don would not bring him into  the  High  Commission
Court, but permit him quietly to depart out of the dio­
cese…. All  men's  eares are  now filled  with  ye obstrep­
erous clamours of  his  followers against my Lord ...    as
 a man endeavouring to suppress good preaching and ad­
vance   Popery.    Al1 would  be  here  very  calme  and  quiet
if  he  might  depart…. If   he  be  suspended  its  the  reso­
lution of his friend and himself to settle his abode in Essex,
and maintenance is promised him in plentifull manner for

     the fruition of  his  private conference, which hath already
more impeached the peace of our  church than his pub-
lique ministry.    His genius will still haunte all the pulpits
in  ye country, where  any of  his  scholers  may be admit­
ted   t preach… Ther be   divers   young   ministers
about  us ...  that spend  their  time  in  conference  with
him; and return home and  preach what he hath  brewed.

. . . Our people's pallats grow so out of tast, yt noe food
contents them but of Mr.  Hooker's dressing.   I have lived
in Essex to see many changes, and have seene the people
idolizing many new ministers and lecturers, but this man
surpasses them all for learning and some other consider-
able partes and  ...  gains more and far greater followers
than all before  him…. If  my Lord tender his owne future
peace ... let him connive at Mr. Hooker's departure."

Apparently Dr. Duck was inclined to the same
view; for, probably at the chancellor's instance, Mr.
Collins reported, on June 3,  an  attempt  to confer
with Mr. Hooker on the subject:1 --

" On  Monday I rode to Chelmsford to speake with  him,
but found  him  gone ...    and  purposed  to returne to Lon­
don to appeare before my Lord upon the first day of this
             1 David's Nonconformity in Essex, p. r 51.


HOOKER' ENGLISH   MINISTRY.    47

'

terme,  at  which  time  I  cannot  be  a London … I pray

God  direct  my Lord  of  London  in this weighty business
...    this will prove a leading case, and the issue thereof
will either much incourage or else discourage the regular
clergie.   All  men's  heads,  tongues,  eyes,  and  ears  are
in London, and all the counties about London, taken up
with plotting, talking, and expecting what will be the
conclusion  of  Mr.  Hooker's  business…. I drowns  the
noise of  the  greate question  of  Tonnage  and  Poundage.
I dare not say halfe of that I heare; paper walls are easily
broken open.   But hearing and knowing as  much  as  I
doe, I dare be bold to say that if he be once quietly gone,
my Lord hath overcame the greatest difficulty in govern­
ing this parte of  his diocese  ...     let him be as cautelous
as he will, yet in his present course the humour of our
people will undoe him."

 

Apparently, however, Mr. Hooker carried out his
purpose of appearing  at  London  before  the bishop,
and a bond "'as taken of a Mr.  Nash  of  Much
Waltham in the sum of Ł50 for his appearance when
called for.

But on the 3d of November following, renewed
complaint was made  to Laud of Hooker's continuance
in " his  former  practices; "  the  rector  of  Rawreth,
one Rev. John Browning, who presented the com­
plaint,  entreating   that  it  may "please  your  lordship
to grant us ye helpe of your honourable authority, if not
to ye suppressinge  and  casting out (as we hope) such
an one from amongst  us, yet at least to the defendinge
us who live in obedience."

Stirred up probably by tidings of this communica-

1 David's Nonconformity in Essex, p. 152.


48           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

tion, the following petition to the bishop was drawn
up under date of Nov. 10, 1629, and signed by
forty-nine ministers of the vicinage, and forwarded to
Laud, asking a stay of adverse proceedings:
1--

"Whereas we have heard that your honour hath been
informed against Mr. Thomas Hooker, preacher at
Chelmsford, that the conformable ministers of these
partes desire his removal from the place, we, whose
names are here under written, being ministers of the partes
adjoining, all beneficed men, and obedient to His Majes­
ty's ecclesiastical laws, doe humbly give your lordship to
understand that we all esteeme and knowe the said Mr.
Thomas Hooker to be, for doctryne, orthodox, and life
and conversation honest, and for his disposition peace­
able, no wayes turbulent or factious, and so not doubting
 but he will contynue that good course, commending him
and his lawfull suite to your lordship's honourable favour,
... we humbly take our leave, and remaine your honour's
humbly at command."

Samuel Collins, Duck's correspondent, John Mi­
chaelson the Chelmsford rector, and Stephen Marshall,
the afterward celebrated member of the Westminster
Assembly of divines, were among the signers of this
petition.

Seven days later, what was in effect a counter-peti­
 tion, signed  by  forty-one  of the  Essex  ministers, --
two of whom had signed also the previous petition, --

was forwarded to Laud, praying the bishop " not [to ]

rebx unto us  that  tye  by which  we stand obliged  to
the lawful ceremonies of our church, yet to  enforce
these irregulars to conforme with us. That soe there

1    David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex,  p. 153.


HOOKER'S  ENGLISH  MINISTRY.    49

 

may effectually be wrought a generall uniformitie
amongst us all."1

The second petition  was  much more  to  Laud's
mind than the first; and it must have been almost im­
mediately after it that  Mr. Hooker was  compelled  to
lay down  his lectureship  at  Chelmsford  and  to retire
to Little Baddow, a small hamlet  about four  miles
away, where, " at the request of several eminent per­
sons, he kept a school  in  his own hired house." 2    It
was probably in connection with this demission of his
ministry that he preached a  sermon  which  some
eleven or twelve years afterward, in 1641,  got  into
print, entitled " The Danger of Desertion,  or  a
Farwell Sermon of Mr. Thomas Hooker, Sometimes
Minister of Gods Word at Chainsford in Essex;  but
now of New England."

The theme of  the discourse  is the  peril of  England
in the threatened withdrawal of God's favour, whereof
the preacher indicated  that  he  saw manifest tokens.
The sermon bears marks of haste and heat in the de­
livery, and was probably printed from imperfect notes,
and does not convey the best impression of the
preacher's style.   It  has, however, occasional  touches
of  his  vivid  use  of common  illustrations;  as where
he says,3 --

" We  may take up the  complaint  of  the   Prophet, Isa.

64. 7.  No  man   stirs up himselfe to lay hold upon God:

For this is our misery, if that we have quietnesse and

commodity we are well enough, thus we play mock-holy-

 

1       David's  Nonconformity  in  Essex. p. 158.

2   Magnalia, i. 305.

                3 Page 15.


50           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

day with God,  the  Gospell  we  make  it  our  pack-horse:
God is going,  his  glory is  departing,  England  hath  seene
her best dayes, and now  evill  dayes  are  befalling  us:   God
is packing up his Gospell, because no body will  buy his
wares,  nor  come  to   his  price.   Oh  lay  hands  on  God!
and let  him  not goe  out  of  your  coasts,  he  is  a  going,
stop him,  and  let  not  thy  God  depart, lay  siege  against
him with humble and  hearty closing with  him, suffer  him
not to say, as if that he were going, farewell, or fare ill
England, God hath said that  he will  doe this, and  because
that  he  hath  said  it,  he  will doe  it, therefore prepare to
meet thy God, O England!"

Or again:1--

"Thou England which wast lifted up to heaven with
meanes shall be abased and brought downe to hell;  for if
the mighty works which have been done  in  thee  had
been done in India or  Turky, they would  have  repented
 ere this;  therefore Caj
enzaums place is Englands place,
which is the most insuff
erablest torment of all; and
marke what I say, the poore native Turks and Infidels
shall have a cooler summer parlour in hell then  you;  for
we stand at a high rate, we were highly exalted, therefore
 shall our torments be the more to beare."

Mr. Hooker's employment as teacher at Little Bad­
dow cannot have been of long duration, and is chiefly
 memorable for the association with him there of John
Eliot, who says,2--

" To this  place I was called through the  infinite  riches
of  God's mercy in Christ Jesus to my poor soul:  for here
the Lord said unto my dead soul, live; and through the
grace of Christ I do live, and I shall live for ever!

1  Page 20.        2 Magnalia, i. 305.


HOOKER'S    ENGLISH   MINISTRY.   51

When I came  to  this  blessed  family, I  then  saw,  and
never before, the  power  of  godliness in  its  lively vigour
and efficacy."

But Laud had not forgotten  the Chelmsford  Lec­
turer in the  Little  Baddow  schoolmaster. He  was
cited, on the 10th of July, 1630, to appear before the
High Commission Court. This time he did not
respond.   His bondsman, Mr. Nash, a  tenant  of  the
Earl of Warwick, being reimbursed by Mr. Hooker's
Chelmsford friends,  paid the  penal sum  into  the
court;  the Earl meanwhile  providing for  Mr.  Hook­
er's family  at a  place called Old Park, while he  him­
self got   secretly  aboard  a  vessel  for  Holland.   It
was doubtless well that he fled. The experience of
Alexander Leighton, another nonconformist minister,
who  was  this  year  pilloried,  whipped,  branded,  slit
in the nostrils,  and  deprived by  successive mutila­
tion of his ears, might have been, at least in part, his
experience.

His  pursuers  arrived at the seaside just too late for
his arrest. Cotton Mather narrates 1 several charac­
teristic "remarkables" in connection with his flight,
-- as the wind shifting in his favour, which had been
contrary,   as soon as he got aboard;  and   his stand­
ing forth, like Paul, when the vessel ran aground and
was in " eminent hazard of shipwreck upon a shelf of
sand," assuring the sailors that they should all be pre­
served. Certain it is they landed safely in Holland.

1    Magnalia, i. 307.


52            LI.FE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

                              CHAPTER IV.

                 LIFE IN HOLLAND AND DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA.

Now    I live, if you stand fast in the Lord.

Salutation to the Church at Newtown: Magnalia, i. 310.

 

ARRIVED in  Holland, Mr. Hooker was for a period
of uncertain duration resident at Amsterdam; and
negotiations  looking  to his  association in the  pastor­
ate of the British  Presbyterian  Church  there,  then
under the care of Rev. John Paget, were begun. This
church, founded in 1607, was ecclesiastically in fel­
lowship with the Dutch establishment, received pro­
vision from the State, and had assigned to it a deserted
chapel of the Beguyn nuns  for  its  place of worship.1
Mr. Paget  had  been  identified with  the  church from
the founding of it, and had perhaps something of the
sensitiveness of an old man  as  to  his  associates.
Mather intimates 2 that it was jealousy of Hooker's
abilities which broke off the negotiations. Mr. Paget,
however, denies his responsibility for  breaking them,
and asserts that they were  broken  by the  Classis  and
the Synod, and that the ground of this action was Mr.
Hooker's  position  in  willingness  to accord fellowship
to  Brownists,  and  his  refusing  to  censure  such  as

1 Steven's Scottish Church in Rotterdam, p. 273.

2 Magnalia, i. 307, 308.


LIFE  IN  HOLLAND.       53

"went to hear the 'Brownists' in their schismatical as­
sembly."1 This representation of Hooker's position
M
ather asserts is incorrect, averring2 that instead of
favouring the Brownists he had an "extream aversion"
to them, and that he told Mr. Paget that to "separate
from the faithful assemblies and churches in Eng­
land, as no churches is an error in  judgment, and  a sin
in practice, held and maintained  by the Brownists;
 
and therefore to communicate with them in their
opinions or practice is sinful and  utterly unlawful;
and care should  be taken  to prevent offence, either
by encouraging them in their way, or by drawing
others to a further approbation of that way than is
meet."

If this statement were fully to be relied on, it would
seem to be conclusive. But it is easy for controver­
sialists to mistake one another.   There is no evidence
that  up to  this  time  Mr. Hooker had  come  in  con­
tact with the Brownists, or, as they came soon to be
called, Independents, at all; and his views about their
position may not have become  in  all  respects  de­
fined. Certainly he came to be a strenuous  Inde­
pendent, and his leanings that way may have become
clear enough for the recognition of his Presbyterian
associate.   At all events, it is certain  that the  Synod
was some way led to pronounce an adverse judgment
upon the question of his joint  pastorate  with Mr.
Paget, declaring, in confirmation of the conclusion al­
ready reached  by the Cbssis, " that a person's standing
in
such opinions as were in writing showed unto the

1  Hanbury, i. 532, 541.    2 Magnalia, i. 308.


54           LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

Classis, could not with any edification  be admitted  at
 the M
inistry of the English Church at Amsterdam."1
The fact that Mr. Paget had  similar  troubles  respect­
ing the proposed association with him subsequently of
M
r. Davenport, Mr.  Parker, Mr. Forbes, and Mr.
 
Peter, together  with  the  result  of  these  controversies
in a wordy war of pamphlets, in which he and Mr.
 Davenport assailed each other in a style more vigor­
ous  than  courteous, --   Mr. Davenport accusing M
r.
 
Paget of " Tyrannical Government and Corrupt Doc­
trine," and M
r. Paget countering with the accusation
 that M
r. Davenport had issued a book  with  a "vile
title"  and  contents  "also  as vile," 2 -- may perhaps
 justify Fuller's characterization 3 of Mr. Paget as a
"captious Puritan," but  goes  far  to  absolve  him  of
 the meaner motive of personal jealousy which Mather
 intimates. For indeed the issues between the parties
were the radical ones which afterward so divided  on
English soil the forces of Presbyterianism and Inde­
pendency. Nor  ought it  to  be forgotten  in defence --
or excuse, as one chooses -- of the position of the oc­
cupants of English Presbyterian pulpits in Holland, that
 they were still under the watch and regubtion of the
government  at  home.    In May, 1628, King Charles
 had addressed "to the Synod of the English and
Scottish clergy in the Netherlands" a series of com­
mands,4 corresponding to those we have seen imposed
on the ministry in England, requiring the  "foresaid

1 Hanbury, i. 532.                              2 Ibid. 527

3    Church  History, book xi. p. 51.

4   Steven, pp. 262, 263.


 

                        LIFE  IN  HOLLAND.       55

clergymen [not to] interfere, either in making or com­
posing, ... any new Liturgy or fixed form of prayer for
their congregations." They" shall introduce no nov­
elties in any rites or ceremonies," and "they shall not
presume   to  meddle  with  any  points  of  doctrine."
The situation of any occupant of a State-recognized
pulpit in Holland was thus, it will be seen, about as
embarrassing  as that of  any minister  at  home;  and  it
is not strange that Mr. Paget should have found him­
self perplexed  by the  proposed association  with  him
of   men   of  as  advanced  and  in  some   respects   of
as disagreeing opinions as Hooker and Parker and
Davenport and Hugh Peter entertained among them­
selves.

Leaving  Amsterdam, Mr. Hooker went to Delft,

and became connected in the ministry of the Scottish
Presbyterian Church there with its pastor, Rev. John
Forbes. Here conditions were more favourable for a
comfortable association with the established incum­
bent.    Mr. Forbes had already experienced something
of the severity of prerogative, having been banished
from Scotland about   1611, for presiding as moderator
of the famous Aberdeen Assembly called contrary  to
the wish of the king; and he had his own noncon­
forming inclinations, as was proved a little  after the
time of Hooker's connection with him, by his removal
from his charge at the request of the British Govern­
ment, for not submitting to the discipline which Laud
was bent on extending over  English  residents  abroad
as well as  in  their  own land.1  Mather speaks 2 with

1  Steven, p. 294.   2  Magnalia, i. 308.


56           LIFE  OF   THOMAS   HOOKER.

his usual effusiveness of classical illustration of the
relations existing during these two years between Mr.
Forbes and Mr. Hooker,
comparing them to'' Basil and
Nazianzen, ... one soul in two bodies," but of positive
incident records only the first preaching of  Mr. Hooker
at Delft, from the text," To you it is given not only to
believe,  but  also  to  suffer," -   a topic certainly fruit­
ful of illustration to many in those troublous times.

After about two years Mr. Hooker removed to
Rotterdam, being invited to some kind of ministerial
association with Rev. Hugh Peter
and Rev. William
Ames,  though  his  name does  not, like  theirs, appear
on the  pastoral  list of  the church.   This organization
had been  gathered  apparently  about   the  year  1628,
by Peter, afterward to be so well known  in  New
England story and destined to so tragic a  fate in  the
civil war at  home.  And with him in 1632 was joined,
to survive only a few months, the celebrated ex-pro­
fessor of the Franeker University, best known to
scholars by his Latinized  name Amesius.  Ames had
again and again experienced the severity of English
high-churchly ill-will, which had prevailed several times
with the authorities of Holland to prevent his es­
tablishment in some  position  of  honour to which  he
had been called ; and now, worn out with labour and
exposure to the North-Sea winds of the province of
Franeker,  he  came  to Rotterdam to  die. Indefati­
gable however as a writer, Ames was engaged at  the
time of his death on a book entitled " A Fresh Svit
against Human Ceremonies in Gods Worship."

This book is an answer to one written by Dr. John


LIFE  IN  HOLLAND.       57

Burgess, which itself was a rejoinder to a previous
volume by Ames, publi
shed in 1622. Ames was Dr.
Burgess's son-in-law, though his wife, Dr. Burgess's
daughter, was dead before this controversy began.
One wonders how far family feeling may have mingled
with conscientious principle in this voluminous and
protracted  debate.  But  our chief  concernrnent  in
the matter lies in  the  fact that  as Ames barely lived
to see the main part of his manuscript through the
press, and even that under great difficulties, Mr.
Hooker completed the task, writing "An  Advertisment
to the Reader, Occasioned by the never enough
lamented death of my deare freind, the Authour  of
this Fresh suite." In this "Advertisment" he says  of
his friend:--

"Understand Christian Reader, that with the comming
forth of this booke into the light, the le rned and famous
Authour Dr
Ames  left  the  light,  or  darknes  rather  of
this  world…. I may  not  keep  back  wha I  heard  him
speake as in the sight of God
, that he was in his con­
science more perswaded of the evill of these reliques of
Papery and monuments of that superstit10n
then ever, and
yet he never had seen good in them, or come from them:
and that moreover if D. B. [Dr. Burgess] or any other of
them would yet be daubing with untempered mortar, and
not give over to paint rott
en sepulchres, he was  by the
grace of God resolved still to maintain the cause, and
while he liued never let fall the suit commenced this way.

…     Together with  his life  God  hath  put  an  end  to  all
his travailes, wherein he shewed himself a pattern of  holi­
nes, a  burning  and  a  shining  light,  and lamp of   learning
& Arts, a Champion for  trueth,  specially  while  for  the
space of 12 yeares at least, he was  in the  Doctors Chaire


58     LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

at Franequer, and having fought the good fight of faith,
whereunto he was called, & professed a good profession
before many witnesses, he hath now indeed layd hold on
eternall life."

With  this estimate  of  Ames on  Mr.  Hooker's  part,
it is  pleasant to  know  that  Dr. Ames ,vas wont to say
of Mr. Hooker, that " though he had been acquainted
with many scholars of divers nations, yet he never met
with Mr. Hooker's equal, either for preaching or for
disputing."1  It is plain, too, that Mr. Hooker agreed
with the argument and conclusions of Ames's book.
Besides the "Advertisment " he wrote also the long
Preface to the  volume; a  brief  extract  from  which
will sufficiently indicate his own position on the ques-
tion in debate. He says: --

"The state of this vvarr is this: vvee (as it becommeth
Christians) stand upon the sufficiency of  Christs  institu­
tions, for all kynde of  vvorship:  and that exclusively the
vvord
(say vve) & nothing but the vvord, in matters of
Relgious vvorship.  
The  Praelats  rise  up  on  the  other
side, & vvill needs haue us  allovve,  & use  certayne  hu­
mane Ceremonyes of Religion  in  our Christian vvorship.
VVe desire to be excused,  as  houlding them unlavvfull.
Christ vve knovv: & all that  cometh  from  him, vve  are
ready to imbrace. But these human  Cerem.  in  divine
vvorship vvee knovv not, nor  can  haue  any thing to doe
vvith them."

One further  quotation from this Preface written by
Mr. Hooker is significant as indicating the trials which
the demand for conformity occasioned both to those

1    Magnalia, i. 308.


 


DEPARTURE   FOR  AMERICA. 59

who resisted and to some who, in his opinion rather
weakly, yielded to the demand. The quotation is the
more significant because he prints  in  the margin
against the passage the words, " I speake but what I
know." He says: --

"Its certayne, some have openly protested, that, if it
vvere but half an hovvres hanging, they vvould rath
er suf­
fer it, then subscribe. But for them & theirs, to ly in the
ditch, & to be cast into a blynd corner, like  broken ves­
sels: yea they & their familyes to dye many hundred
deaths, by extreame misery, before they could come unto
their graves; This they vvere not able to undergoe. A
condition, I acknovvledge, vvhich needs &  deserves  a
great deale of pity & commiseration, since it is true, that
some kinds of oppression  make a man mad:  But oh that
the God of mercy vvould put it  into the mynds  &  hearts
of those vvhom it doth concerne, that they vvould never
suffer such refuse reliques, longe, to hazard, not only the
comforts, but even the consciences & happines of many
distressed soules.''

The book was issued in 1633, and probably in the
early part of it, for the seventh  month of the year was
to find Mr. Hooker across the seas, in America.

This transit to America must have been a good
while  contemplated. Apparently  the  original   plan
had been to associate Hooker and Cotton in a New
England enterprise; a project, however,  which  had
been abandoned, for the   reason   as  Mather   as­
serts that it was thought that "a  couple of such great
men might be more servicable asunder than to­
gether." It may have been in connection with this
 proposed union of these two eminent  lights in some


60           LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

joint church-fellowship in a New-World plantation that
Hooker wrote to Cotton from Rotterdam:--

"The state of these provinces to my weak eye, seems
wonderfully   ticklish   and   miserable.  For the better
part, heart religion, they content themselves with very
forms, though much blemished;  but the  power  of  godli­
ness,  for  ought  I  can  see  or  hear,  they  know not;  and  if
it were thoroughly pressed, I fear least it will be fiercely
opposed." 1

But the hope for any improvement in Puritan pros­
pects either in Holland  or England was  small. The
hand of prerogative reached across  the German Sea,
and laid its heavy weight upon the churches there
holding nominal connection with the State, and was
annoying and  disquieting those avowedly independent
of such connections. Laud's influence  was  all  the
while growing at home; and the significant coinci­
dence may be noted that it was this year  (1633)  that
saw  his  elevation  from the bishopric  of  London  to
the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  and  the primacy of
all England. How the Roman Church regarded the
English  primate may be inferred  from the fact, which
he records in his diary, that eleven days after his ele­
vation  to his new dignity  he was  offered a cardinalate
in the papal  hierarchy. No  wonder   the  Puritans
were discouraged as to any relief in Holland  or  at
home. Their thoughts  turned  to  the  New World as
their only refuge.

Apparently  plans  had  so  far  matured  that a com­

pany of people had gone from Essex County the year

1  Magnalia, i. 308.


 

 

DEPARTURE  FOR AMERICA. 61

 

before to America, and  had settled  down, temporarily
at first, at Mount Wollaston, near Boston, with the
expectancy of Mr. Hooker's  following  them. Already
in August, 1632,   this group of settlers from the towns
and vicinity of Braintree, Colchester, and Chelmsford

-- the scene of Mr. Hooker's English ministry­-
were known as " Mr. Hooker's Company."1 Mr.
Hooker was then in Holland, and did not arrive for
more than a year afterward; but it was doubtless in
pursuance of an understanding that he was to follow
that they bore his name and anticipated his coming.
Removed shortly by order of Court to Newtown,
they awaited the fulfilment of the arrangements which
were to bring them a fully equipped ministry. This
fully equipped ministry, as there will be occasion
shortly to notice, demanded the service not of one,
but of two preaching Elders, respectively named the
Pastor and the Teacher of the church.

Consequently, when the negotiations for joining Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Cotton had been abandoned, the
"judicious Christians " who had the interests of Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Hooker's American company  in
charge turned to younger men. Rev. John Norton,
afterward of Ipswich and of Boston, and Rev. Thomas
Shepard, subsequently of Cambridge and Mr. Hook­
er's son-in-law, were thought  of; but choice fell
finally upon Rev. Samuel Stone, then a Lecturer at
Towcester.

Mr. Stone was  born  at  Hertford,  and  baptized at
All Saints Church there July 30, 1 602. He was prob-

 Winthrop's Journal, i. 104, 105.


62           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

ably educated, at least in part, at  Hale's  Grammar
School in  his  native  place,  which  was  endowed  in
1617, when Master Samuel was about fifteen   years
old. He entered Emmanuel  College  as  pensioner
April 19, 1620, and  took his B.A. degree  in 1624, and
his MA. in 162 7. The middle of June of  that  year
found him exercising the functions of  curate  at the
parish of All  Saints  at  Stisted  in Essex,  two miles
from Braintree, where the records till September, 1630,
appear to be in  his  handwriting. Probably it was
during this Stisted residence  that  he came into some
kind of pupillary connection with Rev. Richard Black­
erby, a graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge,
"who, not being capable of  a Benefice,  because he
could  not subscribe," established  a school at  Ashen,
in the  same  county;  constantly "kept Lectures  in
some Neighbouring Town," and became a kind of
peripatetic theological seminary for nearly twenty-three
years together. " Divers young Students (after they
came from the University)  betook  themselves  to  him
to prepare them for the Ministry, .  .  .  and many
eminent persons proceeded from this Gamaliel."

Sometime in 1630, however, Mr. Stone went as
Puritan Lecturer to the considerable town of  Tow­
cester in Northampton. He went by the commen­
dation of Thomas Shepard, who had himself been
invited to the place.  Shepard's commendation of
Mr. Stone to the position he could  not  himself  oc­
cupy was not based on any new acquaintance. Eight
before, when they were at Emmanuel togethe
r,

1  Clark's Lives, p. 58.


DEPARTURE   FO AMERICA.       63

Stone, who was the elder by about four years, had
been Shepard's  adviser  in  a  matter of  great concern
to him, commending him to the "spiritual and  ex­
cellent preaching of  Dr. Preston." And  Shepard
records 1 that Mr. Stone went to Towcester with the
Lecture, ''where  the Lord was with him.   And thus I
saw the Lord's mercy following  me  to  make  me  a
poor instrument of sending the Gospel to the  place of
my nativity."

It was during this occupancy of the Towcester
Lectureship that Mr. Stone was invited by "the ju­
dicious christians that were corning to New-England
with Mr. Hooker," to be " an assistant  unto  Mr.
Hooker, with something of a disciple  also." 2  Some­
time in  1633,  therefore,  Mr. Hooker  crossed over
from Holland to England, and joined his prospective
colleague in the New England ministry.

One late incident of Mr. Hooker's experience in
England  remains  in the quaint and  pedantic  narrative
of  Mather, which shows  Mr.  Stone  to have  been,  as
he has always had the credit of being, a man of ready
wits. The place  is  not  stated,  but it  may very pos­
sibly have been at Mr. Stone's  family home at
Hertford.  The story may  be   told  in  the  language
of the "Magnalia":3 --

"Returning into England in order  to a further voyage,
he [Mr. Hooker] was quickly scented by the pursevants;
who at length got so far up with him, as to knock at the

1 Young's Massachusetts, p. 518.

2 Magnalia, i. 393.

8 Ibid 309.


64            LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

door of that very chamber, where he was now discoursing
with Mr. Stone -- who was now become his designed com­
panion and assistant for the New-English enterprize. Mr.
Stone was at that instant smoking of tobacco; Łor which
Mr. Hooker had   been   reproving him, as being then used
by few persons of sobriety; being also of a sudden and
pleasant wit, he stept unto the door, with his pipe in his
mouth, and such an air of speech and look, as gave him
some credit with the officer. The officer demanded,
Wh
ether Mr. Hooker
were not there? Mr. Stone replied
with   a   braving sort of   confidence,   What Hooker? Do
you mean
Hooker that lived once at Chelmsford! The
officer   answered,   Yes, he!  Mr. Stone immediately, with
a diversion like that which once helped
A tlza11asius, made
this true answer, if it be he you look for, I saw him about
an hour ago, at such an house in  town; you had best
h
asten thither after him. The officer took this for a suf-
ficient account, and went his way; but Mr. Hooker, upon
this intimation, concealed himself more carefully and se­
curely, till he went on board, at the Downs, in the year
1633, the ship which brought him, and  Mr. Cotton, and
M
r. Stone to New-England: where none but  Mr. Stone
was owned  for a preacher, at their  first  coming aboard;
the other two delaying to take their turns in the publick
worship of the ship, till they were got so far into the main
ocean, that they might with safety, discover who they were."

 

The voyage was of eight weeks' duration. It was
doubtless diversified, as we know from Roger Clap's
Diary1   the   Dorchester   company's voyage was, by the
"preaching or expounding of the word of God every
day" by some one of the ministers. And there was
certainly  considerable   preaching   capacity  on   board

1    Young's Massachusetts, p. 348.


DEPARTURE   FOR AMERICA.     65

the "Griffin," and a good deal of hearing capacity also;
for beside  Hooker  and  Stone, Rev. John  Cotton  was
of the company, and Mr.  Pierce, Mr. Haynes, after­
ward  Governor  of  Massachusetts  and of  Connecticut,
"a gentleman of great estate, Mr. Hoffe [ Atherton
Hough] and many other men of good estates," two
hundred passengers in all, were fellow voyagers.The

incident of the birth of a child to Mr. Cotton on the
voyage is recorded, and is chiefly memorable for the
occasion it gave for the indication of the quite pro­
nounced type of Congregationalism which prevailed
among the " Griffin's " company, manifested in with­
holding  the  rite  of  baptism  from  the   poor  infant
till land was reached and a new church-membership
could be established.

The vessel reached Boston September 4; and "Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Stone went presently to Newtown,
where they were to be entertained, and Mr. Cotton
stayed at Boston." 2 On the  following  Saturday, Mr.
and Mrs. Cotton were "propounded to be admitted"
members of the Boston church. On the Sunday after,
they were admitted ; and then the child was presented
 by his father and baptized "Seaborn" by Rev. Mr.
Wilson, pastor of the church ; lVIr. Cotton explaining
that the  reason why the child had not been baptized
on the voyage was "not for
·want of fresh  water, for
he held, sea-water would have served," but" 1, because
they  had  no  settled  congregation  there;  2,  because
 a minister hath no power to give the seals but in his
own congregation." 3 This is certainly very vigorous

1  Winthrop, i. 129, 130.      2 Ibid. 130.       3 Ibid. 131.

5


66           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

Congregationalism. Cotton and Hooker and Stone,
who were doubtless at one in this view, had mani­
festly thrown overboard a large cargo of ecclesiastical
traditions in which they had been educated.

This practical breach with the system of things
left behind doubtless received additional illustration
when, on the 11th of October following, Mr. Hooker
and Mr. Stone were ordained respectively Pastor and
Teacher of the church at Newtown. Not that the
Newtown company, any more than the Salem company,
led by Francis Higginson four years before, was an
avowedly Separatist company. It was Puritan. Its
members had probably every one been members of
the established Church of England.  It is not likely
that any of them while in their own country had stood
in a position of declared Separation from it. But three
 thousand miles of watery distance from a hierarchy
many of whose usages they had cast off, and planta­
tion in a virgin wilderness, were great realities which
could not be forgotten when the fashioning of new
ecclesiastical institutions came to be forced  upon
them. Hence when the  new  settlers of  Massachu­
setts Bay came to the formation of  their  churches,
they did, as a matter of fact, adopt the Brownist theory,
already illustrated ten years or more at Plymouth, of
the competency  of  every congregation  of  believers
to constitute its own church-estate, and to choose and
ordain its own officers. Indeed, in the very first
instance  of  the constitution of such a church within
the province  of  Massachusetts --  that at Salem  in
1629 -- the influence and co-operation of the avow-


DEPARTURE   FOR  AMERICA.    67

edly Separatist  and Independent church  of  Plymouth
is distinctly recognized.1

The church body to which Mr. Hooker and Mr.
Stone came, had probably been organized before the
arrival of the expected minister. It had been fourteen
months on the ground; had  erected a  " house  for
public worship" with the very  unusual accompani­
ment of "a bell upon it" some time in 1632; 2 had
probably already adopted a covenant, chosen William
Goodwin its Ruling Elder, and may have chosen
Andrew Warner and some  one  else  its  Deacons.
When it came to setting Pastor and Teacher in their
offices the event took place doubtless in a way sub­
stantially identical with the like  event  occurring  the
day previous in the Boston church in the induction to
office of John Cotton. That event Mr. Winthrop
minutely describes.3 Of  this one, because he had so
fully delineated the first, he simply says, under date of
Oct. 11, 1633: "A fast at Newtown, where Mr. Hooker
was chosen pastor, and Mr. Stone teacher, in such a
manner as before at Boston." That procedure becomes
thus a guide in  the  present  transaction  at Newtown.
In  the light of it  no essential  mistake  can  be  made if
it is said to have taken  place  as follows. A Ruling
Elder and  two Deacons  having been  chosen -- either
at that time or, as the weight of evidence  seems  to
show, previously -- the "congregation" signified, in

1  Bradford's  History, pp. 264, 265;   Magnalia, i. 66.

2 Prince's Annals, ii. 75; Hubbard, p. 189; Paige's Cam-
 bridge, p. 17.
 
3 Journal, i. 135, 136.


68            LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

response to the proposal by the Ruling Elder, their
choice of Mr. Hooker as Pastor, and of Mr. Stone
as Teacher, by the "erection of hands." Then the
Ruling Elder asked the two elected officers if they
did "accept of that call," whereto, if they answered as
Cotton did at Boston, they in effect replied that know­
ing themselves to be " unworthy and unsufficient for
that place; yet, having observed all the passages of
God's providence in calling [them] to it, [they] could
not but accept it." Whereupon, in default of a
Preaching Elder such as was had in Mr. Cotton's
case to join with the Ruling Elder in the service, the
Ruling Elder with " 3 or 4 of ye gravest members of
ye church" -   as in Higginson's and Skelton's ordina­
tion at Salem - laid their hands on Mr. Hooker's head,
and the Ruling Elder prayed, and then, "taking off
their hands, laid them on again, and, speaking to him
by his name, they did thenceforth design him to the

said office [ of pastor] in the name of the Holy Ghost."
The Pastor being thus ordained and now taking the
lead, he and the Ruling Elder and some "grave
member" laid their hands on the head of Mr. Stone,
and with similar service of prayer, declaration of
office, and sign of enduement. of the Holy Ghost,
ordained  him  to the office of Teacher.  Then
if Mr. Wilson, Mr. Cotton, or other "neighboring
ministers " were present, as was probably the case,
they gave the new Pastor and Teacher the "right
hands of fellowship."

And so the church at Newtown became fully
equipped and officered for its work; being, if we


DEPARTURE  FOR  AMERICA.          69

must suppose it not organized till this date of Oct.
11
, 1633, the tenth or eleventh church gathered on
this New England soil; but  if  organized  before,  as
was more likely the fact, being, as Johnson says in his
 "Wonder-Working Providence," the "eighth."1

 Pastor and Teacher, -- the distinction between these
two officers in  the  primitive  New  England  church
was supposed to be based on Scripture, as for example
on  Ephesians iv. 11,  and to be practically important.
This  distinction  is perhaps  as well stated as anywhere
in an  "  Answer " of   certain  " Reverend   Brethren"
 in New England, sent  in  1639, to  inquiries ad­
dressed to  them  in  163 7  by "many Puritan  minis­
ters" in Old England; the twenty-second of which
inquiries was  this,  "What Essentiall  difference put
you between the Office of  Pastor  and  Teacher,  and
doe  you  observe the   same  difference  inviolably?
"To which inquiry this reply was given,2 "And for the
Teacher and Pastor,  the difference  between them  lyes
in this, that the one  is  principally  to  attend  upon
points of  Knowledge and  Doctrine, though not with­
out Application; the other  to points of Practice,
though not without Doctrine."    Both were preachers,
but the Pastor's function as a preacher was thought to
have  special  reference  to  the  experimental  part  of
life  and  behaviour;  the  Teacher's  rather  to  dogma
and faith. Both had oversight of  the  flock; but the
Pastor was supposed to be the shepherd and feeder,


        1  Wonder-Working Providence, p. 60.

2 Church Government and Church Covenant Discussed
(written by Richard Mather), etc., pp. 74-76.


70           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

the Teacher the guide and warder.  Both were to
be vigilant against error; but the Pastor chiefly in
matters of practice, the Teacher in matters of belief.
Both gave their whole time to the work of the
ministry, and were supported by the common funds
of the congregation.

Yet it is obvious that the distinction between these
two offices was an obscure one, and that each was
likely to be continually taking on the functions of the
 other.  The Pastor could not preach much without
dealing with matters of doctrine, and the Teacher
could not instruct long without dealing with matters
 of   practice. So that it is not surprising that this
supposed important distinction between the pastoral
and teaching function -- though lasting longer in gen­
 eral New England history than the ruling-eldership --
became before a very great while obsolete.

But in that first new day of ecclesiastical experi­
ment and devotion, Pastor and Teacher were deemed
alike indispensable. And so the "grave godly and
judicious Hooker, ... and the Retoricall, Mr. Stone "1
entered upon the work of the two offices side by side.

1 Wonder-Working Providence, p. 58.


 

 

                           IN MASSACHUSETTS.

 

 

 

 

 

 

                                 CHAPTER  V.

 

IN MASSACHUSE'ITS AND REMOVAL TO CONNECTICUT,

 

For after Mr. Hooker's coming over, it was observed that
many of the freemen grew to be very jealous of their liberties.

HUBBARD (ed. 1848), p. 165.

 

THE communitary life-into which Pastor Hooker
and Teacher Stone found themselves introduced on
their arrival in the Bay had already passed the sever­
est of the experiences incident to the planting of a
new colony. Salem, Dorchester, Boston, Watertown,
Roxbury, Lynn, Charlestown, and probably Newtown
had not only regularly established town organiza­
tions, but church institutions and more or less well­
developed social privileges; and there were several
other plantations in the near vicinity which were
moving rapidly toward a like stage of development.

All these various settlements in the Bay had grown
up since 1628, when, after several ineffectual attempts
to plant permanent institutions, a company of settlers
under the lead of John Endicott had fixed upon
Salem, and made there the hoped-for dwelling-place
of "peace."

These towns were all gathered under the provisions
of a charter to the "Governor and Company of the
Massachusetts Bay," granted in 1629, which docu-


72           LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

ment had been brought over by Mr. John Winthrop
and a notable company  of  associates  in June, 1630.
The granting of the charter was as a trumpet-call to
sympathizers with the Puritan movement in England;
and company after company of stalwart  men  and
heroic women, despairing of the reformation of  the
State and Church in their own land, turned  their  faces
in hope to the New World, and found home and sanc­
tuary in more or less voluntary exile in America.

Probably at the time  of  Hooker's arrival at New­
town at least three thousand Englishmen were  scat­
tered among the towns and plantations  of  the  Bay.
They were settling down to the various labours of
planting, building,  making  roads  and bridges, catch­
ing and curing fish, trading with the Indians for furs,
taking care of  their flocks of  sheep and goats, breed­
ing cattle, and building up the fabric of an orderly
society.    It was, on the whole, a remarkable assemblage
of men and women.

The ministers,  now numbering  thirteen or fourteen
in the colony, were nearly all  University  men,  had
been clergy  of  the  English Church, and were, several
of them, eminent at home for all clerical gifts and at­
tainments. The magistrates were men of good social
position in their own land, and some of  them  of
wealth and honourable family.  The rank and file of
the citizenship were of solid, middle-class English life,

-- men and women thrifty, sober, conscientious, in­
telligently religious, and Puritan by conviction and ex­
perience. It was a strong, hardy, somewhat stern and
austere society, as became people who had had trials,


IN   MASSACHUSETTS.        73

were in the midst of hardships, and had the prospect
of difficulties yet before them.

The particular town to which Hooker came  had, in
the  autumn  of  1633,  about  a  hundred  families.  It
had been intended  that  the  place  should  be  the  seat
of government; and in 1630 some houses  had  been
built, and a " pallysadoe " made " aboute the newe
 towne,"  and  a "fosse" -- some of whose remains
were  visible at  the beginning of the present cen­
 tury -  dug about the designated precincts of the
fortifications. The superior advantages of Boston,
however, as the main town of the colony, caused the
abandonment of the  plan  for fortifying  Newtown;
but William Wood, writing in the year  Hooker ar­
rived,  describes the place as "one  of the  neatest
and best compacted towns in New-England, having
 many fair structures, with many handsome contrived
streets. The inhabitants, most of them, are very rich,
and well stored with cattle of all sorts, having many hun­
 dred acres of ground paled in with one general fence,
which is about a mile and a half long, which secures all
their weaker cattle from the wild beasts."1   These fair
structures and handsome-contrived streets must be
understood in the light of certain orders  on  the  rec­
ords of the  little settlement, -- that "all the houses
[within] the bounds of the town shall be covered [with]
slate or board, and not with thatch," and that all houses
shall "range even, and stand just six [feet  on  each
man's] own ground from the street." 2

1 "New England's Prospect," in Young's Massachusetts,
p. 402.

2 Paige's Cambridge, pp. 18, 19.


74           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

The coming of so marked a reinforcement of the
ministry of the Bay as was implied in the arrival of
Cotton, Hooker, and Stone was a source of profound
rejoicing to the whole colony.   Punning does not seem
to have been a forbidden amusement; for the people
were pleased to say that  their  "three  great neces­
sities were now supplied, for they had Cotton for their
clothing, Hooker for their fishing, and Stone for their
building."

The  ministers  themselves instituted a meeting  "at

one of their houses by course, where some question of
moment was debated." This meeting -- the probable
progenitor of the Boston Association of Congrega­
tional Ministers
-- was, however, looked upon askance
by Mr. Skelton, the pastor at Salem, and by Roger
Williams, who was with him, " exercising by way of
prophecy; " they " fearing it might grow in time to a
presbytery or superintendency, to the prejudice of the
churches'  liberties." Special religious awakening at
Boston followed the coming of  Mr.  Cotton  to the
church in that place; and it was  probably at  this  time
that  the  Thursday lectures  were   established  in  each
of the four nearly adjacent towns, -     Boston, Dorches­
ter, Roxbury, and Newtown.    But by October of the
 following year ( r 634), "it being found, that the four
lectures did spend too much time, and proved over­
burdensome to the ministers and people, the ministers,
with the advice of the magistrates, ... did agree  to re­
duce them to two days, viz., Mr. Cotton at Boston one
Thursday, or the 5th day of the week, and Mr. Hooker

1 Winthrop, i. 139.


IN MASSACHUSETTS.         75

at Newtmvn the next 5th day, and Mr. Warham at Dor­
chester one 4th day of the week, and Mr. Welde at
Roxbury  the  next  4th  day." 1  Apparently,  however,
this arrangement did not long suit  the  people,  who
then, as generally, liked to  get all they could  out of
their ministers; and in December following the old
practice of the afternoon lectures in each town was
resumed.The range of these Thursday lectures,
if  we  may  judge from the reports  preserved of  those
of  Mr.  Cotton,  swept  the whole  field  of  manners
and morals as  well  as  doctrine. One of these, in
1633 at Boston, was about the non-necessity of veils
for women. Mr. Endicott, the fervid magistrate of
Salem, who had been persuaded otherwise by Roger
Williams, being present, argued against Mr. Cotton,
adducing the commandment of  " the  apostle; " 
and the discussion grew so warm that the governor, Win­
throp, felt called on  to  interpose,  "and  so  it  break
off." 8

At another lecture Mr. Cotton, being moved by
complaints of the sharp dealing of Robert Keaine, a
 merchant of Boston, laid open the error of some
"false principles" in matters of trade; one of which
false principles was "that a man might sell as dear as
 he can, and buy as cheap as he can;" another, "that
he may sell as he bought, though he paid too dear, etc.,
and though the commodity be fallen." 
Against which
he laid down the proposition, among others, that "a
man may not ask any more for his commodity than
his selling price, as Ephron to Abraham, the land is

1  Winthrop, 1. 172.   Ibid. 180.         3 Ibid. 149.


76           LIFE  OF   THOMAS   HOOKER.

worth thus much."1 At  still  another  lecture  Mr.
Cotton came down in reproval of a proposition  pend­
ing  in  the  General  Court  for  leaving  out  of  office
  two of their  ancientest magistrates,  because they
were  grown poor," censuring   "such   miscarriage,"
and telling  the  " country,  that  such  as were  decayed
in their estates  by attending  the  service of  the coun­
try  ought  to  be  maintained  by  the  country." 2  But
the staple of Mr. Cotton's lectures was Scripture expo­
sition and application. He  had  pr
actised  the  same
thing at his  lectures in  England, and " at  both  Bos­
tons went through near the  whole  Bible."3  Mr.
Cotton's  Thursday  lectures  were  probably  in topic
and method essentially the same with those of other
ministers  of  the  colony. We  know  more  of  them
than we do of Mr. Hooker's or the other ministers'
mainly because he had in his church an  intelligent
hearer who kept a journal. Mr. Hooker had no Gov­
ernor Winthrop jotting down in his diary the current
events  in which  his pastor  took a share.    Neverthe­
less he seems to have been concerned and influential
in most matters  that  were  going  on. In  1633  and
again in 1636 he was associated with  Cotton  and
Wilson in reconciling certain oppositions of the some­
what touchy Mr. Dudley of Newtown and Governor
Winthrop of Boston, - once on some personal differ­
ence,4 and again about the degree of  leniency allow­
able in the administration of public affairs,5 Dudley

1  Winthrop, i. 378-382.          2 Ibid. ii. 67.
3 Cotton's  Narrative, 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., iv. 284.
4    Winthrop, i. 139, 140.      5  Ibid. 212.


IN MASSACHUSETTS.        77

being in favour of sterner measures than Winthrop
practised or  desired. On the second of these occa­
sions, Mr. Haynes of Newtown, then governor, sided
against the lenient  conduct of  Winthrop, -- a fact to
 be made note of  in connection  with  questions  shortly
 to arise concerning the causes of the separation of the
Newtown Company from  the colony. In November,
1634, the Assistants called on Mr. Hooker, with Mr.
Cotton and Mr. Welde of Roxbury, to take to task his
 old acquaintance, the usher of the Little Baddow
School, John Eliot, -- then the young Teacher of the
Roxbury church  and afterward  the  Indian  Apostle, --
for criticising the magistrates as to their manner of
making peace with the Pequots.1

More  memorable was another transaction in which
the General Court invoked Mr. Hooker's aid. The
restless and aftenvard celebrated Roger Williams had
installed in Mr. Skelton's place at  Salem against
the remonstrance of the  magistrates  of  the colony,2
who already -- in 163 I -- had had experience of his
disquieting influence  in  that  place.   Since  that  time
he had been in Plymouth ventilating such unsettled
judgments as made the Plymouth church in com­
mending him back to the Salem  fellowship  accom­
pany their  commendation " with  some  caution to
them concerning him, and what care  they  ought  to
have of him." 3 Arrived at Salem again, he recom­
menced the controversies which ultimately resulted in
his sentence of banishment. It was the circum-

            1   Winthrop, i, 179.          2 Hubbard, p. 204.
                         3 Bradford, p. 310.


78           LIFE  OF  THO.MAS   HOOKER.

stances of the time which gave to Mr. Williams's per­
formances their special  dangerousness.  No doctrinal
question of religion was involved,  least of all that view
 of baptism which he afterward -- and temporarily1 --
held, and which has so often erroneously been repre­
sented as a cause of exclusion  from  the colony.  He
denied the validity of the colonial charter; 2 he coun­
selled the cutting  out  of the  cross  from  the king's
flag; 3 he declared the administration of an oath of of­
fice to an unregenerate person to be a participation in
 taking " the name of God in vain;"4 he pronounced
worship in churches which had not renounced con­
nection with  the Established Church of England a
sin.When  the General  Court  suspended  action  on
 a petition of Salem to receive a grant of public land,
he moved his church to write to other churches to
discipline their members who as town-representatives
united in this  delay; 6  when  these  churches  hesitated
to act on this advice of the Salem church,  he  coun­
selled his church to withdraw fellowship from them;7
when his church did not act on his counsel  in  this
 matter, he withdrew fellowship from it, and set up a
private conventicle in his own house;8 and when his
wife continued to attend the Salem church, he re­
nounced fellowship with her, and refused to say family
prayers or grace at the table in  her presence.In an

 

1 Winthrop, i. 352, 353, 369.      2 Ibid. 145, 180.
 Hubbard, p. 205.                4  Winthrop, i. 188.

   5  Ibid. 63, 180.                      6 Ibid. 195.

    7  Ibid. 1981  204.                                  8   Hubbard,  p. 207.

9 Ibid.


                        IN  MASSACHTSETTS.     79


established time of quietude these performances  of
Mr. Williams might have been comparatively  harm­
less, and been winked at as tokens only  of the  un­
settled judgment which the clear mind of Governor
Bradford  had  already  noted.  But it was not a time
of quiet. The liberties of  the  colony were in immi­
nent peril. Proceedings had already commenced for
vacating the charter in the English courts. Reports
tending to inflame the ecclesiastical authorities in
England were continually sent back by disaffected
persons. in   America.    In  this  condition   of   affairs,
to  deny  the charter's  validity,  to charge the king
with telling  a  "lie"  in  granting  it,1  to  recommend
the mutilation of the king's colours, to proclaim the
unchristian character of the churches in not  de­
nouncing  the  English   Church   as  anti-christian,  and
to turmoil the churches and magistrates among them­
selves, were offences against civil peace which no ad­
ministration could overlook. The question was not
theological, it was a question of political order and of
public safety;2 and it was forced upon a reluctant
government by a man who was not even a freeman of
the colony, but one who personally declined, and
employed  his pulpit  to induce others  to  decline,  even
a resident's oath of loyalty to the government under
which he lived.

           Being summoned before the Court in October, 1635,

     Mr. Williams "maintained all his opinions." Asked

1  Winthrop, i. 145.

2 Palfrey, i. 414; Eilis's Puritan Age, pp. 267-291; Dexter's
As to Roger Williams, p. 79.


80           LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

if  he  would  take   the  subject  into  further  thought,
for which purpose a month's consideration was pro­
posed to him, he refused, choosing to " dispute
presently."

Accepting his proposal, Mr.  Hooker was requested
to argue the points in debate, in hope of securing
acquiescence to avoid extremer  measures.   Most of
the discussion has perished. One point of it, how­
ever, in which Mr. Hooker apparently attempted to
apply to Mr. Williams's doctrine of the sinfulness of
tendering an oath to  an unregenerate person the
method known as the  reductio ad absurdum, remains
in Mr. Cotton's account of it.1 Mr. Williams had
complained -

"that he was wronged by a slanderous report up  and
downe the Countrey, as if he did hold  it  to  be unlawfull
for  a  Father  to call  upon  his  childe to eat  his  meate.
Our reverend Brother, Mr. Hooker, (the Pastor of the
Church where the Court was then kept) being mooved to
speake a word to it, Why, saithe he, you will say as much
againe (if  you stand to your own  Principles) or be forced
to say nothing. When Mr. Williams was confident he
should never say it, Mr. Hooker replyed, If it  be  unlaw­
full to Call an unregenerate person to take an Oath, or to
Pray, as being actions of God's worship, then it is unlaw­
full for your unregenerate childe to pray for a  blessing
upon  his  own  meate.   If it be unlawfull for him to pray
for a blesing  upon his meate, it is  unlawfull for  him to
eate it (for it is sanctified by prayer, and without prayer
unsanctified, I Tim. iv: 4, 5.) If it be unlawfull for him

 

1 Cotton's Reply to Mr. Williams his Examination, p. 30.


IN   MASSACHUSETTS.      81

to eate it, it is unlawfull for you to call upon him to eate
 it, for it is unlawfull for you to call upon him  to sinne. --
Here Mr. Williams thought better to hold his peace, then
to give an Answer."

The "dispute" had the general issue of similar
controversies. Mr. Hooker's endeavours were well
meant, and judging from this sample were logically
ingenious in putting Mr. Williams into an uncom­
fortable dilemma, but he " could not reduce him from
any of his errors."

The inevitable consequence followed. Mr. Wil­
liams's teachings and behaviour were playing directly
into the hands of Land and prerogative abroad, and
schism and disorder at home; and the order of Court
was that  he  leave  the colony,  whose  lawful  right to
be or to legislate he denounced, within the six weeks
next ensuing.

Reference has been made to the mutilation of the
national ensign.  Though encouraged by Williams,
the act  was  that of  Endicott. The matter made a
great stir. The towns were called on to choose a
commission of one from  each  town  on the  subject,
to  which  commission the  magistrates added four.
The commission  declared  Mr. Endicott's "offence
to  be  great;" his  action  in  denouncing   the   cross
as "a sin " impeaching the magistrates  as  "if they
would suffer idolatry," and "giving  occasion  to  the
state   of  England   to  think  ill  of  us."    Mr.   Endi­
cott  was  therefore  admonished,  and "disabled   for
one year from bearing any public office; "the mag­
istrates declining" any heavier sentence, because

 
                                               6


82           LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

they were persuaded he did it out of tenderness of
conscience, and not of any evil intent.'' 1

A sensible, quiet-tempered paper on  this contro­
versy  was  written  by Mr. Hooker, which is preserved
in the   Massachusetts   Historical   Society's  archives.
It has never been published in full, but its general
bearing may be inferred from the single paragraph:

"Not that I am a friend to the crosse as an  idoll, or to
any idollatry in it; or that any  carnall  fear  takes  me
asyde and makes me unwilling to give way to the evi­
dence of the truth, because of the sad consequences that
may be suspected  to flowe from  it.   I  blesse the  Lord,
my conscience  accuseth  me  of  no such  thing;  but  that
as yet I am  not able to see  the  sinfulness of  this  banner
in a civil use."

The ministers of the colony were not eligible to
secular office, but their advice was sought on weighty
occasions, and Mr. Hooker's  seems to have been
prized as highly as that of any one. His church pros­
pered as well as any church  in the colony;  its leading
lay member, Mr. John  Haynes,  was  chosen  governor
in May, 1635, on which occasion he signalized his
liberality and ability  alike  by  declining the usual
salary of the office.2  The  town was as flourishing  as
any in the Bay, its tax being as large as Boston's.3

But   all  along,  from  very  near   the  arrival  of  the
"Griffin's" company, a certain uneasiness manifested
itself in respect to the  Newtown people's situation, all
the causes of which are difficult to trace, but which


            1   
Winthrop, 1.  188, 189.   2 Ibid. 190.

                       3 Colonial Records, 1. 149.


REMOVAL  TO CONNECTICUT.     83

culminated at last in the removal of Mr. Hooker and
nearly the entire population of the town to Hartford.
Only six months after the induction of Hooker  and
Stone into their  offices  the  inhabitants of  " New­
town  complained  [May, 1634]  of  straitness  for want
of land, especially meadow, and desired leave of the
court to look out either for enlargement or removal,
which was granted; whereupon they sent men to see
Agawam and Merimack, and gave out that they would
remove." 1 But apparently the  Agawam  and  Mer­
rimac reconnaissance was not satisfactory, for in July
following they sent a pioneer party of six to Connec­
ticut, "intending to remove their town thither." 2

In September the matter came up again in  the
General Court. Winthrop gives this account of it:3

 

" September 4, the  general court began at  Newtown,
and continued a week, and then was adjourned fourteen
days.   Many things were there agitated  and concluded.

. . But  the  main  business, which spent the most time,
and caused the adjourning of the court, was about the
removal of Newtown. Th!=Y had leave, the last general
court, to look out some place for enlargement or removal,
with  promise of  having it confirmed to them, if it  were
not prejudicial to any other plantation; and now  they
moved that they might have leave to remove to Connecti­
cut. The matter was debated divers days,  and  many
reasons alleged pro and con. The  principal  reasons for
their removal were, 1. Their want of accommodation for
their cattle, so as they were not able to maintain their
ministers, nor could receive any more of their friends to


           1   
Winthrop, 1.  157-159.        2 Ibid. 162.

                             3 Ibid. 166-169.


84           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

help them; and here it was alleged by Mr. Hooker, as a
fundamental error, that towns were set so near to each
other. 2. The fruitfulness and commodiousness of Con­
necticut, and the danger of having it possessed by others,
Dutch  or  English.  3.  The  strong  bent  of   their  spirits
to remove thither.

"Against these it was said, I. That, in point of con­
science, they ought not to depart from  us, being  knit  to
us in one body, and bound by oath to seek the welfare of
this commonwealth. 2. That, in point of state and civil
policy, we ought not to give them leave  to  depart.  1.
Being we were now weak and  in danger to be assailed.

2.   The  departure  of  Mr.  Hooker would not  only draw

many from us, but also  divert  other  friends  that  would
come  to  us.   3.  We should expose them to evident peril,
both from the Dutch  (who  made claim  to the same  river,
and had already  built a fort there)  and  from  the   Indians,
and also from our own state  at  home,  who  would  not
endure  they  should  sit  down  without  a  patent  in  any
place  which  our  king  lays  claim   unto.  3.  They   might
be accomodated  at home  by  some  enlargement  which
other towns offered.  4. They might  remove  to  Merri­
mack, or any other place within our patent.  5. The  remov­
ing of a candlestick is a great judgement, which is to be
avoided.    Upon these and other  arguments  the court  be­
ing divided, it was put to vote; and, of the deputies, fifteen
were for their departure,  and  ten  against  it.  The gov­
ernour [Dudley] and two assistants were for  it, and  the
deputy and all the rest of the assistants were against  it,
(except the secretary, who gave no vote;) whereupon no
record was  entered,  because  there  were  not six  assistants
in the vote, as the patent requires. Upon this grew a great
difference between the governour and assistants, and the
deputies. They would not yield  the assistants a negative
voice, and  the others (considering  how dangerous it  might
be  to  the  commonwealth,  if  they  should  not  keep  that


REMOVAL  TO  CONNECTICUT.      85

strength to balance the greater number of the deputies)
thought it safe to stand upon it. So, when they could
proceed no farther, the whole court agreed to keep a day
 of humiliation to seek the Lord, which accordingly was
done, in all the congregations, the 18th day of this month;
and  the  24th   the  court  met again. Before they began
Mr. Cotton preached, (being desired by all the court,
upon Mr. Hooker's instant excuse of his unfitness for
that occasion).1 He took his text out of Hag. II. 4, etc.,
out of which he laid down the nature or strength (as he
 
termed it) of  the  magistracy,  ministry, and  people, viz., --
the strength of the  magistracy to  be  their  authority;  of
the people, their liberty; and of the ministry, their purity;
 
and showed how all of these had a negative voice, etc., and
 
that yet the ultimate resolution, etc., ought to be in the
whole body of the people, etc., with answer to all objec­
 tions, and a declaration of the people's duty and right to
maintain their true liberties against any unjust violence,
 etc., which gave great satisfaction to the company. And
 it pleased the Lord so to assist him, and to bless his own
 ordinance, that the affairs of the court went on cheerfully;
 and although all were not satisfied about the negative
voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no man moved
aught about it, and the congregation of Newtown came
 and accepted of such enlargement as had formerly been
 offered them by Boston and Watertown; and so the fear
of their removal to Connecticut was removed."

It was on the occasion of this court --  and it affords
an indication of the excitement of the parties in
interest -- that the "very reverend and godly" Mr.

 

1 As being, perhaps,  a  too  nearly  interested party  in the
issue. One is reminded,  however,  of a certain nervousness
which  seems at  times to have overborne Mr.  Hooker, of
which an instance is recorded later, May, 1639.


86           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

William  Goodwin,  "elder  of  the   congregation  of

Newtown," was reproved for his "unreverend speech
to one of the assistants " in open court.

Things now seemed amicably adjusted. The
enlargements granted to Newtown embraced the terri­
tory now known as the towns of Brookline, Brighton,
Newton, and Arlington. Making every allowance for
the necessities of a hundred families, even of an agri­
cultural and cattle-raising class, this territory certainly
seems sufficient.  The population now dwelling on
the same soil is upward of eighty thousand. But the
settlers were not easy. "The strong bent of  their
spirits to remove " continued.  Some cause deeper
than any lack of land in five townships to pasture
the cattle of a few settlers in the third year of their
arrival must have impelled to this restlessness. What
was it?

The historian Hubbard, writing within fifty years
of these events, and while people still lived who were
personally actors in them, says that other motives than
deficiency of land did " more secretly and powerfully
 drive on the business."  "Some men," he continues,
 "do not well like, at least, cannot well bear, to be op­
posed in their judgments and notions, and thence were
they not unwilling to remove from under the power,
as well as out of the bounds, of the Massachusetts." 1
"Two such eminent stars, such as were Mr. Cotton
and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, though
of differing influence, could not well continue in one
and the same orb."2 Dr. Benjamin Trumbull, in

 General History, pp. 305, 306.     2 Ibid. 173.


REMOVAL  TO  CONNECTICUT.      87

 

speaking of the death of Mr. Haynes, intimates that
considerations arising from the relative influence of
Haynes and Winthrop were not without weight. Mr.
Haynes, he says, "was not considered, in any respect,
inferior to Governor Winthrop. His growing popu­
larity, and the fame of Mr. Hooker, who, as to
strength of genius, and his lively and powerful man­
ner of preaching, rivalled Mr. Cotton, were supposed
to have no small influence upon the general court, in
their granting liberty to Mr. Hooker and his com­
pany to remove to Connecticut."1

Some excellent writers have seemed quite unwilling
to recognize in the actors in these events any such
feelings, uttered or unexpressed, as are suggested in
these statements of Hubbard andTrumbull. But
nothing could be more natural, and few things are
more probable.

Nevertheless the existence of such feelings, sup­
posing them to exist, had doubtless their origin and
occasion in matters lying deeper than merely personal
ones. It seems clear that on certain important
administrative questions the people who surrounded
Mr. Hooker entertained different convictions from
those prevalent in the Bay counsels generally. The Bay
settlement was a distinctly theocratic society, in which
civil franchise was contingent on church-membership.
When Hooker arrived in Newtown, though the popu­
lation of the colony was numbered by the thousands,
the freemen of it were only about three hundred and
fifty.2 The principle of a state-church which Puritans


1  
Trumbull, i. 216.    2 Palfrey, i. 383.


 

 

88            LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

had suffered from so much at home was, in fact, re­
established by them in the new land.1 This contin­
gency of civil privileges on church-connection was
never adopted in the Connecticut Colony; and whether
openly objected to or not by the men who founded
Connecticut while yet they remained in Massachu­
setts, there can be no doubt that it was inwardly
disapproved. [Strong evidence that this question had
its influence, as well as of Mr. Hooker's attitude
upon it, remains in a letter written to Rev. John Wilson
from  England  in  the early spring after the  removal
to Connecticut had taken place, in which the writer
speaks of  having  heard  "That  ther is great diuision
of judgment in matters of religion amongst good
ministers & people which moued Mr. Haker to re­
moue;" and "That  you  are  so strict in  admission
of members to your church, that more then halfe are
out of your church in all your congregations, & that
M
r. Hoker  befor  he went away  preached against yt
 ( as  one reports who hard him)."2

With a difference of judgment in a matter so funda­
mental, other differences easily allied themselves. A
distinct  diversity of  conception  of  the "authority of
the  magistrates "  was clearly developed  at  the  Court
of September, 1634,  between  the Newtown party and
the party opposed to removal.3 Open and free

 

1 Palfrey, i. 447. See also  Doyle's  English  in  America,  i.
 146, 147, 191.

2 Rev. R. Stansby to John Wilson, April 17, 1637:  4 Mass.

Hist. Coll., vii. 10,    I 1.

3 Winthrop, i. 169;  Hubbard,  pp. 165, 166.


REMOVAL   TO  CONNECTICUT.       89

 

disagreement between Mr. Haynes and Governor
Winthrop as to administrative policy found expression
in January, 1636, and had been taken cognizance of
by all the ministers and magistrates, who had put
themselves on one side or other of the point in debate.
Add to this the danger impending that the charter of
the colony  might  be  withdrawn,  and  there  seem  to
be ample grounds for believing that Mr.  Haynes and
Mr. Goodwin and  the  leading  laymen  of  Newtown
felt that they would be more comfortable under an
administration of their own, in  some other quarter  of
the boundless new land.

Nor is it improbable that Mr. Hooker shared the
feeling on personal as well as political grounds.
Before he left  England  overtures  had been made  by
his friends, acting at Mr. Hooker's motion,1 to secure
Mr. Cotton as colleague with him in the proposed
enterprise  to America.   The overture  was  declined.
But on the  arrival  together  in  the  new  country  of
the two old acquaintances - and  doubtless  always
friends -- the colony seems  to  have  been  thrown  into
a kind of ferment as to the proper disposal of  Mr.
Cotton.   Thirteen days after he landed  the Governor
and Council and all the ministers were called together
"to consider about Mr. Cotton his sitting down." 2
Boston was fixed  on  as  the  "fittest  place; "  and  it
was first agreed that the payment for  his  weekly
lectures should be out of the public treasury. This
resolve was presently revoked as being invidious in its
discrimination, but it indicates the feeling of the hour.

1  Magnalia, i. 393.    2 Winthrop, i. 133.


 

 

90           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Established thus with the acclaim of the magistracy
and of the people in the central point of ecclesiastical
influence in the colony, the great abilities and tireless
industry of Mr. Cotton pervaded everything. "What­
ever he delivered in the pulpit was soon put into an
Order of Court, if of a civil, or set up as a practice in

the church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment."1
And Mr. Cotton's political deliverances were generally
on the side of authority and permanency in the magis­
 tracy; a side to which the general tendencies of the
Newtown pastor's mind did not equally lead him.
On the critical occasion of the hearing before the
Court in September, 1634, of the great question of the
removal- when Mr. Hooker somewhat unaccount­
ably excused himself from preaching on the issues
raised by the Newtown proposal -- Mr. Cotton's effort
apparently settled the business on the side of the
Assistants, and adversely to the Newtown party.

So that on the whole it is neither  strange  nor at
all discreditable, that the Newtown company should
have thought themselves likely to be happier  and
more useful in some other settlement than that to
which the Court had ordered them in 1632. Con­
scious of the possession of laymen as able as any in
the colony, and of a minister of as great qualities as
any other, their "strong bent" to remove continued,
and finally prevailed.

Some of them apparently  went to Connecticut
before September, 1635; for on the 3d of that month
William Westwood was "sworn Constable of the plan-

1  Hubbard, p. 182.


REMOVAL   TO  CONNECTICUT.       91

 

tations at Connecticut till some other be chosen,"1 --

a procedure hardly reconcilable with the theory
maintained in the arguments before the Court in
September   previous   that the settlers there would
be without the Massachusetts patent.2 Others soon
followed. These settlers of 1635 suffered immense
hardships along the banks of  the great  river, which
froze over that season by the 15th  of November.
Famine and cold seemed to conspire against the
enterprise. Cattle died; the  people had to resort to
acorns for food. Except for the succour afforded by
Indians, many must have perished.3

But these hardships were  not  to deter the  main
body of the Newtown pilgrims; when spring came
again, the rest of the company were ready for flight.

Fortunately the arrival, the autumn previous, of  a
large number of immigrants into the Bay, and the
gathering of a considerable part of them into church­
relationship under the pastoral care of Rev. Thomas
Shepard on the 1st of February, 1636, enabled the
Newtown people to sell their houses to  the  new­
comers. On  the 3d  of   March,  1636,   John  Steele
and William Westwood were appointed  among  the
eight commissioners empowered by Massachusetts to
"govern the people at Connecticutt." These com­
missioners were either then in Connecticut or speedily
after, as five of them, including Steele and Westwood,
held  a "Corte  ... att  Newton  [Hartford]  26 Apr.
1636." 4

         1   Mass. Col. Rec., i. 159.         2 Winthrop, i. 167.

3 Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 62, 63.

4  Conn. Col.-Rec, i., preface iii, and note, text. p. I,


           92             LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

  The 31st of May saw the emigrants upon their
journey. It is the season of the year in our New
England climate when the billowy expanses of our
forests   are   bursting   into   leaf, and each day marks
a visible deepening of colour and density in the land­
scape verdure. The streams run full with the newly
melted   snows  of  winter.  The ground  is  spotted
with the anemone and wild violet. In the marshy
places glow the adder-tongue and the cowslip. The
season is alive with promise; but the nights, though
short, are damp and chill.

The Newtown pilgrims struck out into the almost
pathless woods. Only a few miles from their place of
brief habitation, and they were in a wilderness marked
only by signs of Indian trails.
 Evening by evening
they made camp and slept, guarded and sentinelled,
by forest fires. One of their number, Mrs. Hooker, the
pastor's wife, was carried on a litter because of her
infirmity. It was a picturesque but an arduous pil­
grimage. Men and women of refinement and  deli­
cate breeding turned explorers of primeval forests in
search of  a wilderness  home. The lowing of a hun­
dred and sixty cattle sounding through the forest
aisles, not to mention the bleating of goats and the
squealing of swine, summoned them to each morning's
advance.   The  day  began  and  ended  with  the  voice
of prayer and  perhaps  of  song. At  some  point  on
their fortnight's journey a Sabbath must have inter­
vened, when of course the camp remained still for
worship in the wilderness. Their toilsome and
devious way led them probably by the route which


REMOVAL  TO CONNECTICUT.       93

came to be known as the "old Connecticut path,"
through what were afterward the towns of  Framing­
ham  and   Dudley  and  Woodstock;  the same  route
by which the roving Oldham went in 1633, when he
lodged in "Indian towns all the  way.'' Reaching at
some uncertain point the wide, full Connecticut,
flowing then with larger tide than now,  and swollen
with its  northern  snows,  the  travellers  crossed on
rafts and rudely constructed boats; and on the spot
where Hartford now lifts its stately edifices of worship
and of trade, and cheered by the sight of some pioneer
attempts at habitation and settlement made the season
previous, " Mr. Hooker's company " rested,  and  the
ark of the church stood still.


94           LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

                                   CHAPTER  VI.

 

                             HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT.

 

                                       SECTION I.

 

                      The light of the western churches.

Magnalia, i. 303.

 

THE spot on which the Newtown pilgrims arrived
was claimed by three different parties, --  the Dutch,
the Plymouth Colony, and the Indians.  The Dutch
had built a fort at the mouth of the "Little River,"
which here flows into the Connecticut, and laid claim
to the surrounding territory. The Plymouth people
held that the region belonged to them, and resented
the intrusion upon it of Massachusetts emigrants.
The matter was made the subject of sharp corre­
spondence between the Massachusetts and Plymouth
authorities,1 especially in connection with the occu­
pancy of the territory in the township of Windsor,
next north of Hartford, which was taken possession
of by the Dorchester people, notwithstanding the
Plymouth colonists had a trading-house there. The
Plymouth people indeed regarded the settlement of
the three towns of Windsor, Hartford, and Wethers­
field as a trespass upon their territory, -- a view which
the declinature of the Massachusetts government to

                            1 Bradford, pp. 338-342.


IN   CONNECTICUT.         95

unit with Plymouth in erecting a plantation  there
three years before ; its assent that Plymouth do it
alone,1 and the objections made in the General Court
to the Newtown people's removal as being to a place
outside of the Massachusetts patent,2 tended certainly
to confirm. The " controversie," Bradford says,
"ended, but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten."3

The Dutch claims to  the  territory  seem  to  have
been  intentionally and  deliberately  ignored. Not  so
the Indians'. Agents of the Newtown company were
employed to purchase the ground; Rev. Samuel Stone
and Elder William Goodwin being the persons desig­
nated  for  the  purpose.    The  territory  embraced  in
this purchase was about coincident with that subse­
quently known as the township of Hartford. The
portions needed for the immediate uses of the little
settlement were parcelled out in  lots  of  about  two
acres each, those of Mr. Haynes, Mr. Hooker,  Mr.
Stone, and  Mr. William  Goodwin  being side  by side
on the banks of the Little River, flowing then a sweet
and healthful stream through the town.

A  church-building-not   taking  account  of  a  tem­

porary structure soon abandoned and given to Mr.
Hooker as a barn -- destined for ninety-nine years to
serve the religious and  political uses of  the commun­
ity was built in what was called Meeting-House  Yard,
a tract of ground covering a somewhat  larger  extent
than that now known  as  Old State-House Square.
Near to the meeting-house were various other then

                     1 Winthrop, i. 216.           2 Ante, p. 84.

            3 Bradford, p. 342; Doyle, i. 207, 208.


 

96           LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

supposed necessary adjuncts  to communitary welfare,

--  the stocks, the pillory, and the whipping-post, as well
as the market  and the  jail. The  usual  time for  put­
ting the first three named of these adjuncts of civiliza­
tion into use was Lecture-day, when the  warnings
against wrong-doing uttered in the meeting-house could
receive practical illustration  just outside. Thus while
Mr. Hooker
·or Mr. Stone was expounding morality in
the church-edifice, one might have  seen the carrying
into effect of some one, among other, of the following
sentences: 1 --

"Nicholas  Olmsteed  ...   [is] to stand  vppon  the Pil­
lery at Hartford the next lecture day dureing  the  time of
the lecture.    He is to be sett on, a lytle before the begin­
ing & to stay thereon a litle after the end."

"Walter Gray, for his misdemeanor in laboring to
inueagle the affections of Mr. Hoockers mayde, is to be publique1y corrected the next lecture day.''

 "Susan Coles, for her rebellious cariedge toward her
mistris, is to be sent to the howse of correction and be
keept to hard labour & course  d
yeti to  be brought forth
the next  lecture  day to  be  publiquely  corrected, and so
to be corrected weekley vntil Order be giuen to the
contrary."

 

Not far distant from the church-edifice was the first
burying-ground of the little community. It was soon
abandoned  however,  its  stones removed,  and even
the soil graded away, so that no trace of it  has
re­
mained for two hundred years.

Some structures like sentinel  towers  or  palisades

                 1 Conn. Col. Rec., i. 50, 124.


IN  CONNECTICUT.       97

protected the remoter portions of the village from
surprise; while within the appointed precincts the
people built their houses, shops, and mills, and re­
peated again substantially the pioneer experiences
they had gone through
. three years before in their
Massachusetts home, only this time with  probably
more carefulness  of provision against danger,  as
being more isolated from support and deeper in the
wilderness.

The original government of the three communities
grouped within a few miles along the Connecticut had
been a commission appointed by Massachusetts.   But
this provisional condition of things did not even nom­
inally much survive the year of its   creation.   The
claim to jurisdiction over the territory implied in such
an appointment was too doubtful, and the spirit of
independence in the three settlements themselves was
too strong to allow the continuance of such an ar­
rangement.   Accordingly, on the first  day of May
1637,  there was held a "Gen'all Corte att Harte­
ford,"1 -- so named in honour of Mr. Stone's birth­
place in England, -- and formal, local and popular2
government of the Connecticut plantations was estab­
lished. The first recorded act of this new constituted
popular government was a declaration of "offensiue
warr agt the Pequoitt," and a levy of ninety men to
fight them. Hartford   was   called   on for forty-two
men, Windsor for thirty, and Wethersfield for eighteen.

1 Conn. Col. Rec., i. 9.

Conn.  Hist. Soc. Collections,  i. 13, 18:  Hooker's  letter
and Trumbull's note.

                                                7


98           LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

The occasion was what seemed likely to be a general
combination of the Indian tribes for the white men's
extirpation. In February previous  several  men  had
been  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Saybrook. A little
later, three men going down the river in a shallop were
mutilated, their  bodies  cut  open  and  hung on  trees
by the  river-side. In April six men and three  women
at Wethersfield had been killed, and two girls carried
captive. Thirty Connecticut dwellers had lost their
lives, some of  them with  barbaric  tortures. No In­
dian historian has recorded for us the provocations
which led these poor savages to their cruel revenges;
but whatever their provocation -- and some certainly
they had1 -- the matter had now perhaps reached a
stage too late for anything but war.

At any rate, the white people thought so.  Capt.
John Mason, of Windsor, commanded the little army;
M
r. Stone, the Teacher of the Hartford church, went
with the soldiers as their chaplain; and before they
started Mr. Hooker, the Pastor, made them an ad­
dress in which he uttered the encouraging declaration
"that the Pequots should be  bread for them." 2  A
letter of Mr. Hooker to Governor Winthrop, written
after the expedition had started and before its result
was known, gives a little light on the impelling causes
of the war:3 --

 

1 Lathrop's Centenary Sermon  at  West  Springfield,  1796,
 pp. 23, 24.

2  Mason's Brief  History, in Mather's Early History, Drake's

ed., p 121.

3 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 388, 389.


IN CONNECTICUT.           99

"Though we feele nether the tyme nor our strenght
fitt for such a service, yet the Indians here, our frends,
werr so importunate with vs to make warr presently, that
vnlesse we had attempted to do something, we had deliv­
ered our persons vnto contempt of base feare & cowardise,
 & caused  them  to turne enemyes  agaynst vs.   Agaynst
our mynds, being constrayned by necessity we have sent
out a company taking some Indians for guides with vs."

But that it was not humanitarian sentiment which
caused hesitation is plain from what follows: --

"I hope you see a necessity to hasten execution & not
to do this work of the Lords revenge slackly."

 

The story is a familiar one of the courageous at­
tack, May 26, on the Pequot fort eight miles
northeast of where is now New London, in which
several hundred Indians of both sexes and all ages
were killed by sword and bullet and fire in about an
hour's time. It was hardly a characteristic piece of
church-work, yet it is probable that the victors were
nearly to a man church-members; and the whole en­
terprise was apparently backed by perfect faith not
alone in its necessity but its propriety. And in cele­
brating the victory stout John Mason says:1 --

" It may not be amiss here  also  to  remember  Mr.
Stone (the famous Teacher of the Church of  Hartford)
who was sent to preach  and pray with  those  who went
out in those Engagements against the  Pequots.  He lent
his best Assistance and Counsel in the Management of

 

 Mason's Brief History, in Mather's Early History, Drake's

ed., p. 157.


100             LIFE   OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

those Designs, and the Night in which the Engagement
was, (in the morning of it) I say that Night he was with
the Lord alone, wrestling with Him by Faith and Prayer,
and surely his Prayers prevailed for a blessing; and in the
very Time when our Israel was ingaging with the bloud­
thirsty Pequots, he was in the Top of the Mount, and so
held up his Hand that Israel prevailed."

 

This, done  in  self-defence  and  apparent  necessity,
is probably quite as  justifiable as most of  the wars of
our  ancestors with  the  Indians;  but it a little  revolts
our feelings to find Mr. Ludlow, the lawyer of the
colony, and  Mr. Pyncheon,  soon  to  be  the  author  of
a book, far in advance of his age, on the "Meritorious
Price of our Redemption,"  carrying  to  Boston  a  part
of the  skin  and  scalps of the vanquished  "Sassacus
and his brother, and five other Pequot sachems, who,
being  fled   to   the  Mohawks  for  shelter  .  .  .  were
by them surprised and slain." 1  Even in that hard
age there was one man, Roger Williams,  humane
enough to say of it: 2 "Those Dead Hands were no
pleasing sight. . . .  I have alwaies showne Dislike to
such dismembering the Dead," -- a sentiment the
cherishing and utterance of which goes far  to offset
the estimate of  the  eccentric  man  necessarily result­
ing from the facts mentioned in the last chapter con­
cerning him. And when it is remembered that the
very next spring following the slaughter of this Pequot
tribe and  conveyance  of  scalps  and skins to Boston,
the settlements along the river were saved  from what

1   Winthrop, i. 281.

2 Mass. Hist. Coll., xx.xvi. 207.


IN  CONNECTICUT.                101

 

threatened   to  be  a  fatal  famine  by  the  purchase  of
 "so  much Corn  at  reasonable Rates" of the  Indians
at Deerfield, "that the Indians brought down to Hart­
ford and Windsor fifty Canoes laden with Corn at one
Time,"1 one wonders whether even then a better use
might  not have been  made  of  the  native  proprietors
of the soil than shooting and burning them.

This aid from  Indian  sources,  together  with  the
safe arrival of a vessel from Boston bringing the im­
portant reinforcement to the colony of Mr. Edward
Hopkins and his associates, was made a topic of obser­
vation  in a Thanksgiving   sermon  by  Mr.  Hooker;
on  Oct. 4, 1638, from the text I Sam.  vii.  12:
"Then Samuel took a stone, and set it up between
Mizpeh and Shen, and called the name of it Ebenezer,
saying, Hitherto hath the Lord helped us."2  In the
course of the sermon Mr. Hooker said: --

 

"It  was a sad, sharp winter with  us in these western
parts, that many lost their lives, not only cattle, but men.
But the Lord delivered us. Men concluded it, many
affirmed it,  never  any  vessel came  to  these  parts;  but
the Lord brought it safe. Nay, if  you had heard what a
battle of men's tongues there was against it; why, the

 

1 Drake's Mather's Early New England, p. I 58.

2 The sermon was transcribed by Deacon Matthew Grant, of
Windsor, possibly from Mr. Hooker's notes and possibly from
shorthand notes of the discourse taken  by himself.    A portion
of  his  painfully difficult  manuscript  was  copied  by Dr.  J. H.
Trumbull and  published  in  the  "Hartford Evening  Press,"
Nov. 28, 1860, from which the extracts given in the text are
taken. The broken and ejaculatory character of the rhetoric
doubtless indicates the imperfect quality of the reporting.


102         LIFE   OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

merchant that brought it, the master that guided it,
the passengers that freighted it, it was  the  Lord, brethren,
that brought it, it was the  Lord that guided it;  and truly,
had it not been for  the  Lord  we might  have  perished.
Yea, we might have perished for want; but the Lord sent
us, as it were, drink out of the rock and meat from the
ravens, -- the Indians,  that  they should  bring  provision
and leave it  here;  it was  the  Lord  that  brought it! That
a company of poor men should  with  a boat fall upon such
a place, and then prepare for others coming, - it was the
Lord that did it!    If  anything could have hindered, either
by truth or falsehood, to keep men from coming to these
parts hitherto. it had been done; but yet, notwithstanding,
men's minds informed, their consciences convicted, their
hearts persuaded to come and to plant.  It is the Lord's
doing, because his mercy endureth forever!
     "The  time  unseasonable,  the  winter  hard,  the  corn

grown  not, --  we  could  not  expect  but  that  the  hand  of
the   Lord  was gone out against us;  and  truly, it may be it
was so.    O, it was because the  mercy of  the  Lord  endur­
eth  forever,  that  the  Lord  hath  preserved   us, --  against
the malice of devils, the  envy of  men, and  the  perverse­
ness  of   thos which  seemed  to  fear  God . . . . Let us,  

when we have seen the Lord in all, --  the Lord in the
sending of the ship and we not aware of it, -- the Lord in
bringing us  safe, in giving  us provisions ...  labour  to
have a heart more near unto Him, more endeared  unto
Him. In all those dealings of His, every expression  of
God's providence, it should have a touch or a turn, as it
were, upon the soul to draw the heart toward him."

 

In  these extracts Mr. Hooker distinctly indicates
his
belief -- a belief which doubtless his hearers
entertained with him - that the authorities in Massa­
chusetts discouraged emigration to Connecticut, and


IN  CONNECTICUT.       103

 

misrepresented the condition of things in the new
settlement to deter people from coming. The same
view of the attitude of the Massachusetts men comes
out in a letter written by Mr. Hooker to Governor
Winthrop just about the time this sermon was
preached. In this letter 1 Mr. Hooker says: --

"Before I express my observations, I must profess, by
way of preface, that what I shall write are not forged
imaginations and suppositions coined out of men's con­
ceits, but that which  is reported, cried openly, and  car­
ried by sea and land: secondly, my aim is not at  any
person, nor intendment to charge  any  particular,  with
you; because it is the common trade, that is  driven
amongst multitudes with you, and with which the heads
and hearts of passengers come loaded  hither,  and  that
with grief  and wonderment.  And the conclusion which
is aimed at from these reproaches  and practices  is this,
that we are a forlorn people, not worthy to be succoured
with company, and so neither with support.

"I will  particularize.  If inquiry be, what be the peo­
ple at Connecticut? the reply is, Alas, poor rash-headed
creatures, they rushed into a war with the heathen; and,
had not we rescued them, at so many hundred  charges,
they had been utterly undone.  In all which, you know
there is not a true sentence: for we did not rush into the
war; and the Lord himself did rescue, before friends.

" If, after much search for the settling of people, and
nothing suitable found to their desires, but toward Con­
necticut; if yet then they will needs go from the  Bay, go
any whither, be any where, choose any place, any
patent-

1 Transcribed from the Massachusetts archives in the
Secretary's office at Boston, by Dr.  J. H.  Trumbull,  and pub­
lished in the Connecticut   Historical   Society Collections,   i.
1-18, with notes.


104         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Narragansett, Plymouth, -- only go not to Connecticut.
We hear and bear.

"Immediately after winter, because there was likeli­
hood multitudes would come over, and lest any should
desire to come hither, then there is a lamentable cry raised,
that all their cows  at  Connecticut  are  dead, and  that  I
had  lost  nine  and only one  left, and  that was not  likely
to live, (when I never had but eight, and they never did
better than the last winter.) We hear still, and bear.

"And lest haply some men should .be encouraged to
come because of my  subsistence  or  continuance  here,
then the rumour is noised, that  I am weary of  my station;
or if  I  did  know whither to go, or  my  people  what way
to take, we would never abide: whereas such impudent
forgery is scant found in hell; for I profess I know not a
member in my congregation but  sits down  well  apayd
with  his  portion,  and  for  myself,  I  have said what  now
I write, if I was to choose, I would be where I am.

"But notwithstanding all this, the matter is not sure, and
there is some fear that some men will come toward Con­
necticut when ships come over; either  some have related
the nature of the place, or some friends invited them; and
therefore  care  must  be taken, and  is  by this  generation,
as soon  as  any ship arrives, that  persons  haste  presently
to board them, and when no occasion is offered, or ques­
tion propounded for Connecticut, then their pity to their countrymen is such that they cannot but speak the truth:
Alas, do you  think to go to Connecticut?  why, do you
long to be undone? If you do not, bless yourself from
thence; their upland will bear no corn, their meadows
nothing but weeds, and the people are almost all starved.
Still we hear, and bear.

"But may be these sudden expressions will be taken

as words of course, and therefore vanish away when once
spoken. Let it therefore be provided that the innkeepers
entertain their guests with invectives against Connecticut,


                            IN CONNECTICUT.

 

and those are set on with the salt, and go off with the
voyder.   If any hear and stay, then they be welcomed; but
if these reports cannot stop a man's proceeding, from mak­
ing trial, they look at him as a Turk, or as a man scant
worthy to live. Still we hear, and bear.

" I suppose you are  not a stranger  only in  Israel, nor
yet usually ignorant of these things, being they are  not
done in a corner, but in open streets, and not by some
frantic, forlorn creatures, or madmen, who know not nor
care what they say; but, before the ships can come to
anchor, whole boats are presently posted out to salute
persons, ordinarily, with such relations. The daily ex­
pressions of passengers report these, with much grief of
spirit, and wonder such wretched falsehoods should be
suffered amongst Christians."

It is altogether probable that there was considerable
ground for this impeachment by Mr. Hooker of the
attitude of the Massachusetts people toward the new
settlements in Connecticut. The coming away had not
been without friction, and the views of the Connecticut
people as to the proper management of public affairs
differed in some important particulars from the views
of those who controlled in Massachusetts. Still the
reply of Winthrop - of which, however, only an im­
perfect first draft on the back of another document is
preserved
1-- shows that  he regarded the  representa­
tions made by his reverend correspondent as exagger­
ated and indeed rather suited to make one "a little
merrye." He says: --

" You complain of the  slanderous  &  reproachfull
speeches of some of ors; they report that yor cattle doe

l    Life and Letters of  John Winthrop, ii. 421.


106        LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

 

not  thrive, that  yr ground  is barrin  &c:  these are more
l
ike the  speeches of  a  prophet  . .  .  I  know  you  trouble
not yor thoughts wth these things exceept it be for recrea­
tion, it is well they have no worse matter to laye to yor
charge; if they had added that  you  had  kept  polluted
night assemblys, & worshipped the head of an asse &c:
then they had sett on wth the weight of the old current
stampe.

"Yet if  you  could  shewe  us  the  men that reproached
you, we  should  teache  them  better  manners,  than  to
speake  evill  of   this  good  land  God  hath  brought  us  to,
& to  discourage  the  hearts  of  their  brethren:  only  you
may beare a  little  wth  the  more  moderate  of  them,  in
regard that one of yors opened the doore to all that have
followed & for that they may  conceive  it  as  lawfull  for
them  to  discourage  some  wth  us from  forsakinge  us  to
goe to you, as for yors to plott by incouragmts &c. to drawe
Mr.  Shepherd  &  his wholl  church  from  us.   Sic  fama
est."

The main topic of this correspondence between Mr.
Hooker and Governor Winthrop  was  not,  however,
the question of a more or less tangible misrepresenta­
tion of the state  of  things  in Connecticut.  It had  to
do with the incipient movements toward a Confeder­
ation of the colonies,  the  first  steps  toward  which
seem   to  have   been   taken  at  the  time  of   the  synod
of the elders and messengers of the churches, called
together the year before, in August, 1637, about the
theological  views  of  Mrs.  Anne   Hutchinson.    For
the
sake of preserving, so far as  possible,  chronolog­
ical
sequence in our narrative, it  may  be best  here,
rather than elsewhere, to speak of that synod and its
occasion.


IN   CONNECTICUT.    107

 

The trouble which called for the ecclesiastical
council had begun a considerable time previous. Mrs.
Hutchinson joined the Boston church on Nov.  2,
1634.     At that time some objection was made to
the opinions she held and expressed on the voyage
over.1 But she seems  to  have  had  in  that  trans­
action, as well as in some other of her earlier pro­
cedures,  the  support  of  Mr.  Cotton, who had stood
in  a  pastoral  relation  to her in England. Her husband
is described as being a suitable man for a strong­
minded woman, -- "a man of  very mild  temper and
weak  parts,  and wholly guided  by  his  wife." 2 She
was soon followed to this country by her  brother-in­
law, Rev. John Wheelwright, whom it was speedily
proposed  to associate with Mr. Wilson  and  Mr. Cot­
ton in the care of the Boston church, -- a project,
however, which failed.

Mrs. Hutchinson was a woman of kind heart, quick
wits, and persuasive address. Her visitations of the
sick, and ministrations especially in the maternal
exigencies of her sex, won for her the affection and
sympathy of many. She soon established a kind of
weekly conference, or Bible-reading as it would  now
be called, at which she gathered a large number of
women and unfolded her peculiar views, and criticised
the ministers with the  exception  of  Mr. Cotton  and
M
r. Wheelwright.

Her peculiar views were, as Winthrop says, "that
the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justified per­
son. That no sanctification can help to evidence to

1  Hutchinson, ii. 488, 493, 494.      2 Winthrop, i. 356.


108         LIFE   OF   THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

us our justification."1 The language is archaic  in
modern ears,  but the idea is not an  unfamiliar  one in
the religious history of many periods, -- that a kind of
incarnation of the Divine Spirit exists in every Chris­
tian, and that every man's evidence that he  is  a
Christian is an immediate perception  of  the fact, and
not an inference from any improvement of his char­
acter.    Mrs.  Hutchinson's  doctrine  was  that  to  look
to any signs, like love of  the truth or the transforma­
tion of the conduct, as tokens that a man was a saved
man, was  to  be  under  a "covenant  of  works."    The
 "covenant of grace " demanded that every Christian
should know he was a saved man by an immediate
intuition or disclosure of the fact. These notions, as
Winthrop says, had "many branches."   They led out
into exaggerated ideas of the possibility of present
revelations, and into depreciated conceptions of the
moral virtues. They prompted naturally to contemp­
tuous estimates of the value of learning in religious
matters, and to exalted claims to immediate inspira­
tion. The seed fell into heated soil; the whole com­
munity was alive with the excitement. Some were
intoxicated with the assurance of personal salvation;
some, wanting the declared indispensable illumina­
tion, were overwhelmed with despair.   One woman of
the Boston congregation, long troubled with  doubts,
was driven  to  distraction, and  threw  her  child  
into a well, saying, "now she was sure she should be
damned."2

The partisans of Mrs. Hutchinson were cheered by

1  Winthrop, i. 239.    2  Ibid. 282.


IN  CONNECTICUT.     109

the support of the young governor, Henry Vane, and
by the supposed sympathy of Mr. Cotton; and they
rejoiced in proclaiming themselves the representatives
of a peculiarly full and free gospel. They claimed
that under the direct enlightenment of the Spirit their
women and unlettered men preached better than the
"black-coats" taught in the " ninnyversity," -- a
designation whose feminine and Hutchinsonian origin
it is impossible to question. The matter divided
households, and entered into general politics. The
Hutchinsonian   party looked   coldly on the efforts
to assist Connecticut in the Pequot war, alleging that
the Massachusetts " officers and soldiers were too
much under a covenant of works."

The churches of the entire colony were turmoiled;

that of Boston was nearly rent  asunder. The pas­
tor, Mr. Wilson, supported by Mr. Winthrop and a
few others, were on the one side; Mr. Cotton and a
majority of the church were on the other. A meet­
ing of the General Court, in December, 1636, called
together the ministers and elders to consider the
troubles.1 Mr. Wilson charged the difficulty on the
spread of the new Hutchinsonian opinions;  where­
upon his church, led by Mr. Cotton, his associate,
summoned him to answer for it publicly.2

A general Fast was observed on the 19th of Janu­

ary, 163 7, in view of the "dissension in the churches"
and other evils. Mr. Wheelwright, at the afternoon
service in the Boston church, preached  a  sermon
which, in the heated  temper of the  time, was under-

l    Winthrop, i. 248.        2  Ibid. 250.


110           LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

 

stood to be an assault on the anti-Hutchinsonian party
as "antichrists.'' 1

The Court judged him guilty of sedition. The Bos­
ton church interposed with a  petition  in  his behalf.
The   excitement was  so  great  that  it was determined
to hold the next Court of Election away from Boston,

- at Newtown.   At that assembly, which was on the
17th of May, -- just as the Massachusetts and Con­
necticut soldiers were drawing near to the Pequot
encampment, - matters came near to physical vio­
lence.2 Mr. Wilson, the pastor of the Boston church,
climbed a tree in the field where the voters were
assembled, and addressed them from among the
branches.3 The whole question of officers  for  the
colony turned on the  Hutchinsonian views.   The  re­
sult showed that the sympathizers,  though many, were
in a minority. Governor Vane  lost  his election, and
soon returned to England.

His defeat and departure removed one strong pillar
of the delusion. Cooler counsels began to prevail.
A day of humiliation was appointed in the churches
for the 24th of July.  By the coming of August
matters were in a better condition for deliberate
consideration. In April previous Mr. Hooker had
written to Mr. Shepard,  of  Newtown, -- who, in the
October following, was to become his son-in-law, --
advising against a council on the Hutchinsonian mat­
 ters.4  He wrote also, just about the same time, a

1 Winthrop, i. 256. But see as to its real quality, Ellis's
Puritan Age, p. 322.
 Winthrop, i. 262.         Hutchinson, i. 61, note.    4 Ibid, 63.


 

 

IN CONNECTICUT.       111

 

sympathetic letter to Governor Winthrop on the posi­
tion the Governor had taken in the affair:1 --

"When I first heard of those heavy distractions which
have risen  so vnexpectedly, I  did  reioyce  from  the root
of my heart,  that the  Lord  did & hath  gratiously  kept
you from any taynt of those new-coyned conceits. You
know my playnnesse: you  cannot  keepe  your comfort,
nor an honorable respect in Christ in the hearts of His,
more then in keeping close to the truth. You shall have
what interest I have in heaven to help you in that work."

But when August came, either he had changed his v
iews about a council, or the state of things had
changed; for on the 5th of that month  Mr. Hooker
and Mr. Stone arrived in the  Bay from Connecticut
by way of Providence, and "1fr. Ludlow, Mr. Pyn­
cheon, and about twelve more," also arrived by
another route, as delegates to the same assembly,
bringing with them the Pequot skins and scalps before
spoken of. The time till August 30th was spent in
preliminary consultations, and the 24th was observed
as a day of fasting and prayer.

The synod opened its sessions on the 30th of

August.  It was com posed of all the ministerial elders
in the country- about twenty-five in number -- and
delegates from the churches. Mr. Shepard began the
deliberations with a
'" heavenly prayer." Rev. Peter
Bulkley, of Concord, and Mr. Hooker, of Hartford,
were chosen Moderators. The sessions continued
twenty-two days.   As a result  of  the  deliberations a
list of  eighty-two  opinions,  more  or  less  intimately

1    4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 389, 390.


112            LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

connected with the recent controversy, were con­
demned as  "some  blasphemous, others
erroneous,
and all unsafe."1

It was  further  resolved,  with  special reference  to

1 Winthrop, i. 284. Some of these condemned  opinions,
phrased in antique style, are  recognizable  enough  in
their  modern  masquerading  attire to justify  the   reproduction
of a few of them here. --

'' 4. That those that bee in Christ are not under the law and
commands of the Word, as the rule of life.''

" 20.  That to call in question whether God be my cleare Fa­
ther after or upon the commission of some hainous sinnes (as murther, incest &c.) cloth prove a man to be in the covenant of works"

"39.  The due search  and  knowledge  of  the   Holy Scripture
is not a safe and sure way of finding Christ."

"40. There is a testimony of the Spirit, and voyce unto the
soule, meerely immediate, without any respect unto or concur­
rence with the Word."

" 43. The Spirit acts most in the saints when they indeavour least."

"47. The seale of the  Spirit  is limited  onely to the  imme­
diate witnesse of the  Spirit, and doth  never witnesse to any
worke of grace, or to any conclusion by a syllogisme."

"56. A man is not effectually converted till he hath full
assurance."

"64. A man must take no notice of his sinne, nor of his
repentance for his sinne."

"70. Frequency or length of holy duties, or trouble of con­
science for neglect thereof, are all signes of one under a
covenant of workes."
"72. It is a fundamentall  and soule-damning errour to make
sanctification an evidence of justification."

'' 77 Sanctification is so farre from evidencing a good estate
that
, it darkens it rather; and a man  may  more clearely see
Christ when he seeth no sanctification than when he doth:
the darker my sanctification is, the brighter is my justification.
"


 

IN   CONNECTICUT.            113

Mrs. Hutchinson's Bible-readings, that though fe­
males meeting, "some few together," for prayer and
edification might  be  allowed, yet  that " a set assem­
bly  ...   where  sixty or more  did  meet  every week,
and one woman ... took  upon  her the whole  exer­
cise," was "disorderly and without rule.'' 1

The synod broke up on the  22d of September, and
on the following 26th Mr. Davenport, afterward of
New Haven, preached  by its appointment  a sermon
of gratulation  and good counsel.   The expenses of
the delegates at Newtown and in travel from Con­
necticut were paid at the colonial charge.2 And so
after more than two months' absence, Mr.  Hooker
and Mr. Stone had a chance to go back to Hartford |
again.

Poor Mrs. Hutchinson - the enthusiastic, kind­
hearted, pious, and erroneous occasion of all these dis­
turbances -- was soon after called before the Court for
continuing her " disorderly" meetings, and promul­
gating the opinions which, with less or more accuracy
of statement or inference, the synod had condemned.
She was awhile committed to Mr.  Cotton's care,  to
be reasoned with by him and Mr. Davenport; and
subsequently was brought before  the  Boston  church
for trial. The  trial was  in  March, 1638, and was on
two successive lecture-days, the  15th  and  22d,  and
was held "befr all  the Elders of  other Churches,  and
the Face of the Country." The  "saintly" Thomas
Shepard and Mr. Welde, of Roxbury, appeared in the

 

1    Winthrop, i. 286.         2 Ibid, 283.

                                             8


114         LIFE   OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

character of prosecutors. It is a melancholy story.1
The attempt was made to force upon her  the  avowal
of immoral opinions concerning the relations of the
sexes,  which   her   reverend   accusers  declared  would
"necessarily follow " 2 as  consequences from her
views concerning  the  resurrection. But this attempt
was vain. With all a pure woman's indignation she
repudiated the imputation. " I  hould  it  not  .  .  .  I
abhor that Practise." 3 Surrounded by the adroit dia­
lecticians of the Church and State, Mrs. Hutchinson
made a substantial retraction of most, certainly, of the
errors imputed to her, but was entangled in a labyrinth
of   confusions between her "Judgement" and her
"Expressions," and  particularly as  to  the  time when
she had first held and proclaimed her opinions. The
church, through the mouth of Pastor Wilson, pro­
nounced sentence of excommunication for her "Erors"
 
and "forasmuch as yow have made a Lye." 4 It is
impossible to read this trial without sympathy for the
poor hounded woman, who, whatever her extravagances
and errors, was put as much at a disadvantage before
that tribunal as was ever victim of High Commission
or Inquisition.     Nor is it possible, either, to wink out
of sight the fact that exasperating and disquieting as
were her procedures at home, it was  largely because
of their apprehended effect  in  the  old  country  that
such severity of treatment was accorded to her.

l See  Hutchinson's  History, ii.,  appendix;  and  Report  of
Trial of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d
series, iv. I 59-191.
  2  Report  of  Trial.      3 Ibid.        4    Ibid.


IN  CONNECTICUT.               115

 

Following her sentence of deliverance" up to Sathan,"
and banishment "as a Leper . . . owt of the con­
gregtion,"
came, on the 28th of the month, her sen­
tence of banishment from the colony. The exiled
woman, whom the eye of modern sympathy follows
with regret, soon after became a widow, moved to the Dutch
frontier, and was, about six years later, with all her chil­
dren but one of  eight  years,  killed  by  the  Indians.
Her views were erratic, and her procedures in the
existing state of things were probably to some real
extent dangerous; but it may be hoped  and  believed
that heaven was wide enough for her after all.

Her name, however, continued for many years a
name of evil omen in New England; a curious illus­
tration of which fact may come appropriately at this
point into our story of Mr. Hooker. Perhaps the only
recorded saying of Mr. Hooker's wife, Susannah, is
quoted in a letter of  her  husband's  from  Hartford,
about one of the alleged judgments which, in 1637,
befell a near relative of Mrs. Hutchinson's who was
"infected with her herisies." Mr. Hooker writes:

"While I was thus musing and thus writing, my study
where I was writing and the chamber where my wife was
sitting, shook as we thought with an earthquake, by the
space of half  a  quarter  of  an   hour.  We both percieved
it and presently went down. My maid in the kitchen
observed  the  same.   My wife said it was the devil that
was displeased that we confer about this occasion."
1

It was said earlier in this chapter that the- first
movements toward the confederation of the colonies

1 Magnalia, ii. 449.


116         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

-- which was the  main  topic  of  the  letters  between
Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Hooker from which quotations
were there made - were apparently undertaken at the
time of the Hutchinson Synod in  Boston. In whose
mind the scheme of union first originated it is proba­
bly impossible to say. The need of such union arose
from
the common interests and common perils of the
colonies themselves. The Dutch and the Indians
drove them together in mutual defence. There is
apparently no adequate ground for suggesting 1 a
Netherland origin for a union which the necessities of
the situation itself adequately explain. Plymouth,
whose Netherlandish experiences were greatest, was
not even present at the original conference on the
matter.2 As a result of this conference, articles of
union were first proposed by Massachusetts, and
"drawn probably by Governor Winthrop himself."3
Connecticut, however, objected to the binding power
of  a majority-vote  of the commissioners  as proposed
by Massachusetts. A difference of judgment, further­
more, as to what ultimate authority opposing views
on points controverted among the colonies should be
referred for decision
-whether to the people as a
whole or to the magistrates only -- entered into the

1 J. Q.  Adams, 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ix. 211;  Palfrey, i.
323; Doyle) i. 306. If a foreign exemplar, however, must be
found for so natural an arrangement, why not refer to the
Confederation of Switzerland, vastly older than Holland's, and
known, by residence  under  its protection, by English Puritans
for generations?
    2   Winthrop,  i. 283, 284.
   3 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 1,  Dr. Trumbull's note.


IN   CONNECTICUT.             117

debate, and was topic of opposing opinion in the
correspondence between Mr. Winthrop and   Mr.
Hooker, wherein Mr. Hooker took, as usual, the
democratic side.     But the   probable   immediate cause
of the temporary breaking off of the negotiations for
federation was the claim of Massachusetts to jurisdic­
tion over Agawam (Springfield), whose inhabitants had
accounted themselves a part of the Connecticut Colony,
and had acted with those of Connecticut in establish­
ing the government which followed   the   expiration of
the Massachusetts commission in March, 1637.1 The
plan of union was not however   abandoned, but was,
as there will be occasion hereafter to notice, prose­
cuted by the personal endeavours of both the eminent
men whose correspondence had disclosed so consider­
able diversity of opinions, and was ultimately carried
into successful accomplishment.

1 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 13, and Dr. Trumbull's note.


 

 

 

118         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

 

                                       CHAPTER  VI.

      HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT.
                       SECTION II.

The birthplace of American democracy is Hartford.

JOHNSTON'S Connecticut, 73.

 

RETIJRNED to Hartford after the Hutchinsonian
Synod in the autumn of 1637, Pastor  Hooker  doubt­
less found the interests of the scarcely yet more than
one-year-old settlement demanding his care. The
winter following was, as has been seen,1 a "sad, sharp"
one, in which many  men  and  cattle  lost  their  lives.
In the opening spring the first steps were taken to­
ward the more permanent meeting-house before re­
ferred to,2 in place of the temporary structure till this
time employed for the purpose.

But the chief occurrence which makes this, year
memorable was the preparation in it for the establish­
ment of that written Constitution of popular govern­
ment which the first few weeks of the following year
were to see formally adopted, and which is not only
an instrument of unique and intense interest to all
students of democratic institutions, but  is  in  some
sense Mr. Hooker's most distinguishing and abiding
monument.

1  Ante, p. 101.      2 Ante, p. 95.


                          IN  CONNECTICUT.                119

 

The preliminary. motions toward the establishment
of this distinctively democratic Constitution are very
imperfectly recorded.  In a true sense they began in
the differences which developed in the Bay govern­
ment before the Connecticut settlers left that juris­
diction, and which were, as has been pointed out,1
among the efficient causes of  that  removal. Any
careful student of the early history of the Bay Colony
cannot fail to see  that  there is all through  it  a con-
stant  struggle  between the two  conflicting  princi­
ples of aristocracy and democracy, and that the
Connecticut secession was but one of its earlier
manifestations. It was in the communities afterward
emigrating to the river that dissatisfaction with the
principle of authority earliest and most distinctly
showed itself.  In 1631 Watertown  had  objected  to
the levying of taxes by the Governor and Assistants
without consent  of  the  people.2  In  1632 Newtown
was agitated about the limits of the authority exercised
by the Governor, "whether by  the  patent  or  other­
wise;" and  a  conference  between  the  Deputy  and
the Governor in the presence of the leading  Elders of
the colony was had on the subject.3   In 1634 the dep­
uty of Dorchester to the General Court was disabled
from bearing office for three years for denying the
magisterial authority of the Governor and Assistants.4

The Massachusetts government was not, and was
never intended to be, democratic. Its chief civil ad-

1    Ante, pp. 87-89.   2  Winthrop, i. 84.

3   Ibid. 98-104.

4  Ibid. 185, 186, and  Col. Rec., i. 135, 136.


120        LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

ministrator --  a man of the  largest nobility and  purity
of character -- had much of the predisposition toward
the  established  in religion and politics  characteris­
tic of most  men of family and position in his time;
and its chief religious representative and counsellor
affirmed : " Democracy I do not conceive that ever
God did ordain as a fit government either for Church
or Commonwealth."

How the company who were associated with Mr.
Hooker in his temporary Newtown  residence  felt  on
the questions at issue between  magisterial  and  pop­
ular rights, was significantly indicated by the fact that
when, in 1634, the Assistants voted negatively on
Newtown's petition for removal, and the Deputies voted
 affirmatively, and  dispute  arose  about  the effect  of
the vote, the Newtown people took the vote  of  the
lower house as granting all necessary authority, and
made no further application for leave.

What Mr. Hooker's own personal position on the
general question of the rights of  magistrates and peo­
ple was, cannot be open to question. An early
chronicler says: "After  Mr. Hooker's corning over  it
was observed that many of  the freemen grew  to  be
very  jealous  of  their  liberties."1   And  thi jealousy
for popular liberty which his Massachusetts associates
must have observed in him and borrowed encourage­
ment from, found in this year of the preliminary
procedures for the establishment of the Connecticut
Constitution two most signal manifestations.

In the correspondence with Mr. Winthrop, written

1 Hubbard's General History, p. 165.


IN  CONNECTICUT.         121

 

in the autumn of 1638, Mr. Hooker  in  the  plainest
terms avows his broadly democratic sentiments. Mr.
Winthrop had written: 1 --

" I expostulated [with Mr. Hooker] about the unwar­
rantableness and unsafeness of referring matter of counsel
or judicature to the  body of the  people, quia the best part
is  always  the least,  and  of  that  best  part the wiser part
is always the lesser. The old law  was, choose ye out
judges, etc., and thou shalt bring the matter before the
judge, etc."

Whether, as Governor Winthrop's distinguished de­
scendant and biographer contends,2 this statement of the
Governor's views referred "only to matters of ' counsel
or judicature,' which not even the  democracy of  our
own days would willingly submit to the 'body of the
people,' " or not, Mr. Hooker certainly seems to have
taken it in a broader sense. He replied:8 --

" I fully assent to those staple principles which you set
down; to wit, that the people should choose some from
amongst them -   that they should refer matter of counsel
to their counsellors, matter of judicature to their judges:
only,  the  question  here  grows -   what  rule  the   judge
must have to judge by; secondly who those counsellors
must be.

"That in the matter which is referred to the judge, the
sentence should lie in his breast, or be left to his discre­
tion according to which he should go, I am afraid it is a
course which wants both safety and warrant. I must

I    Winthrop, ii. 428.

2 Robert C. Winthrop's Life and Letters of John Winthrop,

ii. 237.

3   Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. II,        12.


122         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

confess, I ever  looked at it as  a way which leads  directly
to tyranny, and  so to confusion, and  must plainly profess,
if it was in my liberty, I should choose neither to live nor
leave my posterity under such a government. Sit  liber
judex,  as  the  lawyers  speak.  17  Deut.,  10, 11  --    Thou
shalt observe to do according to all that they inform, ac­
cording to the sentence of tlze Law. Thou shalt seek the
Law at  his mouth:  not  ask  what his discretion  allows,
but what the Law requires. And therefore the Apostles,
when the rulers and high  priest passed sentence against
their preaching, as prejudicial to the State, the  Apostle
Peter made it not dainty to profess  and  practice  contrary
to their charge, because their  sentence  was  contrary to
law, though they might have pretended discretion  and
depth  of  wisdom  and  policy in  their  charge….

"It's also a  truth  that  counsel  should  be  sought  from counsellors; but the  question  yet  is,  who  those should
be.   Reserving smaller  matters which fall in occasionally
in common course, to a lower counsel,  in matters  of
greater consequence,  which  concern  the  common  good,
a general counsel chosen by all, I conceive, under favour,
most suitable to rule and most safe for relief of the whole.
This was the practice of the Jewish Church, directed by
God, Deut. 17: 10, 11; 2 Chron. 19; and the approved
experience  of  the  best ordered  States give in evidence
this way."

 

It  has  been well  said  by a  late  historian  of  Con­
necticut,  that this "letter to Winthrop  might  be made
the  foundation  of  the  claim  that  he  [Mr.  Hooker]
had supplied the spirit of the Connecticut Constitu­
tion." Its  definite  formulation  of  the  demand  for

 

 1 Alexander Johnston's Connecticut, p. 71.    See, also, Fiske's

Beginnings of New England, p. 124.


IN  CONNECTICUT.              123

 

some rule of determination in civil matters above the
"discretion of the magistrates," which the people in
Massachusetts had asked for, but found " most of the
magistrates and some of the elders not to be very
forward " 1  about;  and  its  preference  of  the counsel
of the whole people rather than the advice of " the
ministers of the churches," as Mr. Cotton  contended
for,2 and  Mr. Winthrop  practised,3 mark very clearly
the lines on which the Constitution was framed, and
fairly  indicate  the  principles  which  that  document,
for the first time in human history, put into statutory
form.

But  Mr. Hooker's  title  to be regarded  as the father
of the Connecticut Constitution does not rest on any
inference from his general position or from sentiments
expressed  in  a  letter like the one  above  quoted.   It
has very direct and conclusive support from another
source, - support so direct and conclusive that it is
regarded as altogether demonstrative by all late writers
who have had occasion to notice and estimate its
significance.

For  the  discovery of  this  interesting fact, not only
in Mr. Hooker's story but in the  story  of  constitu­
tional  history  generally,  indebtedness   is  due  to  the
distinguished  antiquarian   scholar,  Dr.  J. Hammond
Trumbull, of Hartford; to whom  obligation is owing
also for the discovery and identification, in its mis­
placed position in the Massachusetts archives, of the
letter  of  Mr.  Hooker  repeatedly  quoted from above.
In  this  case  Dr. Trumbull  had a harder  and  a  still

 Winthrop, i. 388, 389.       2  Ibid.  283.      3    Ibid. 300.


124         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

more rewarding task.  The evidence lay nearly two
and a quarter centuries, undeciphered and unconjec­
tured, in a little manuscript book which belonged to
Mr. Henry Wolcott, Jr., of Windsor, now in the
possession of the Connecticut Historical Society; and
of which Dr. Trumbull says,1--

"This volume, of about five inches long by four wide,
contains 380 pages, closely written, in cipher, -- compris­
ing notes of  sermons  and lectures  by Mr. Warham and
Mr. Huit of Windsor, and Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone at
Hartford, from April  19, 1638, to April 29, 1641, in regu­
lar course. These notes give the dates, texts, and general
outline of each discourse;  and the questions discussed at
the meetings for conference and for catechising, &c. The
alphabet made use of is nearly the  same with  that  of
Willis (published in 1607), but the great number  and
variety of arbitrary signs introduced  by the writer  make
the task of deciphering a difficult one.''

The sermon in which we are particularly interested
was preached by Mr. Hooker at an adjourned session
of the General Court of April, 1638. "To this Court,
undoubtedly," Dr. Trumbull says,2 "though the records
are silent on this point, was intrusted the formation of
the first Constitution, which was formally adopted in
January, 1639. Mr. Hooker's sermon, or rather lecture,
 
was delivered on Thursday, May 3 r, 1638, at an ad­
journed session, probably, of the April Court, and was
 
apparently designed to lead the way to the general
recognition of the great truths which were soon to be
successfully incorporated in the Fundamental Laws."

1 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 19.      2 Ibid. 19, 20.


                  IN  CONNECTICUT.            125

 

This interesting and important utterance in constitu­
tional history is given, in all that remains of it, here:1

"Text: Deut. 1: 13. 'Take you wise men, and un-
derstanding, and known among your tribes, and I will
make them rulers over  you.' Captains over thousands,
and captains over hundreds - over fifties - over tens, &c.
"Doctrine.  I. That the choice of public magistrates
belongs unto the people by Gods own allowance.

" II. The privilege of election, which belongs to the
 
people, therefore must not be exercised according to their
humors, but according to the blessed will and law of God.
"III. They who have the power to appoint officers and
magistrates, it is in their power, also, to set the bounds
and limitations of the power and place unto which they
call them.

"Reasons. 1. Because  the  foundation of  authority is
laid, firstly, in the free consent of the people.

"2.   Because, by a free choice, the hearts of the people
will be more inclined to the love of the persons [chosen]
and more ready to yield [obedience.]

"3.  Because of that duty and engagement of the people.
" Uses. The lesson taught is thr
eefold:

"1st There is matter of  thankful  acknowledgement, in
the [appreciation] of God's  faithfulness  toward  us, and
the permission of these measures that God doth  com­
mand and vouchsafe.

"2ndly. Of  reproof --  to dash  the  conceits of  all  those
that shall oppose it.

"3rdly Of exhortation -- to persuade  us,  as  God  hath
given us liberty, to take it.

"And lastly - as Goel hath spared our lives, and given
them in liberty
, so to seek the guidance of God, and to
choose in God and for God."

1 Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 20,  21.


126        LIFE  OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Such is the meagre outline, written by an occasional
hearer's hand, of a discourse preached before an
elected assembly of legislators charged with the  busi­
ness of framing a body of laws for a new common­
wealth. It was a discourse preached by the recognized
 leader of the colony, by a man of profound scholarship
and of persuasive pulpit eloquence measured by the
standards of the universities and churches of the
home  land. It was  a  discourse  which,  meagre  as  it
is in outline, was probably elaborated at great length
under every head,  and may  have   taken an  hour  or
two  hours  in  delivery. Can any one question the
effect of those novel  propositions on the  minds  of
those men in the wilderness setting up the fabric of a
new popular  government?  Can any one read those
clear definitions  of  the source, the   limitations,  and
the warrant of all authority in human government, and

-

 
not recognize the formulation of a new principle in
political science?  Can any one put  this  brief  docu­
ment beside   the  body  of  Fundamental   Laws  which
this legislative assembly a few months  later  promul­
gated, and not  recognize  from  whose  far-seeing  mind
the inspiration and distinctive character of  those  laws
came   forth? The evidence is too plain for ques-
tion
. Whose hand  soever  may in  detail  have phrased
and  formulated the Fundamental Laws, --  
and Haynes
and Ludlow and other men there were who  might
have  done  it, -- the  outline  of principle  and  idea,
the  inspiration and spirit of them, were Thomas

Hooker's.  It is impossible not to recognize the

illuminating mind and  guiding will.  The   pastor of


                        IN  CONNECTICUT          127

 

the Hartford church was Connecticut's great legislator
also.

And this fact has  been  recognized  by those who
have most carefully investigated the evidence. Dr.
Leonard Bacon says:1 --

"That sermon  by Thomas Hooker from the pulpit of
the First Church in Hartford, is the earliest known
suggestion of a fundamental law, enacted not by royal
charter, nor by concession from any previously existing
government, but by the people themselves, --  a  primary
and supreme law by which the government is constituted,
and which not only provides for the free choice of magis­
trates by the people, but also 'sets the bounds and limi­
tations of  the power and  place to which' each  magistrate
is called."

To the same effect is the utterance of Professor Alex­
ander Johnston: 2 --

"Here is the first practical assertion of the right of the
people not only to choose but to limit the powers of their
rulers, an assertion which lies at the foundation of the
American system. There is no reference to 'dread sov­
ereign:' no reservation of deference to any class, not even
to the class to which the speaker himself belonged. Each
 individual was to exercise his rights 'according to the
blessed will and law of God,' but he was to be  responsi­
ble to God alone for  his  fulfillment  of  the obligation.
The whole contains the germ of the idea of the Common­
wealth, and it was developed by his hearers into the Con­
stitution of 1639. It is on the banks of the Connecticut,
under the mighty preaching of Thomas Hooker, and in

 

1 Centennial Conference address, pp. 152, 153.

2   Connecticut,    p. 72.


 

128         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

the Constitution  to which  he gave life, if  not form, that
we draw the first breath  of  that  atmosphere  which  is
now so familiar to us."

So, also, John Fiske says of the Connecticut Con­
stitution of 1639: 1--

" It was the first written Constitution known to history
that created  a government, and  it  marked the beginnings
of American democracy, of which Thomas Hooker de­
serves more than any other man to be called  the  father.
The government of the United States to-day is in lineal
descent more  nearly related to  that  of  Connecticut  than
to that of any other of the thirteen colonies.''

And similarly, in his admirable address at the two
hundred and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  adoption  of
the Connecticut Constitution, Rev.  Joseph  Twichell
says of this utterance of Mr. Hooker: --

"In so few and such words did young Mr. Wolcott of

Windsor set  down the substance of  that great manifesto
 of  liberty;   how  little  deeming  that  his  jottings are  the
sole record  by  which  more  than  two  centuries  later  it
shall be redeemed from oblivion, and laurel with new and
imperishable honor the memory  of  the divine and  states­
man who gave it voice."

In the May following the adoption of the Consti­
tution in January, 1639, l\'Ir. Hooker and  Mr. Haynes,
the governor of  Connecticut,  went to  Boston  "and
staid near a month."    It was during  this visit  to  the
Bay that the curious personal incident occurred, illus­
trative, perhaps, of a certain trait of Mr. Hooker's
temperament alluded to before,1 and illustrative

1 Beginnings of  New England,  pp. 127, 128

2 Ante, p. &5 and note.


                  IN CONNECTICUT.          129

 

certainly, as a  late  commentator on the original
record which  preserves the  incident  for  us  remarks,1
of the " inordinate length " -- judged by modern
standards -- "of Mr. Hooker's sermons."     The story
as Governor Winthrop gives it is as follows:2 --

 

"Mr. Hooker being to preach at Cambridge, the gov­
ernour and many others went to hear him, (though the
governour did very seldom go from his own congregation
upon the  Lord's  day).  He  preached  in  the  afternoon,
and having gone on, with much strength of voice and
intention of spirit, about quarter of an hour, he was at a
stand, and told the people, that God  had deprived  him
both of  his strength  and matter, etc., and so went forth,
and about half an hour after  returned  again, and went on
to very good purpose about two hours."

 

The object of Mr. Hooker's and Governor Haynes's
visit to the Bay at this time was the renewal of
negotiations about the Confederation which had been
unsuccessfully begun two years before. They were
moved thereto by increasing apprehension of  their
Dutch neighbours, "who had lately received a new
governor," William Kieft, - an abler man than his
predecessor, "who did complain much of the  injury
done  to  them  at Connecticut." 3 Some agreement  or
"treaty" appears to have been successfully made or
"renewed''  between   the   Massachusetts  and  Con­
necticut    negotiators;    but   the   formal   ratification   of
a Conf
ederacy, which was the thing Hooker and

1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 244.

2 Winthrop,  i.  366.       3  Ibid. i. 36o.      4 Ibid.

                                                   9


130         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

Haynes  desired,  was   destined  still  awhile  to  delay.
It came soon, however, hastened  at  last  not only  by
the  increasing  vigour of   the   Dutch  administration
on the west, but by the breaking out of civil war in
England.

The long conflict of Puritanism and Prerogative on
the home soil had at last come to the arbitrament of
arms. No  one  could  say  how  it  would  eventuate.
But every consideration impelled the  communities
which were in substantial agreement with the Puritan
party in the conflict, on  this  side  of  the  water,  to
draw closer together and be ready for whatever might
happen. Accordingly, at the September session of the
General Court of Massachusetts, in 1642, "  propo­
sitions sent from Connecticut about a  combination"
were referred to  a  committee,  who  amended  them,
and sent " them back to Connecticut to be considered
upon against the spring, for winter was now approach­
ing, and  there  could  be no  meeting  before." 1 The
year following, 1643, saw the important enterprise con­
summated by the agreement of commissioners of the
various colonies in  twelve articles,  which  constituted
in effect, for certain matters of common interest, a
federal government under the title of the "United
Colonies of New England."2

Mr. Hooker,s satisfaction in this long-desired result,
and his hearty acknowledgment of the commanding
influence in securing its final attainment of the large­
minded governor of Massachu
setts, from whom he

1  Winthrop, ii. 102, 103.   Cf. Mass. Coll. Rec., ii. 16, 31.

 Winthrop, ii. 121, 127.


IN CONNECTICUT.   131

 

had sometimes differed in judgment on other matters,
is well expressed in the following beautiful letter:1 --

To his much Honored freind John Wyntropp Esquier,
Governor of the plantations in the Matcheshusets
 
Bay, dd.

MUCH HONORED IN OUR  BLESSED  SAVIOUR, -- At
the returne of our Magistrates, when I vnderstood the
gratious & desired successe of ther indeavor, and by the
ioynt relation of them  all, not only your christian readi­
nes, but enlarged faythfullnes in an especiall manner to
promote so good a work; though the appearance of flat­
tery (if I know myself & be knowne to you) be not only
crosse to my conscience but to my disposition, yet  my
heart would not suffer me but as vnfeynedly to acknowledge
the Lords goodnes, so affectionately to remember your
candid & cordiall cariage in a matter of so great conse­
quence; laboring by your speciall prudence to settle a
foundation of  safety  and  prosperity in  succeeding  ages:
a work which will be  found  not only for  your comfort,
but for  your crowne  at  the  great  day of  your  account.
Its  the greatest good that can befall a man  in  this world,
to be an instrument vndcr  God  to do a great  deale of
good. To be the repayrer of the breach,  was  of  old
counted matter  of  highest  prayse  &  acceptance  with
God & man: much more to be a meanes, not only to
mayntayne peace & truth in your dayes, but to leave both,
as a legacy to those that come after, vntill  the coming of
the Sonne of God in the clouds.

I know my place  & I would  not  abuse  your  pacience,

or hynder greater imployments: my ayme is nakedly this;
to be in the number, & to have my voyce with those, that
whyle your self and your faythfull Assistants (as Zerub­
babell & his fellow helpers) be laying the first stone of

 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 310, 311.


132        LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

 

the foundation  of  this  combynation  of  peace,  I  may
crye grace, grace to  your  indeavors.     And  by presenting
the worth  and  acceptableness  of  the  work  before  you,
to strengthen your hands, & encorage your hearts to
proceed on with blessing & successe. Goe on therefore
(worthy Sir) & be ever enlarged in  such  worthy  ser­
vices, & the God of truth & peace will ever be with you,
which he desires dayly to begg, who desires to be

Yours in all due respect

                                                             THO: HOOKER:

The 15th of the 5th mon: 1643:l    Sea-Brooke:

 

This important measure of Confederation, though
deficient in its power to reach individual citizenship,
or effectually to carry out the legislation  of  the
Union, -- much in the same way that the Confedera­
tion of the States was deficient a hundred and forty
years later, - was nevertheless the most important po­
litical step yet taken  by the colonies.  It could not
have been effected even a few years before under the
watchful eye of Laud and his
Privy Council, who had
the government of English colonial affairs in their
keeping. But  Laud  was  now in  prison.  The king
was an exile  from his own capital.   The time was

 

1              This  date  is  printed  in  the  ''Life  and  Letters  of  John

Winthrop," and in the Massachusetts Historical Society's
republication  of  this letter, as 1642;  but  the internal  evidence
of the letter itself, as well as the distinct indorsement  of it  by
Governor Winthrop as "Rec: ( 5) 24, 1643," settles its proper
dat
e; and as l\1r. Robert C. Winthrop, Jr., says  in  a  recent
letter  to  the  writer,  justifies  us  in "assuming that Hooker

either carelessly made his 3 to look like a  2,  or absent-mind­
edly wrote 2 for 3." See also Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society, May, 1891.


            IN   CONNECTICUT.            133

opportune for  the  establishment  of  a  union  which
had great immediate practical  benefits  as  well  as
large educative power in training the scattered colo­
nists of the little New England Commonwealths into
mutual  trust  and  confidence. It  was  also,  though
they knew it not, a prophecy and forerunner  of  a
greater Confederacy to come, which was to unite the
whole Atlantic seaboard settlements into one similar
combination, and prepare the  way  for  the  federal
union of the United States of America.


 

 


134         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

 

 

                                             VI.

                        HOOKER IN CONNECTICUT.
                                                                                                            
SECTION III.

   If any to this Platform can reply

With better reason, let this volume die:
But better argument if none can give,

Then Thomas Hookers Policy shall live.

SAMUEL STONE'S  Elegy.

 

THE turmoiled condition of affairs in England was
felt in New England in relation to other than political
matters only. The ecclesiastical ground-swell in the
home-land had its answering motions  here.   Puritan­
ism had been taking possession more and more of the
popular mind in the old country, and with the assem­
bling of  the Long Parliament in  r 640 the downfall of
the hierarchical system, whose arbitrary administration
by Laud had  been the  main  cause  of  the population
of the new settlements in America, was assured.

But the course of Puritanism  in  England  and  in
New England had been different. In England the
progress of dissent from the Establishment had taken
main direction toward Presbyterianism. In  New
England it had been almost exclusively toward Inde­
pendency. The churches of the new  settlements
modelled themselves more or less intentionally after


IN   CONNECTICUT.      135

that of Plymouth and of the exiles who had brought Congregationalism over with them from Scrooby and
Leyden.

This adoption of principles of ecclesiastical pro­
cedure divergent to some considerable extent from
those of the majority who in
England were generally
sympathetic with the American colonists in their Pu­
ritan views, had been the occasion already of much
correspondence between the leading men of the
Puritan party there and here.  In  1636  or  1637
"many ministers in Old England " sent inquiries to
their " Reverend Brethren in
New-England concern­
ing Nine Positions" supposed to be taken by the
churches of the New England colonies on important
points of ecclesiastical usage. This inquiry was fol­
lowed up in 1638 or 1639 by "two and thirty Ques­
tions" of similar character from the same source.
Answers to these interrogations were forwarded, -
- to
the first by Rev. John  Davenport, of  New  Haven,
and
to the second by Rev. Richard Mather, of
Dorchester.

The points covered by these inquiries and answers
embraced the whole scope of church  organization,
terms of membership, fellowship with English parishes,
office and responsibility of the ministry, power of the
laity,  doctrinal  standards,  and  authority  of  councils.
It  was  in  reference  to  the last point -- the authority
of councils, or synods,
as they were then commonly
called -- that divergence of views  here  and  in  Eng­
lish Puritanism most loudly manifested itself, though
there was perhaps almost equal difference of judgment


136         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

concerning the right of  each  church  to  institute  its
own ministry.

But as the conflict  in  England  between  the  king
and Parliament progressed, the tendency of Engli
sh
Puritanism  toward  Presbyterianism strengthened. It
was deemed best to secure the aid of an ecclesiastical
synod to settle the religious order of things  on  that
basis. As early as 1641 the  London  ministers  pro­
posed  to Parliament  the  calling  of  an Assembly, and
in  December  of  that  year the  Commons  mentioned
the matter as one of their desires in the Grand Re­
monstrance.1 A bill was passed for  the  purpose  in
1642, but failed for  want  of  the  royal  assent. The
final order for it, without the king's concurrence, was
June  12,   1643.    The  king, by  proclamation, forbade
the meeting, and  threatened  to  deprive of  their liv­
ings those who disobeyed. This  substantially  pre­
vented the " loyal " portion of the   Episcopalians
from attending, and added to the certainty of the
Presbyterian character of the result.

But an Assembly being  determined  on, the Ameri­

can divines were not  forgotten.  A letter  from the
Earl of Warwick, -- M
r. Hooker's old Chelmsford
friend and protector, -- Lord Say and Sele, Oliver
Cromwell, and some thirty other  minority members
of  Parliament,  "who  stood  for  the   independency
of churches," was sent  to  New  England,  inviting
Mr. Cotton, l\Ir. Hooker, and Mr. Davenport  to
"assist in the synod there appointed to consider and

 

1 Forster's Grand Remonstrance, pp. 263, 269.


IN CONNECTICUT.            137

advise  about  the  settling  of  church  government."1
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Davenport were inclined  to go;
the  former  the  more  because  in  the  course  of  his

Scripture expositions at that time he happened to
come upon a passage in the Acts which " led him to
deliver that doctrine of the interest all churches have
in each other's members for mutual helpfulness."
Mr.
Hooker, with characteristic sagacity, saw the possible

complications that might arise from participation in a
synod where the views of the New
England churches
were certain of rejection; and he sent word by the
messengers who came on from Boston with the invi­
tation  that  he "liked not the business, nor thought
it  any sufficient  call  for  them  to  go 
3000  miles
to  agree  with  three  men." 2  The "three men"  in
the Assembly who "stood for independency" were
in fact five from the outset, -- Thomas Goodwin,
Philip Nye, Jeremiah Burroughs, William Bridge, and
Sydrach Simpson. As the sessions went on, their
numbers doubled; but they were in a hopeless
minority.

The wisdom of Mr. Hooker's judgment was soon
affirmed  by letters from  Hugh  Peter  and  others "out
of England," advising  the  invited  American  divines
"to   stay  till they heard  further;  so this care came  to
an end."3 This assembly, which has  passed  into
history as the Westminster Assembly, was preponder­
antly  Presbyterian;  and  that   party  grew  stronger  in
it as its eleven hundred and sixty-three sessions advanced.

1    Winthrop, ii. 91, 92.                2  Ibid.        3 Ibid.


138         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

This growing,  though  temporary,  dominance of
Presbyterianism in England was not without its effect
 
in this country. It gave new vigour and encourage­
ment to a few ministers in the Massachusetts Colony,
whose views were more in accordance with that polity
 
than with the Congregational Way around them.   The
 
two excellent ministers of Newbury -- Thomas Par­
 
ker, the Pastor, and James Noyes, the Teacher - strongly sympathized with most of the Presbyterian
principles; and their church was much disquieted by
 
their advocacy of them.1

Fearful of the spread of these dissensions, it was
deemed best to  hold  a  meeting  of  the  ministers  of
the churches at Cambridge to emphasize Congrega­
tional principles. This assembly, sometimes errone­
ously called a synod, -- which character, however, it
lacked, being a meeting of ministers only, and these
non-delegated in  their  gathering,2 -- met in Septem­
ber, 1643,  and  was  composed  of  "all  the  elders  in
the country, (about 50  in  all,)  such  of  the  ruling
elders as would were present also, but none else." 3

Here, again, as in the Hutchinsonian Council, Mr.
Hooker was one of the  moderators;  his  associate  at
this  time  being  Mr. Cotton. "They sat  in  the  col­
lege, and had their diet there after the manner of
scholar's commons, but somewhat better, yet so or­
dered as it came not to above sixpence the meal for

l    Coffin's History of Newbury, pp. 72, II 5.
2  Sec Richard Mather's characterization of it, in his" Reply
to Rutherford," pp. 77, 78.
3  Winthrop, ii. 165.


IN   CONNECTICUT.     139

a  person…. The assembly  concluded  against  some
parts of the presbyterial way, and the Newbury
ministers took time to consider the arguments."1

Consideration of the "arguments"  was a chief  part
of the industry of the time on both  sides  of  the
Atlantic. A musketry-fire of pamphlets and a heavier
cannonade of  bulkier volumes answered  one  another
on  both sides of the controversy and  of the sea.   Two
or three lesser tractates by Mr. Cotton, published in
1641 and  1642, were  followed  about  the  latter  date
by the circulation in manuscript form of  his "Way of
the Churches of Christ in  New England."   To  these
was added, from  the  same  ever-ready pen, in  1644,
Mr. Cotton's celebrated treatise on the "Keyes of the
Kingdom  of  Heaven."   This was at  once  introduced
to the English public by Thomas Goodwin and Philip
Nye --   members  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  then
in session  as  setting  forth  that  "very Middle-way
. . . between that which is called Brownisme and the
Presbyteriall-government" which they had contended
for in the Assembly.2 To such of these American
tractates as were extant at the time of his writing,
Professor Samuel Rutherford, also a member of the
Assembly,
-and according to John Cotton a "chief
part" of it, - undertook a reply from the Presbyterian
point of view. He directed his answer mainly against
Cotton's "Way; " Mather's Reply to the "XXXII
Questions; " Mather's answer to Herle; and certain
treatises of John Robinson's.   Mr. Rutherford was an

1    Winthrop, ii. 165.
2 "Prefatory Letter" to the " Keyes.''


140        LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

able, courteous, and  learned man,  and  one  of  the
great lights  of  the Scottish church. He was familiar
with a wide range of the literature of the controversy,
and was the most competent man of the Presbyterian
party  to put the argument  for  that  polity  into  cogent
as w
ell  as  conciliatory  form. His  book  of  nearly
ei
ght hundred pages, entitled "The Due right of
Pr
esbyteries,"  and   a  volume   by  Rev.  John   Paget,
"A Defence of Chvrch Government exercised in
Presbyteriall, Classicall &  Synodical Assemblies,"
were deemed by our New Engl
and Congregationalists
deserving of answer; and notwithstanding Cotton's
"Keyes" came out about contemporaneously with
Rutherford's volume, a more explicit rejoinder to the
Presbyterian  treatises  was  deemed  expedient.   The
task of replying to Rutherford appears to have been
assigned   to   Mr.  Hooker,  and   the  answer  to  Paget
to Mr.  Davenport. The  result  of  this  partition  of
labor was the production of the two volumes, -- Dav­
enport's "Power of  Congregational  Churches,"  and
Mr. Hooker's "Survey of the Summe of Church­
Discipline."

These books had a curious history. At a meeting
held at Cambridge, July 1, 1645, "the elders of the
churches through all the Unit
ed Colonies ... con­
ferred their councils and examined the writings which
some of them had prepared," -- these of Hooker
and Davenport among the number, - "which being
agreed and perfected  were  sent  over  into  England
 to be printed."2

 London, 1644.        2 Winthrop, ii   304.


                      IN CONNECTICUT.            141

 

This is Winthrop's contemporaneous account of what
the meeting concluded upon. The books of Hooker
and Davenport were not however apparently fully
completed, and in point of fact were not sent till the
January following. They were then despatched in a
vessel sailing from New Haven, which was lost at sea
and was never heard of after; save in that spectral
phantom of a ship which two years and five months
later appeared sailing into New Haven harbor, and
which presently, in the sight of a crowd of witnesses,
vanished into smoke. This vision Mr. Davenport
declared had been given for the quieting of the hearts
of those who wondered where the lost vessel and its
precious conveyance of passengers had gone.1

Convinced of  the  loss  of  their  manuscripts,  the
two authors, Hooker and Davenport, re-wrote them;
though Hooker his very reluctantly, -- as he had
indeed reluctantly composed it  at  the  first, -- leav­
ing it at last unfinished, to be sent  over  and  printed
only after   his  death.  An "Epistle   to  the  Reader,"
by the hand  of  his  Hartford  friends  Edward  Hop­
kins and William Goodwin accompanies the repro­
duced treatise, and explains the circumstances of its
origin.

Mr. Hooker's "Survey" is a very able presentation
of the early New England view of the church and its
administration, as opposed to the Presbyterian con­
ception advocated by his distinguished opponent the
Professor of Divinity at St. Andrews, as well as by

1 Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 107; Atwater's New Haven Colony, pp. 208,209, and Appendix III. to that volume.


142            LIFE  OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

Samuel Hudson, whose writings are also traversed  in
Mr.  Hooker's reply. The "Survey" suffers, how­
ever, in comparison with such a book as the reader
easily sees might have been the product of the same
pen, by the necessity the author's task seemed to
impose upon him, rather to reply to Rutherford in
minute detail  than  to set forth  a  direct  treatise  of
his own on the subject.

It was perhaps this controversial aspect of  the mat­
ter which made him  so  reluctant to  undertake the
work at first. He says in the Preface of the book, -­
which from various indications seems to have been
also the  preface of the  book which was lost as well,
-- "I  can  professe  in a word  of  truth  that  against
mine own inclination and affection, I was haled by
importunity to this so hard a task." And his friends
Hopkins and Goodwin remark in their Epistle ac­
companying the  published  work:  "Some of  you  are
not ignorant with what strength of importunity he was
drawn to this present service, and with what fear and
care  he  attended it.  The weight and  difficultie  of
the work was duly apprehended by him, and he lookt
upon it, as somewhat unsutable  to  a  Pastor, whose
head and heart and hands, were full of  the  imploi­
ments  of  his  proper  place." It is matter  for  regret
that the  task  to  which  Mr.  Hooker was  thus "haled
by importunity " involved to such an extent the fol­
lowing the track of another's argument, instead of
formulating -- somewhat after the  model of  Cotton's
 ''Keyes," for example -- a treatise of church polity
untrammelled  by  the  necessity  of  polemic  analysis


IN   CONNECTICUT.        143

and rejoinder; for that  in  that  case we  might  have
had a document  unsurpassed and probably unequalled
in clear and vigorous statement of early Congrega­
tional principles by any other of New England origin,
this treatise as it stands, and especially the Preface,
abundantly shows.

In this Preface occurs a kind of summary  of the

principles set forth  in  the  body  of  the  book.  It is
a  paragraph of  importance  in  more  ways  than  one.
It not only gives as succinct a presentation of Con­
gregational principles then entertained as was ever
given, but it has the additional interest and value of
being a statement of positions concerning which Mr.
Hooker
says,--

" In all these I have leave to professe the joint judge­
ment of all the Elders upon the
river: Of  New-haven,
Guilford,   Milford,  Stratford,   Fairfield:   and  of  most  of
the Elders  of  the  Churches  in  the  Bay, to whom  I  did
send in particular, and did receive approbation  from
them, under their hands: Of the  rest (to  whom  I  could
not send) I  cannot so affirm: but this I can say, That 
at
 a common meeting1 I was desired by them all, to publish
what now I do."

On all grounds, therefore, this brief statement of
Congregational principles formulated by Mr. Hooker
and assented to by the " elders of the Churches through
all the United Colonies,"2 requires a place here.

"If the Reader shall demand how far this way of
Church-proceeding receives approbation by any common

1
Doubtless the meeting of July 1, 1645, at which the agree­
ment to reply to "many books coming out of England" was
entered into at Cambridge. Sec ante, p. 140.
2 Winthrop, ii. 304.


144         LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

concurrence amongst us: I shall plainly and punctually
expresse my self in a word of truth, in these following
points,
viz.

Visible Saints are the only true and meet  matter,
whereof a visible Church should be
gathered, and con­
faederation is the form.

The Church as Totum essentiale, is, and may be, before
Officers.

There is no Presbyterial! Church  (i.e. A Church  made
up of the Elders of many Congregations appointed Clas­
sickwise, to rule all those Congregations) in the N. T.

A Church Congregationall is the first subject of  the
keys.

Each Congregation compleatly constituted of all Offi-
cers, hath sufficient power in her self, to exercise  the
power of the keyes, and all Church discipline, in all the
censures thereof.

Ordination is not before  election.

There ought to be  no  ordination  of  a  Minister  at
large, Namely, such as should make him Pastour with­
out a People.

The election of the people hath an instramentall causall
vertue under Christ, to give an outward  call unto an
Officer.

Ordination is only a solemn installing of an Officer into
the Office, unto which he was formerly called.

Children of such, who are members of Congregations,
ought only to be baptized.

The consent of the people gives a causall vertue to the
compleating of the sentence of excommunication.

Whilst the Church  remains a true Church  of  Christ, it
doth not loose this power, nor  can  it  lawfully be  taken
away.

Consociation of Churches should be  used, as  occasion
doth require.

Such consociations and Synods have allowance to coun­
sell and admonish other Churches, as the case may require.


IN  CONNECTICUT.            145

And if they grow obstinate in errour or sinfull miscar­
riages, they should renounce the right hand of fellowship
with them.

But they have no power to excommunicate.

Nor do their constitutions binde formaliter & juridice."

The elaborate volume  from  whose  preface the
above extract is quoted was finally published in 1648,
and remains a monument of its author's most remark­
able learning and great dialectic  skill.  The first two
of the Parts into which the treatise is divided -- " Ec­
clesiasticall Policie Defined," and "The Church con­
sidered  as it  is  corpus  Organicum " -- are  wrought
out prbbably with  about  the  fulness  of  the  copy lost
at sea.  The other two -- "Of  the  Government  of
the Church," and "Concerning Synods," - and espe­
cially the latter of them, are wholly incomplete, and
would doubtless have been much amplified and illus­
trated  had  the  author  lived   to  finish  the  re-writing
of his book. The argument, however, is clear
throughout, and the subtlety and strength of the pre­
sentation of the case for the  Congregational Way, as
held  by the early  fathers of  New  England,  entitle  the
"Survey " to all, at least, of the honour it has ever
received  as an  authoritative  exposition  of  the  views
in church government which it learnedly and power­
fully maintains.

Before the re-writing of the books of Hooker and
Davenport  was   attempted,  however, -- and indeed
perhaps before  their  authors  were  perfectly  assured
of  the loss of  the first  copies  made, -- the danger of
the subversion of the ecclesiastical usages of the col-

                                                   10


146         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

onies seemed so imminent that the Court of Massa­
chusetts, in  May, 1646, moved  for  a  general  synod,
"to discusse, dispute & cleare up by the word of God,
such questions of  Church  governmt  & discipline" as
had been before spoken of, and others, " as they shall
thinke needful & meete; "and  invited  the  ministers
and churches of "Plimoth, Connecticott & Newe­
Haven," on the same terms of "librty & powr of dis­
puting and  voting "  as  the  Massachusetts  ministers
and messengers.1 The proposition was received with
general acceptance, though  with  demurrer on the  part
of   the  Boston,  Salem,  and   Hingham   churches,  as
a trespass of the civil  authority  upon  the  ecclesias­
tical domain.2 But most of them finally withdrew
opposition, and the 1st  of  September  found  all but
four of the Massachusetts churches, and  a  consid­
erable number of those from the other colonies, in
session at   Cam bridge, in what   is now called, by way
of pre-eminence, the Cambridge Synod, -- the best
remembered of all the early New England assemblies,
and from which the well-known Platform of church­
polity receives  its  name.   Mr. Hooker, however, was
not there. His colleague, Mr. Stone the Teacher,
was present, and Deacon  Edward Stebbins, a delegate
of the church; but the Pastor was absent. He had

written his son-in-law, Thomas Shepard, the month
before:--

"My yeares and infirmityes grow so fast vpon me, yt
wholly disenable me to  so  long  a  journey;  and  because
 I cannot come myself, I provoke as many elders as I can

                           1Mass. Col. Rec., ii. 155.     2 Winthrop, ii. 329- 332.


IN  CONNECTICUT.        147

to lend  their help and  presence.   The Lord Christ be in
th
e midest among you by his guidance and blessing."

Mr. Hooker  had  made  the  journey  from  Hartford
to  Boston  on  public  business  four  times certainly,
and probably more.1 It was still  a  roadless  wilder­
ness, to be traversed only  on  horseback,  with  a
nightly encampment on the ground, under the open
skies, by the way. It is not strange  that  though
interested in the synod, he shrank from the repeated
pilgrimages.

The synod continued in session  at  its first  gath­
ering only a fortnight. It
. appointed three  of  its
members to draw up a Scriptural Model of Church­
government, and adjourned to June  8  of  the fol­
lowing year. Mr. Shepard wrote to his father-in-law,
giving account of discussions arising  in  the  synod
about the  extent  of synodical  authority, and  the
power of magistrates in summoning such assemblies.
The report received from  his  correspondent  induced
the ever democratically-inclined author  of  the  "Sur­
vey " to  write concerning the first of the   two points: --

"I renew thanks for the letter and copy of the  passages
at the synod.  I wish ther be not a misunderstandin
g of
some things by some, or that  the bynding power of  synods
be not pressed too much: for, I speake it only to yourself,
h
e that adventures far in that business will fynd hott and
hard work, or
else my perspective may fayle, which I
conf
esse it may be."

1 In August, 1637; in May, 1639; in September, 1643; and
July, 1645.  See Winthrop, i. 281,360; ii. 165,304.


148         LIFE   OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

A comparison of these expressions with the Re­
sult 1 of this preliminary session, agreed to "thus far
onely, That they should be commended unto more
serious consideration against the next Meeting," may
perhaps indicate that some jealousy as to synodical
authority was justifiable.

On the other point, however, -- of the magistrate's
power in calling a synod, -- Mr. Hooker writes to
Shepard:--

" I fynd Mr. Rutherford and Apollonius to give some­
what sparingly to the place of the magistrate, to putt forth
power in the calling of synods, wherein I perceive they
goe crosse to some of our most serious and iudicious
writers."

 

This implies the same view which Mr. Hooker
maintained in his "Survey" on this matter, where he
advocates the right of civil authority in summoning
ecclesiastical assemblies. Democratic as Mr. Hooker
was, he had not, nevertheless, arrived at the modern
conception  of  the  separate prerogatives of  Church
and State; and his doctrines on this matter of magis­
terial power in ecclesiastical affairs might have  been,
and  probably  were, a  few years after his death quoted
in justification of a long series of meddlesome inter­
ferences of the General Court of the colony with the
concerns of his own distracted church.

The synod  re-assembled, according to adjournment,
in June, 1647, but was  almost  immediately forced  to

1   Result of a Synod  at Cambridge  in  New England, anno

1646, pp. 63-66.


IN   CONNECTICUT.         149

adjourn again by reason of an "epidemical sickness"
which prevailed over the
whole country among Indians
and English, French and Dutch.1

Mr. Hooker was one of the victims of  the  disease.
His colleague, Mr. Stone,
arrived home from the dis­
persed synod in season to see him die.    He wrote  to
Mr. Shepard, under date of July 19, 164 7: --

DEAREST BROTHER, God  brought  us  safely  to  Hart­
ford, but when I came hither God presented me a sad spec­
tacle.    M   Hooker looked  like a dying  man,    God refused
to heare our prayers for him, but  tooke  him  from  vs July
 7 a little before sunne-set. Our sunne is set, our light is
eclipsed, our ioy is darkened, we remember now in the
daye of our calamitie the pleasant things which we
en­
ioyed
in former times. His spirits & head were so op­
pressed
with the disease that he was not able to expresse
much to
vs in his sicknesse, but had exprest to Mr. Good­
win before my returne that his peace was made in  heaven
& had continued 30 years without alteration,  he  was
aboue Satan. 1\farke the
vpright man for the end of that
man is peace!   He lived
a most  blameless life.   I thinke
his
greatest enemies cannot charge him. He  hath done
much work for Christ, & now rests from his labours & his
workes follow him, but our losse is great & bitter.  My
losse is  bitter.... Mtrs Hooker  was  taken  with  the  same
sicknesse that night when  I  came  to  Hartford, & was
very neer  death, she is  yet weak  but  I  hope  recouering.
It would haue been a
great aggravation of our miserie

 

1  The  synod  gathered for the third time, August 15, 1648,

and  after a fortnight's discussion adopted the Platform substan­
tially drafted by one of its three members designated  for  the
purpose at its
first meeting, -- Rev. Richard Mather,  of  Dor­
chester. The principles of the Cambridge  Platform  are  too
familiar to need explication here.


150         LIFE   OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

God had blotted  out  all  that  pleasant  familee  at  once.
Little Sam: Shepard is well1 ….

We shall do what we can to  prepare  Mr.  Hookers
answer to Rutterford, that it may be sent before winter

...     If  I  have  the  whole  winter you  may think whether
it be not  comely for you & myself  &  some  other  elders
to  make  a  few verses  for  Mr.  Hooker & inscribe  them
in the beging of his book,2 as if they hadbeen his funeral
verses. I do but propound it.
                                                fr: t:     S. Stone.3

-

 
Mather gathers  up  and  records  several  more  or
less authentic incidents of Mr. Hooker's last hours,
which  may  as  well   be  given  here as found in the  "Magnalia": 4

"In the  time  of  his  sickness  he  did  not  say much  to
the standers by; but being asked, that he would utter his
apprehensions about  some  important  things,  especially
about the  state  of  New-England,  he  answered,  I  have
not that work now to do.  I have already declared the
counsel  of  the  Lord: 
and when  one  that  stood weeping
by the bedside said unto him, Sir, you are going to re­
ceive the reward of all your labours,
he  replied, Brother,
I am going to receive mercy.  
At last he closed  his own
eyes with his own hands, and gently stroaking his own
forehead, with a smile in his countenance, he gave a little
groan, and so expired  his  blessed  soul   into   the  arms  of
his fellow servants, the holy angels, on July 7, 1647."

1 Mr. Hooker's grandson by his daughter Susannah, Mr.
Shepard's wife.
   2 This was done with  more friendship than  poetic fire, and
verses by Stone, Cotton, and Rogers were printed,  with  the letter of Hopkins and Goodwin, in the "Survey," which was published in 1648.
 
3 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 544-546.
  4 Magnalia, i. 3 I 7.


                   IN  CONNECTICUT.         151

 

His age was sixty-one years. He  died, it  is  be­
lieved, on the anniversary of  his  birth. He  made  a
will1 the  day he died, in which  he left  directions  for
the guidance of  his  househo
ld  and  for  the  custody
and publication of his manu
scripts; intrusting his
"beloued frends, Mr. Edward Hopkins and Mr.
William Goodwyn" with the  care  of  the "education
and dispose" of his children  and the  management of
his estate.

As was natural, the death of  so eminent a leader of
the little Commonwealth  prompted  the remembrance
by   survivors   of   portents   and  supernatural   tokens
of it. The event occurred in the mid-season of a
pestilential summer, when languor and  oppression  in
the probably crowded and ill-ventilated meeting­
house might have  been expected. But looking back
upon it, -

"Some of his most observant hearers observed an aston­
ishing sort of a cloud in his congregation, the last Lord's
day of  his  publick  ministry, when  he  also administred
the Lord's Supper among them; and a most unaccountable
heaviness and sleepiness, even in the most watchful
christians
of the place, not unlike the drowsiness of the
disciples, when our Lord was going to die; for which, one
of the elders publickly rebuked them.  When  those de­
vout people afterwards perceived that this was the last
sermon and sacrament wherein they were to have the
presence of the pastor with them, 't is inexpressible how
much they bewailed their unattentiveness unto his  fare­
wel  dispensations; and some of them could enjoy no peace
in their own souls, until they had obtained leave of the

                           1 Appendix I.


152         LIFE   OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

elders to confess before the whole congregation with many
tears, that inadvertency." 1

The blow was indeed a great one, and  felt not alone
in the Connecticut Colony. Some sense of its impor­
tance  to  the   whole  group  of  cisatlantic  settlements
is expressed in the simple, noble  language of  Gover­
nor Winthrop in his account of the pestilence of that
disastrous summer: 2 --

"That which made the stroke more sensible and
grievous, both to them [of Connecticut] and to all the
country, was the death of that  faithful  servant  of  the
Lord, Mr. Thomas Hooker, pastor of the church in
Hartford, who, for piety, prudence, wisdom, zeal, learn­
ing, and what else might make him serviceable  in  the
place and time  he  lived in, might be compared with men
of greatest note; and he shall need no other praise:  the
fruits of his labors in both Englands shall preserve an
honorable and happy remembrance of him forever."

This wise and eloquent  eulogy, written in the pages
of a personal diary with no thought of public repro­
duction in a biography of the man whom the large­
hearted Massachusetts governor loved and honoured
above all differences which had ever risen between
them, needs no amplification.

No portrait or even minute description of Mr.
Hooker's physical appearance remains. The  impres­
sion gained from the various references to him leaves
upon the mind, however, the imagination of a figure

1 Magnalia, i. 317.

2 Winthrop, ii. 378.


 

 

IN   CONNECTICUT.            153

of dignity and something  of  command.1  He  is al­
ways spoken of by contemporary and by nearly suc­
ceeding writers with  marked  respect  and veneration.
He is said 2 to have been " a man of a cholerick dis­
position," which one can easily conjecture from the
fervour of his oratorical temperament and the frequent
vehemency of his rhetoric. But the same authority
which affirms his  possession  of  a  fiery  spirit  says
also 3 that "he  had ordinarily as much government 
of
his  choler, as  a  man  has of a mastiff dog in a chain;
he could let
out  his   dog,  and  pull  in  his dog,  as
he pleased.' " Eulogiums of his benevolence, of his
patience, his humility,
as well as of his  practical
sagacity and wisdom in the management of  the affairs
of his own and of the neighbouring churches, are
pre­
served on various pages of the  pedantic  writer to
whom, with
all his faults and not infrequent inaccu­
racies, we are indebted for so much that would
be
otherwise unknown,  not only of  Hooker, but  of  most
of the fathers of our
New England history. One
interesting and suggestive illustration of this practical
and kindly wisdom in the management of  the  con­
cerns of his own church must conclude our chapter:

''As for ecclesiastical censures,  he was very watchful
to prevent
all proceedures unto them, as far as was con­
sistent with the rules of our Lord; for which cause (ex-

1 This impression is well realized in the full-length statue
ordered by the State of Connecticut for erection in the State
Capitol, a representation of  which constitutes  the  frontispiece
of  this volume.                            

2  Magnalia, i. 313.       3  Ibid.


 

154         LIFE   OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

cept in grosser  abominations) when  offences  happened,
he did his utmost, that the notice thereof might be ex­
tended no further than it ,vas when they first were laid
before him; and having reconciled the offenders with
sensible and convenient acknowledgements of their mis­
carriages, he would let the notice thereof be confined unto
such as were aforehand therewith acquainted; and hence
there was but one person admonished in, and but one
person excommunicated from the church of  Hartford, in
all the fourteen years, that Mr. Hooker lived there." 1

                  1    Magnalia, i. 316, 317.


HIS WRITINGS          155

 

 

 

                                   VII.

 

                   THOMAS HOOKER'S WRITINGS.

 

'Twas of Genevahs  Worthies said, with  wonder,
(Those Worthies Three) Farell was wont to thunder;
Viret, like Rain, on tender grasse to shower,

But Calvin, lively Oracles to pour.

 

All these in Hookers spirit did remain:

A Sonne of Thunder, and a Shower of Rain,
A pourer-forth of lively Oracles,

In saving souls, the summe of miracles.

JOHN COTTON'S Elegy.

 

WITH the single exception of the '' Survey of the
Summe of Church Discipline," spoken of in the last
chapter, Mr. Hooker was not in primary purpose an
author of books. Of his published writings some thirty
titles  are indeed extant.Yet all these volumes, with
the exception of the one on Church Polity, to whose
composition he had  been  "haled  by  importunity,"
were at first discourses, whose original and main use
was oral delivery, and whose chief object was the im­
mediately practical one of impressing, convincing, and
persuading the hearers of his voice.

Some of these discourses were apparently printed
from notes taken clown by hearers of his Lectures at
Chelmsford, or possibly still earlier at Emmanuel; and

 1 Appendix II.


 

                 156          LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

even of others, concerning which we have the assur­
ance that they are " as they were penned under his
own hand," or "printed from his own papers written
with his own hand," 1 we have no tokens of editorial
revision by himself, and little of any intention in their
composition that they should  be  printed at all.  All
his books -- unless "The  Poore Doubting Christian"
be a possible exception -- being  published  in  Eng­
land, either during his exile in Holland, his residence
in America, or after his death, he saw none of them
through  the  press;  and  though  authorizing   the
issue of some of them, imparted to none  the  benefit
of an author's customary review of the printed page.
One of them-- "The Saints Dignitie and Dutie,"
published in 1651 -- was compiled by his son-in-law,
Shepard; two or three others --  as  "A Comment
upon Christs Last Prayer," published in 1656, and
"The Application  of  Redemption,"  published  in
1659 -were issued under the prefatory supervision of
Rev. Thomas Goodwin and Rev. Philip Nye; and some
in all probability were printed from copies of Mr.
Hooker's discourses  made by Rev. John  Higginson,
of Guilford, who is said to have "transcribed from
his manuscripts near two hundred of these excellent
sermons which were sent over into  England  that
they might be published; but by what means I know
not, scarce half of them have seen the light unto this

1 See Goodwin and Nye's preface, and the publisher's an­
nouncement to the" Comment upon Christs Last Prayer" and
"The Application of Redemption."

2 Magnalia, i. 315.


HIS  WRITINGS.               157

day." Several of the volumes are altogether anony­
mous, -- a fact itself suggestive of the surreptitious use
and publication of the materials of which they were
compiled.

But though there is some diversity in the details of
style and finish, such as this variety of manner in the
appearance of the volumes would suggest, the family
likeness is unmistakable. They obviously came, what­
ever verbal blemish may attach  to  them,  from  the
same mind and pen.

l\Ir. Hooker was regarded by his associates --
themselves men of great learning -- as a learned man;
 and indications of the fact come out distinctly in his
"Survey," and, in  an  exegetical  way,  to  some  extent
 in his discourses. But one looks in vain in his writ­
 ings, as in the writings of his Puritan contemporaries
 generally, for any apparent knowledge of current
 secular  literature.  The poets of the Elizabethan pe­
riod find not the slightest token of existence in his
pages. Shakspeare died in Hooker's university days;
 Bacon while he was preaching at Chelmsford; but nei­
ther the poetry of the one nor the philosophy of  the
 other, nor the literature which either of them stood  in
 any wise the representative of, apparently came in the
least degree within the ken  of  Hooker,  any  more
than they did within  the ken of  most of  his associates
in the Puritan ministry of  his time. Even the litera­
 ture of the Prayer-book, with which they must  have
 been familiar from childhood, is almost unreflected in
 their pages.

Of the graces of a literary style, therefore, Hooker


 

 

158         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

must not be looked to as an  illustrator. He  himself
says, in the preface  to his "Survey," what  is  applica­
ble to all his writings: -
-

"As it is beyond my skill, so  I  professe  it  is beyond
my care to please the nicenesse of men's palates with any;
quaintnesse  of  language.        They who covet more sauce
then  meate,  they  must  provide  cooks to  their  minde….
The sub
stanc and  solidity  of   th frame  is  that  which
pleaseth the builder, it is the painters work to provide
varnish."

This disclaimer is in Hooker's genuine style. It  is
itself an illustration of that homely vigour and vivacity
which made his pulpit utterances so arrestive  of  the
most wandering or antagonistic  attention, and  makes
the faded pages of his  printed  books  frequently so
lively and picturesque.

As to the mass of his writings, they are -- laying
aside the "Survey" -- essentially on one theme.
They are a body, not of doctrinal, but of experimental
divinity. The discourses  of which they  are  com­
posed are said to have been,1 and it is  inherently
probable that they were, the result of repeated preach­
ings and lecturings upon the experimental aspects of
religion, first at Cambridge when he lectured at Em­
manuel, afterward at Esher and Chelmsford, and sub­
sequently  in  America. He went  over the  ground
again and again with marvellous minuteness and ful­
ness of detail. His volumes are, when collected  into
their organic relationship, a development of what he
conceived to be the soul's way of seeking, finding,

1  Magnalia, i. 314.


HIS WRITINGS.         159

and enjoying Christ.   Their titles, whether his own
or given by others, distinctly indicate this recognized
purpose running through them. "The Soules Prepa­
ration for Christ," "The Soules Humiliation," '' The
Soules Vocation," "The Soules Iustification," "The
Soules Implantation,""The Soules Vnion with Christ,''
"The Soules Benefit from Vnion with Christ," "The
Saints Dignitie and Dutie," -- these, among others,
show clearly the track along which he moved.

It is the line of thought followed rather by the
 pastor   than  the  theologian. The robustest Calvin­
istic system of theology is everywhere implied and
 incidentally expressed in these discourses, but the
statement of a system of theology is in none  of  them,
or  all  of  them, an  aim.  The aim is the persuasion
 of men; and to this purpose the preacher brings a
 fecundity of conception, a power of spiritual anatomy,
 an amplitude and variousness of illustration, and an
energy of  utterance truly wonderful.   Especially
striking is this anatomic skill in dealing with the
moral phenomena at that time so generally ante­
cedent to, or  attendant  upon,  conversion. To most
 modern readers the proportion will seem excessive
which Mr. Hooker gives to the experiences of the soul
 in mere  "preparation "  for conversion. He has vol­
 umes on these preliminary exercises of the spirit  be­
 fore it gets to the point  of  trust in Christ.   He hid
himself open, even while he lived,  to  the  remark  of
 the shrewd Rev. Nathaniel Ward, of Ipswich:
"Mr.
 
Hooker, you make as good Christians before men are
in Christ as ever they are after; would I were but as


160         LIFE OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

good a Christian  now as you  make  men  while  they
are but preparing for Christ."1

 
Mr. Hooker's course in this respect was probably
extreme even for his time.  But in those days of re­
coil from the outward ceremonial  religion in which
the Papacy had so long held men, the inward facts of
personal experience were made the subject of  the
most careful scrutiny and dissection.   Especially all
the evasions and windings of the human spirit in re­
coil from the stern presentations made of the sov­
ereignty and righteousness of God: were followed with
microscopic acuteness and pitilessness of exposure.
Conversion  was a  great  thing and  a difficult  thing.
It  was  "not  a  little  mercy  that  will  serve   the
turne . . . the Lord will make all crack before thou
shalt  finde  mercy." 2     Mr. Hooker's  son-in-law,  the
"saintly" Thomas  Shepard,  put  the  matter thus in
his " Sincere Convert " : " Jesus Christ  is  not  got
with a wet finger. ...    It is a tough work, a wonder­
full hard matter to be saved." 8 And again:
"'Tis a
thousand to one if ever thou bee one of that small
number whom God hath picked out to escape this
wrath to come." 4

Holding   these views of the immense difficulty   of

saving conversion, the vast liability  to deception about
it, together with the infinite misery of failure in the
 enterprise,  it is  not strange that the whole process  of
the spiritual  enterprise should  have  been tried as by

1 Giles Firmin's Real Christian, p. 19.

2  Hooker's The Soules Preparation, pp. 9, 10.

3 Shepard's Sincere Convert, p. 1 50.      4  Ibid. p. 98.


HIS   WRITINGS.          161

 

fire.    As specimens of this kind of endeavour Hook­
er's writings arc unsurpassed. Of this feature of his
teachings, as well as of others which  will  afford  a
more general view of his spirit and method as a
preacher, the best conception will be gained by some
quotations from his books.

In "The Soules Preparation for Christ," the
preacher is arguing on  the  necessity of a  clear view of
a man's sinfulness, and says:1 --

" First it is not every sight of  sinne  will  serve the
turne, nor  every apprehension  of  a  mans vilenesse;  but
it must have these two  properties  in  it,  First,  he  must
see sinne clearely; Secondly, convictingly. First, he that
will see sinne clearely, must see it truly and fully, and be
able to fadome the compasse of his corruptions, and  to
dive into the depth of the wretchednesse of his vile heart,
otherwise it wil befall a  mans  sinne  as  it  doth  the
wound of a mans body: when a man lookes  into  the
wound overly, and doth not search it to the bottome, it
begins to fester and rancle, and so in the end  he is slaine
by it;  so it  is  with  most sinners, wee carry it all away
with this, Wee are sinners; and such ordinary  confes­
sions; but we never see the depth  of the wound  of  sin;
and so  are slaine  by our sinnes.  It is not  a generall,
slight, and confused sight of sinne that  will serue  the
turne: it is not enough to say, It is my infirmity, and I
cannot amend  it:  and wee are  all sinners and so  forth.
No, this is the ground why wee mistake our evils and re­
forme not our wayes, because we have a slight and overly
sight of sinne; a man must prove his wayes as the Gold­
smith doth his gold in the fire, a man must search nar­
rowly and have much light to see what the vilenesse of his

1 The Soules Preparation (1632), pp. 12-14.

                               11


162       LIFE OF THOMAS HOOKER.

 

owne heart is, and to see what his sinnes are, that doe
procure  th wrath  of   God  against  him …. We must

looke on the nature of sinne in the venome of  it,  the
deadly hurtful! nature that it hath for plagues and mis­
eries, it doth procure to our soules;  and  that  you  may
doe, partly if you compare  it  with  other  things,  and
partly if you looke at it in regard of yourselves: First,
compare sinne with those things that  are  most fearefull
and horrible; As suppose any soule here present were to
behold the damned in hell, and if  the  Lord should give
thee a little peepe-hole into hell, that thou didst see the
horror of those damned soules, and thy heart begins to
shake in consideration thereof; then propound this to thy
owne heart, what paines the  damned  in  hell doe endure
for sinne, and  thy  heart  will shake and quake at it, the
least sinne that ever thou didst commit, though thou mak­
est a light matter of it, is  a  greater  evill then  the  paines
of the damned in hell, setting aside their sinne; all the
torments  in  hell are  not  so great an evil, as the least sin
is:   men  begin  to shrink  at  this, and loathe to goe down
to hell, and to be in endlesse torments."

But such a thorough sight of sin is needful to a
thorough work of grace; for1 --

"Many have gone a great way in the worke of hu­
miliation, and yet because it never went through to the
quicke, they have gone backe againe, and become vile as
ever they were; I have known men, that the Lord hath
layed a heavie burthen upon them, and awakened their con­
sciences, and driven them  to a desperate  extremity, and
yet after much anguish, and many resolutions, and the
prizing of Christ, as they conceived, and after the re­
nouncing of all, to take Christ  upon his owne termes
as they imagined; and even these when they have bin eased

1 The Soules Preparation (1632 ), pp. 150-152.


                               HIS  WRITINGS.                     163

 

and refreshed, and God hath taken off the trouble, they
have come to be as  crosse to God and all goodnesse, and
as full of hatred to Gods children as ever and worse too.

"Now why did  these  fall  away?  Why  were  they
never Justified and Sanctified? and why did they never
come to beleeve in the Lord Jesus ? The reason is, be­
cause  their hearts  were  never  pierced  for  their  sinne,
they were never kindly loosened from it; this is the
meaning of that place in Ier., Plow up the fallow ground
of your hearts, and sowe not among thornes,
it  is  noth­
ing else, but with sound saving sorrow to have the heart
pierced with the terrours  of the Law seising upon it, and
the vilenesse of sin wounding the conscience for it. The
heart of man is compared to fallow ground that is un­
fruitfull; you must not sow amongst thornes and thistles,
first plow it, and lay it bare and naked, and then cast in
your seed. If a man plow here a  furrow,  and there a
furrow, and leave here and  there a bawke, hee  is never
like to have a good crop, there will grow so mariy thistles
and so much grasse, that it will  choake  the  seed: our
hearts are this ground, and our corruptions  are these
thornes and thistles: Now if a man be content to finde
some sinne hatefull, because it is  shamefull;  but will
keepe here a lust and  there a lust, hee will  never  make
any good husbandry of the heart: though a faithfull Min­
ister should sow all the grace of promises in his soule, he
would  never get any good  by them, but the corruptions
that remaine in the heart will hinder the saving work
thereof. Therefore plow up all, and by sound saving sor­
row labour to have thy heart burthened for sinne, and
estranged from it, and this is good husbandry indeed."

But there is great liability  to  self-deception about
this matter: --

"Oh doe not cozen your owne soules; it is not  the
teares of the eye, but the blood of the heart that your


164         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

sinnes must cost, and if you come not to this,  never
thinke that your sorrow is good. . .  .  Now if  all be true
 that I have said, there are but few sorrowers for sinne,
therefore few saved; here wee see the ground and reason
why many fly off from Godlinesse, and Christianity:  This
is the cause, their  soules  were  onely  troubled  with  a
little hellish sorrow, but their hearts were never kindly
grieved for their sinnes. If a mans arrne be broken and
disjoynted a little, it may grow together againe; But if it
be quite broken off, it cannot grow together;  so the ter­
rour of the Law affrighted his conscience,  and a power­
full Minister unjoynted his soule, and the Judgements of
God were rending of him; but he was never cut off
altogether: and  therefore  he returnes  as vile, &  as  base,
 if not worse then before, & he growes more firmly to his
corruptions. It is with a mans conversion, as in some
 mens ditching; they doe not pull up all the trees by the
roots, but plash them: so when you come to have your corruptions cut off, you plash them, and doe not wound
your hearts kindly, and you doe not make  your  soules
 feele the burthen of sinne truly: this will  make  a  man
grow and flourish still, howsoever more cunningly and
subtilly….
Looke as  it  is  with  a  womans  conception,
those births that are hasty, the children are either still
borne, or the woman most commonly dies;  so  doe  not
thou thinke  to fall upon the  promise  presently. Indeed
you cannot fall upon it  too  soone  upon  good grounds;
 but it is impossible that ever a full  soule  or  a haughty
heart should beleeve, thou mayest be deceived, but thou
canst not be engrafted into Christ: therfore when God
begins to worke, never rest till you  come to a full meas­
ure of this brokennesse of heart. Oh follow the blow and
 labour to make this worke sound and good unto the
bottome." 1

               1 The Soules Preparation (1632), pp. 182-187.


                    HIS  WRITINGS.             165

 

But one test and measure of this "sound work"
inculcated by Hooker has not, perhaps, attracted the
notice its place in our American religious history
deserves. It is that test of true conversion which in
New England theology is commonly connected with
the name of Dr. Hopkins, of Newport, -- that a
Christian should be willing to be damned if it be
God's will. Cotton Mather 1 follows his father In­
crease 2 in an attempt to defend Mr. Hooker from
the imputation of teaching this doctrine, on the ground
that the publication of Mr. Hooker's writings was to
 a great extent "without his consent or knowledge;
whereby his notions came to be deformedly misrep­
resented in multitudes of   passages, among which I
will suppose that crude passage which Mr. Giles Fir­
min,
in his Real Christian so well confutes, That if
the soul be rightly humbled, it is content to bear the
state of damnation."  
The defence is well meant, but
it is idle.   The Hopkinsian   doctrine   of contentment
in being damned was taught, nearly a century and a
half before Hopkins, by Hooker and his son-in-law
Shepard with the utmost distinctness. It is not by
any supposition of incorrect reporting that the tenet
can be got out of Hooker's " Humiliation" or Shep­
ard's   "Sincere Convert."  Hooker's "Humiliation"
is one of the best published of all his treatises, and
bears internal evidence of as much accuracy in repro­
ducing his thought and idiom of speech as any other.
And the doctrine in question is logically and rhetori-

1        Magnalia, i. 315.

2        Prefatory letter to Solomon Stoddard's Guide to Christ.


166         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

cally woven into the texture of both Hooker's and
Shepard's volumes. It appears and   reappears   in
them.   It is prepared for, led up to, stated, enforced,
and objections to it answered.    There is no acciden­
tal and inconsiderate   slipping into its utterance.  It
is accepted with full intelligence, and with clear
recognition of its obnoxiousness and its difficulty to
common experience.

The  teachings  of  Hooker and his son-in-law on
this matter were made the topic of correspondence
between Shepard and Rev. Giles Firmin, and of an
elaborate treatise by Firmin, largely in confutation of
the utterances of  Shepard  and his father-in-law  on
the doctrine in question.1 Many pages  might  be
quoted from Shepard's writings in support of this
doctrine, but attention must here be confined to
Hooker's teachings on the subject.

The  preacher is well aware he is dealing with a
hard point: --

"Now I come to this last passage in this worke of
Humiliation, and this is the dead lift of all.   The   Prod­
igall doth not stand it out with his Father and say, I am
now come againe, if I may have halfe the rule in the Fam­
ily, I am content to live with you.   No, though hee would
not stay there before, yet now bee cannot be kept out, hee
 is content to bee anything ... Lord (saith he) shew me
mercy, and   I am content to be, and to suffer anything.
So from hence the Doctrine is this. The Soule that is
truly humbled is content to be disposed by the Almightie,
as it pleaseth him.    
The maine pitch of this point lyes

1  Firmin's  Real  Christian, Preface, Introduction, and pp.

107-149.


                      HIS  WRITINGS.                  167

 

in the word content.   This  phrase is a higher  pitch  then
the former of submission: and this is plaine by this ex­
ample.   Take a debtor, who hath  used all  meanes to avoyd
the creditor:  in the end he seeth  that  bee  cannot  avoyd
the suit, and to beare it  bee is not able.  Therefore  the
onely way is to come in, and yield himselfe into his credi­
tors hands;  where there is nothing, the  King must  loose
his right; so the debtor yields himselfe : but suppose the
creditor  should   use  him  hardly,  exact  the  uttermost,
and throw him into the prison; Now to bee content to
under-goe  the  hardest dealing it is a  hard  matter:  this  is
a further degree then the offering himselfe. So, when the
Soule hath offered himselfe, and he seeth that Gods writs
are out against him, and his conscience (the Lords Ser­
jeant) is coming to serve a Subpaena on him, and it is not
able to avoyd  it, nor to beare it when he comes, therefore
he submits  himselfe and saith, Lord, whither shall I goe,
thy anger is heavy and  unavoydable;  Nay,  whatsoever
God requires, the Soule layes his hand upon his  mouth,
and goes away contented and well satisfied, and it hath
nothing to say against  the  Lord.   This  is the  nature  of
the  Doctrine in hand;  and for the better opening of it let
me discover  these  things…. For howsoever  the  Lords
worke is secret in other ordinary things, yet all the Soules
that ever came to Christ, and that shall  ever  come to
Christ, must have this worke upon them; and it is im­
possible that faith should be in the  Soule; except  this
worke bee there first, to make way for faith.1….

"Thirdly, Hence the Soule comes to be quiet and
framable under the heavy hand of God in that helplesse
condition wherein he is; so that the Soule having been
thus framed aforehand, it comes to this, that it takes the
blow and lies under the  burthen, and goes away quietly
and patiently, he is quiet and saith not a word more:

          1 The Soules Humiliation (1638), pp. 98-100.


168         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

oh! this is a heart worth gold.   He accounts  Gods deal­
ing and Gods way to  be the fittest  and  most  seasonable
of all. Oh (saith he) it is fit that God should glorifie
himselfe though I be damned forever, for I deserve the
worst.1 ...

"Now see this blessed frame of heart in these three
particulars. First, the Soule is content  that  mercy shall
deny what it will to the Soule, and  the Soule  is  content
and calmed with whatsoever mercy denyes. If  the Lord
will not heare his prayers, and if the Lord will cast him
away, because he hath cast away the Lords kindnesse, and
if the Lord will leave him in that miserable and damnable
condition, which he hath brought himselfe into, by the
stubbornnesse  of  his heart,  the  Soule  is  quiet.    Though
I confesse it is harsh and tedious, and long it is ere the
Soule be thus framed; yet the heart truely abased is con­
tent to beare the estate of damnation; because hee hath
brought this misery and damnation upon himselfe." 2

"But some may here object and say, Must the Soule,
can the Soule, or ought it to be thus content, to be left in
this damnable condition?  For the answer hereof;  Know
that this contentednesse implies two things, and it may
bee taken in a double sense. First, Contentedness some­
times  implies  nothing  else,  but   carnall securitie….

But then; Secondly, it implies a  calmnesse of  the Soule
not murmuring against the  Lords  dispensation  toward
him. . . . So wee should not bee carelesse in using all
meanes for  our good, but  still  seeke  to God for mercy;
yet thus we must be, and thus we ought to be contented
with whatsoever mercy shall deny, because wee are not
worthy of any favour;  and  the  humble  Soule  reasons
thus with itselfe and saith, my owne sinne, and my abomi­
nations have brought me into this damnable condition
wherein I am, & I have neglected that mercy which

 

l The Soules Humiliation (1638), pp. 106, 107.     2  Ibid. 112.


 

 

                   HIS  WRITINGS.                     169

 

might have brought me from it, therefore why should I
murmure
against mercy, though it deny me mercy? ...

Marke this well.   He  that  is  not willing  to  acknowledge
the freenesse of  the  course  of  mercy, is not worthy, nay,
hee is  not fit  to receive  any  mercy;  but that  Soule  which
is  not  content that mercy deny  him  what it will;  he doth
not give way to the freenesse  of  the  Lords  grace  and
mercy, and therefore that Soule is not fit for mercy.1

" But some may object. Can a man feele this frame of
heart, to be content, that mercy should have him in hell?
doe the Saints of God find this? and can any man know
this in his heart?

"To this I answer. Many of  Gods servants have been
driven  to  this,  and  have  attained  to  it,  and  have  laid
open the simplicitie of their Soules, in being content with
this."2

" The soule that is thus contented to be at Gods dis­
posing, it is ever improving all meanes and  helpes that
may bring him neerer to God,
but if mercy shall deny it,
the soule is satisfied and rests 
well  apaid; this  every
Soule that is truely
humbled may have, and hath in some
measure." 3

But this submission and humiliation of the soul no
one can accomplish for himself; for --

"This union that is betweene the Soul and its cor­
ruptions is marveilous  strong and firme,  nay so  strong
and firme that there is no meanes under heaven, no
creature in the  world  that is able  to breake  this union,
and dissolve this combination that is betweene sinne and
the sou1e, unless the Lord by his
Almighty power come
and break this conspiracy that is betweene sin and the

1    The Soules Humiliation (1638),   pp. 113-115.

2   Ibid. 115, 116.                         3 Ibid. 114.


170             LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

soule against  himselfe and the glory of his name….

As it is with the  body of a man if there were a great and
old distemper in a mans stomacke, if a man should put a
rich  doublet  upon  him and lay him in a Featherbed and
use all other outward meanes this would  doe  him  noe
good   because   th disease  i within…. lust so  it  is
with the soule of a man; a  mans  heart  will  have  his
sinne; there is an inward combination betweene the soule
and sinne; now all meanes, as the Word and the like, is
outward, and can doe no good in this kind, they cannot
break the union betweene a mans heart and his cor­
ruptions, unless the Lord by his Almighty power and
infinite wisdome  make a separation  betweene sinne and
the soule, and dissolve this union."1

And God does sometimes interpose to afford this indis­
pensable aid. Not always, indeed, for God's purpose
does not always go to the extent of a saving work.

"The Lord deales diversely as bee seeth fit; specially
in these three wayes. First,
if God have a purpose to
civilize a man, he will lay his sorrow as a fetter upon
him; he onely meanes to civilize him, and knocke
off his
fingers  from  base  courses…. God onely  rips  the  skinne
a little, and layeth some small blow upon him: but if a
man have beene a rude and a great ryoter, the Lord begins
to serve a Writ upon him ...    so that now  the  soule
seeth the flashes of hell, and Gods wrath upon the soule,
and the terrours of hell lay hold upon the heart, and he
confesseth that hee is so, and hee hath done so, and
therefore he is a poore damned creature, and then the
soule labours to welter it, and it may be his conscience
will bee deluded by some carnall Minister that makes the
way broader than it is, ... or else it may be, bee stops

1 The Vnbeleevers Preparing for Christ (1638), pp. 138-140.


                               HIS  WRITINGS.                 171

 

the mouth of conscience with some outward performances:
...  and  he  wil  pray in  his family, and  heare  sermons,
& take up some good courses; & thus  he  takes  up  a
quiet civill course, and stayeth here a while, and at last
comes to nothing:  And thus  God leaves him in the lurch,
if he meanes onely to civilize him.

But secondly, if God intends to doe good to a man, hee

will  not  let  him  goe thus,  and  fall  to a civill  course....
will ferret him from his denne, and from his base
courses and practises: He will be with you in all your
stealing and pilfering, and in all your cursed  devices, if
you belong to him hee will not give you over. … Now

the soule is beyond all shift; when it is day, he wisheth it
were night, and when it is night, hee wisheth it were day;
the wrath of God followeth him wheresoever he goeth, and
the soule would fain be rid of this, but hee cannot; and yet
all the while the soule is not heavy and sorrowfull for sin;
h
ee is burdened, and could bee content to throw away the
punishment and horror of sinne, but not  the  sweet  of
sinne:  as it is with a child that  takes a live coale in his
hand, thinking to play with it, when hee feeles fire in it, hee
throwes it away;  bee  doth  not  throw  it  away because it
is black, but because it  burnes  him:  So it is  here:  A
sinfull wretch will throw away his sinne, because of the
wrath of God that is due to him for it, and  the  drunkard
will be drunke no more; but if he might have his queanes
and his pots without any punishment or trouble, he would
have them with all his heart, bee  loves  the  black and
sweet of  sinne  well  enough, but  he loves not the plague
of sinne. . . .  Now in the  third  place, if  the Lord  pur­
pose to doe good to the soule, he will not suffer him to be
quiet here, but hee openeth the eye of  the  soule further;
and makes him sorrow, not because it is a great and
shamefull sinne, but the Lord saith to the soule, Even the
least sinne makes a separation  betweene mee and  thee;
and the heart  begins to reason  thus
: Lord, is this true?


172          LIFE  OF THOMAS  HOOKER.

is this the smart of sinne? and is this the vile nature of
sinne? O Lord!
how odious are these abominations that
cause this evill, and though they had not caused this evill,
yet this is worse then the evill ; that they make a separa­
tion  betweene God  and  my soule.    Good Lord, why was
 I borne?" 1

So that if  God really intends to save a man he does
not stop with any  "morall  and  external  drawing,"
but he works "effectually" to that end.

"I expresse it thus, looke as it is with the wheele of a
clock, or the wheele  of  a  lack  that  is turned  aside, and
by some contrary poyse set the wrong way. He now that
will set this wheele right, must take away the contrary
poyse, and then  put  the wheele  the  right  way, and  yet
the wheele doth not goe all this while of it selfe, but first
there is a stopping of the wheele, and a taking away of the
poyse: and secondly the wheele must be turned the right
way, and  all  this while  the wheele  is  only a sufferer;  so
it is with the soule of a man, the heart of  a man, and the
will of a man, and the affections of a man; they are the
wheeles  of  the  soules of  men…. Now  when  the Lord
commeth to set these wheeles aright, he  must  take away
the poyse and plummet that made them runne the wrong
way, that is, the Lord by his almighty power, must over­
power those sins and corruptions which harbour  in the
soule . . . and then the frame of the soule will be to
God-ward, it  will be in a right frame and order,  it will
runne the right way, and all this while the will is only a
sufferer, and  this  I take to be the meaning of  the text:
That God  by a holy kind of  violence, rendeth  the soule of
a poore sinner,  and  withall by his almighty power, stops
the force of a mans corruptions, and makes the soule
teachable, and framable to the will of God, it makes it to

 

1    The Soules Preparation (1632), pp. 131-136.


HIS WRITINGS.             173

lie levell, and  to be at Gods command,  and  this is done
by a holy kind of violence."1

But when this " effectual" sovereign work of grace
is accomplished,  there  is no end  to  the  consolations
of the gospel.

"It  is a word of consolation, and it is a cordiall to
cheare up a mans heart, and carry him through all troubles
whatsoever can betide him or shall befall him. This doc­
trine of Iustification it seems to me to be  like  Noahs
 
Arke, when all the world was to  bee  drowned:  God
 taught Noah to make an arke, and to pitch it about, that no
water, nor winds, nor stormes  could  breake through, and
 so it bore up Noah above the waters, and kept him safe
ag
ainst wind and weather; when one was on the top of a
mountain crying: 0 save  me,  another  clambering  upon
 the trees, all floting, and crying, and dying there;  there
 was no saving but for those only that were gotten into
the arke: Oh so it will be with you poor foolish be­
 leevers, the world is like this sea, wherein are many
floods of water, many troubles, much persecution: Oh
get you into the arke the Lord Jesus, and when one  is
raring and yelling, Oh the devill, the devill; another is
ready to hang himselfe, or to cut his owne throat; another
sends for a Minister, and hee  crieth,  Oh  there  is  no
mercy for mee, I have opposed it; Get  you into Christ, I
say,
·and  you shall bee safe I will warrant you; your
soules shall bee transported with  consolation  to  the  end
of your hopes."1

And of such justified state the Spirit of God gives
 inward witness: --

"The spirit doth evidence to the soule, broken and
humbled, That the soule hath an interest in this mercy,

1 Preparing for Christ (1638), part ii. pp. 24-26.

2 The Soules Exaltation (1638, pp. 122, 123.


174         LIFE  OF  THOMAS   HOOKER.

 

that it was appointed for it, and he hath to meddle with it.
. . . We may observe that a witnesse in a cause doth mar­
vellously cleare it, if he be wise and judicious, and the
thing that before was doubtfull, comes now to be apparant:
as now in a point of Law, two men contend for land;  now
if an ancient wise man of some place is called before the
Judge at the Assizes, and bee beares witnesse upon his
knowledge, that such Landes have beene in the possession
of such a generation or family, for the space of many
yeares;  this is a speciall testification, that this  man being
of  that generation, he hath  an  interest in these lands:  So
it is with the witnesse of Gods Spirit, there is a contro­
versie betweene Satan and the soule, the soule saith, oh,
that grace and compassion might be bestowed on mee;
why, (saith Satan) dost thou conceive of any mercy, or
grace and Salvation? marke thy rebellions against thy
Saviour, marke the wretched distempers of thy heart, and
the filthy abhominations of thy life: dost thou thinke of
mercy? ... Now the Spirit of God comming in, that casts
the cause and makes it evident, if such a poore heart have
interest, and may meddle and make challenge to mercy and
salvation, because  it hath beene prepared for them, from
the beginning of the world  to this very day.  Now this
gives a light into the businesse, & the evidence is sure, that
 this man hath  title to all the  riches  and  compassion  of
the Lord Jesus; Acts. 2. 39. Every poore creature thinkes,
that God thinkes so of  him, as  hee thinkes of himself
… w
hereas the Spirit of the Lord judgeth otherwise,
and God meanes well toward him, and intends good to
all you that have beene broken for your  sins;  and there
is witnesse of it in heaven, and it shall be made good to
your owne consciences."1

Which gives a good ground for comfort and cheerful
living: --

1 The Soules Effectual! Calling (1638), pp. 79, 80.


HIS WRITINGS.               175

"Come what wit come.   This is his aim to settle the
conclusion of their happines, and the certainty thereof:
To be beyond the reach of al
the hosts in Heaven and
Earth. Therefore he musters up al, what we are, what
shal be.      If there were a thousand worlds to come, and
 should set themselves to shake the comforts of the faith­
 
ful, it could  not  be ….The Devils  and  sin  may as  wel
separate Christ from the Father, as pul the love of the
Father from his own heart, and so from Christ, as separate
us from it. ...           Be therefore content with what thou hast,
our Saviors desire is to interest thee in the heart  and
 love of the Father, as himself.        Not to love thee as a
Creature, as a friend, a subject, but as the Son of his love.
What me? Yes thee, poor, weak, silly, worthless Worm,
 that  beleevest  in  him.  Go thy way therefore, never
quarel, nor question any more.        It is enough, nay it is
too much.     I would not have thought it. I durst not
 have desired it.         I could not have beleeved it, but that our
Savior hath said and done it." 1

But what sort of preaching  is  it  which  leads  to
these  salvatory  results?   Hooker  gives  his idea about
 it in answering the question, " What is a powerful
minister? ''

"The word is compared to  a  sword: as,  if  a man
should draw a sword and flourish it about, and should not
strike a blow with it,  it will doe no harme; even so it is
here with the  Ministers, little good will they doe if they
doe onely explicate; if they doe onely draw out the sword of
the Spirit: for unlesse they apply it to the peoples harts
particularly, little good may the people expect, little good
shall the Minister doe. A common kind of teaching when
the Minister doth speake only hoveringly, and in the gener­
 
all, and never applies the word of God particularly, may be

 

1 Comment on Christs Last Prayer (1656), pp. 319, 320.


176         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

compared to the confused noise that was in the Ship
wherein Jonah was, when the winds blew, and the sea
raged, and a great storm
began to arise. The poore Mar­
riners strove with might and maine, and they did endeav­
our by all meanes possible to bring the ship to the shore;
every one cried unto his god and cast their wares into the
sea, and all this while Ionas was fast asleepe in  the ship:
but when the Marriners came down and plucked him up,
and said, A rise thou sleeper, ... who art thou? Call upon
thy God,
then he was awakened out of his sleepe. The
common delivery of the word is like that confused noise:
there is matter of heaven, of  hell, of 
grace, of sin spoken
of, there is a common  noise,  and  all this while  men sit
and  sleepe  carelessly, and  never looke about them, but
rest secure: but when particular application comes, that
shakes a sinner, as  the Pilot did Jonah, and asks him,
what assurance of Gods mercy hast thou? what hope of
pardon of sinnes? of life and happinesse hereafter?   You
are baptized, and so were many that are in hell: you come
to Church, and  so did many that are in hell: but what is
your conversation in the meantime? Is that holy in the
sight of God and man?

"When the Ministers of God shake men and take them
up on this fashion then they begin to stirre up themselves,
and to consider of their estates.  This generall and com­
mon kind of teaching is like an enditement  without  a
name:  if  a  man  should  come  to  the assizes,  and  make
a great exclamation and have no name to his enditement,
alas, no man is troubled with it, no man feares it, no man
shall  receive any  punishment  by reason of it.  So  it is
with this common kind of preaching, it is an enditement
without a name. We arrest none before wee particularly
arraigne them before the tribunall of the Lord, and show
them  these  are  their sinnes, and that unless they repent
and forsake them they shall be damned: for then  this
would stirre them up, and make them seke to the Lord for


HIS   WRITINGS.           177

 

mercy: this would rowse them out of their security, and
awaken them, and make them say as the Jewes did to
Peter and the rest of the Apostles,  Men and brethren
what shall wee doe to bee saved?''1

These extracts must suffice. They give a fair aver­
age indication of Hooker's style. But they can of
course only partially suggest the wonderful variety of
pat, homely, forcible illustration, and of sharp, search­
ing, and energetic application, with which the same
essential theme of the process of personal religion in
the soul is treated in every one of his many volumes,
with the single exception which has been specified.
They are the product of a mind intent on the char­
acteristic functions of the preacher. And such a
preacher was sure of hearers. Such an analyst of
human emotions touched  men at  many  points.  A
son of thunder and a son of consolation by turns, his
ministry -- whatever the  defects  or  extravagances  of
his theology -- could not have been other than that
which all testimony declares it to have been, one of
the most powerful of his age.

       1
The Soules Implantation (1640), pp. 73-77.

 

                                                 12


178         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

 

                           APPENDIX I.1

 

 

 

THOMAS HOOKER'S WILL AND INVENTORY OF
                                       ESTATE.

The last Will and Testament of Mr. Thomas  Hooker,
late of Hartford, deceased.

I Thomas Hooker, of Hartford, vppon Connecticutt in
New England, being weake in my body,  through  the
tender visitation of the Lord, but of sound and perfect
memory, doe dispose of that outward estate I haue beene
betrusted withall by him, in manner following: --

I  doe giue vnto my sonne John  Hooker, my howsing
and lands in  Hartford, aforesaid,  both that  which  is on
the west, and allso that wch is on the east side  of  the
Riuer, to bee inioyed  by  him  and  his  heires for euer,
after the death of  my  wife,  Susanna  Rooker, provided
hee bee then at the age of one and twenty yeares, it being
my will that my said deare wife shall inioye and possess
my said  howsing and lands during  her naturall  life:  And
if shee dye before my sonne John come to the age of one
and twenty yeares, that the same bee improued by the
ourseers of this my will for the maintenance and educa­
tion of my children not disposed  of, according to theire
best discretion.

I doe allso giue vnto my sonne John, my library of
printed bookes and manuscripts,  vnder  the  limitations
and provisoes hereafter expressed. It is my will that my

1 See page 151.


 

 

HIS   WILL  AND   INVENTORY.       179

 

sonne John deliuer to my sonne Samuell, so many of my
bookes as shall bee valued by the ourseers of this  my will
to bee worth fifty pounds sterling, or  that  hee  pay  him
the some  of  fifty  pounds  sterling  to  buy  such  bookes
as may bee vseful to him in the way of his studdyes, at
such time as the ouerseers of this my will shall judge
meete; but if my sonne John doe not goe on to the per­
fecting of his studdyes, or shall not giue vpp himselfe to
the seruice of the Lord in the worke of  the ministry, my
will is that my sonne Samuel inioye and  possesse the
whole library and manuscripts, to his proper vse for euer;
onely, it is my will that whateuer manuscripts shall bee
judged meete to bee printed, the disposall thereof and
advantage that may come thereby I leaue wholly to my
executrix; and in case shee departe this life before  the
same bee judged of  and  setled, then to my ouerseers to
bee improued by them in theire best discretion, for the
good of myne, according to the trust  reposed  in  them.
And howeuer I do not forbid my sonne John from seeking
and taking a wife in England, yet I doe forbid him from
marrying and tarrying there.

I doe giue vnto my sonne Samuell, in case the whole
library come not to him, as  is before  expressed, the sum
of  seuenty pounds, to bee paid vnto him by my executrix
at such time, and in such manner, as shall be judged
meetest by the ouerseers of my will.

I doe allso giue vnto my daughter Sarah  Hooker, the
sum of one hundred pounds sterling, to bee paid vnto her
by my executrix when she shall marry or come to the age
of one and twenty yeares, wch shall first happen; the dis­
posall and further education of her and  the  rest, I  leaue
my wife, advising them to attend her councell in the feare
of the Lord.

I doe giue vnto the two children of my daughter Joan­
nah Shephard deceased, and the childe of my daughter
Mary Newton, to each of them the sum of ten pounds, to


180         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

bee paid vnto them by my sonne John, within one yeare
after bee shall come to the possession  and inioyment  of
my howsings and lands in Hartford, or my sonne Samuell,
if by the decease of John, bee come to inioye the same.

I doe make my beioued wife Susannah Hooker, exec­
utrix of this my last Will and  Testament, and  (my just
debts being paid,) do giue and bequeath vnto her all my
estate and goods, moueable and imouable, not formerly
bequeathed by this my will. And I  desire  my beloued
frends Mr. Edward  Hopkins  and Mr. William  Goodwyn,
to affoard theire best assistance to my wife, and doe con­
stitute and appoint them  the  ouerseers of  this  my will.
And it hauing pleased  the  Lord  now to  visitt my  wife
with a sicknes, and not knowing how it may please his
Matie to dispose of her, my minde and will is, that in case
shee departe this life before shee dispose the estate be­
queathed her, my aforesaid beloued Łrends, Mr. Edward
Hopkins and  Mr. William  Goodwyn, shall take care both
of the education and dispose of  my  children  (to whose
loue and faithfullnes I commend them,) and of the  estate
left and bequeathed to my wife, and  do committ  it  to
theire best judgment and discretion to manage the said
estate for the best good of mine, and  to  bestow it vppon
any or all of them in such a proportion as shall bee most
sutable  to  theire  owne  ap'hensions; being  willing onely
to intimate my desire that  they wch  deserue  best  may
haue most; but  not  to limmitt  them, but  leaue  them  to
the full  scope  and  bredth  of  their owne  judgments;  in
the dispose whereof, they may haue respect to the fore­
mentioned children of my two daughters, if  they see meet.
It being my full will that what  trust  I  haue  comitted  to
my wife, either  in  matter  of  estate, or such  manuscripts
as shall bee judged fitt to  bee  printed, in  case  shee liue
not to order the same herselfe, bee wholly transmitted and
passed ouer from her to them, for the ends before speci­
fied. And for mortallity sake, I doe put power into the


HIS  WILL AND INVENTORY.              181

hands of the forementioned beloued freinds, to constitute
and appoint such other faithfull men as they shall judge
meete, (in case they bee depriued of life or libberty to
attend the same, in theire owne persons,) to manage,
dispose and performe the estate and trust  comitted  to
them, in as full manner as I haue comitted it to them  for
the same end.

THOMAS HOOKER.

This was declared to bee the last Will and
Testament of Mr. Thomas Hooker, the
seuenth day of July, 1647.

In the presence of

HENRY SMITH,
SAMUELL STONE,
JOHN WHITE.

 

 

AN INVENTORY OF THE ESTATE OF MR. THOMAS HOOKER, DECEASED, TAKEN THE 21ST APRILL, 1649.

In the new Parlour; It.: 3 chaires, 2 stooles,     s d.)

6 cushions, a clock, a safe, a table, window

curtaines, &c.,                                                        05 00 00

In the Hall;  It.: a chest of  drawers, and in
   
it, 2 dozen of dishes, a pewter flagon, ba-

sons, candlesticks, sawcers, &c.,                             06 00 00
 It.: in ammunition, 4l. It. : in a table, &

forme, and 4 wheeles, 1l                                 .   [05 00 00]

In the ould Parlour; It.: 2 tables, a forme, 4
chaires, 4 stooles, 4 table carpetts, window
curtaines, andirons and doggs &c., in the

chimny,  .                                                            09 00 00

In the Chamber ouer that; It.: a featherbed
and boulster, 2 pillowes, a strawbed, 2 blan­
kitts, a rugg, and couerlitt, darnix  hangings
in 7 peeces, window curtaines, curtaines and


182         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

valence to the bed, a bedstead, 2 chaires, and   [   s.    d.]

3 stooles, andirons &c. in the chimny, & a

courte cubberd,                                                      14 05 00

It.: curtaines and valence to the same bed,
of greene say, and a rugg of the same, with

window curtaines,                                                  05 00 00

In the Hall Chamber; It.: a trunck of linnen,
cont.: 20 pr sheets, 8 table cloaths, 5 doz.
napkins, 6 pr of pillow beers, and towells,      27 00 00

It.: a bedstead, two truncks, 2 boxes, a chest

& a chaire,  .                                                            03 05 00

In the Kittchin Chamber; It.: a featherbed, a
quilt bed, 2 blankitts, 2  couerlitts, 1  boulster,
a flockbed and boulster, a rugg and blankitt,
a chest & ould trunck, and a bedstead,          l 2  00 00

In the Chamber ouer the new Parlour; It.: 2
featherbeds, 2 boulsters, a pr of pillows, 5
 
blankitts and 2 ruggs, stript valence and
 curtaines for bed & windowes, a chest of
drawers, an Alarum, 2 boxes, a small trunck,

 cases  of  bottles,  1   pr  of  dogs,  in  the

chimney,                                                              21 00 00

In the garritts: It.:  in corne and hoggsheads

and other houshould lumber,                            14 15 00

It.:  in apparrell and plate,                                  40 00 00

In the Kittchin; It.: 2 brass kettles, 3 brass
potts, 2 chafing  dishes, 2  brass  skilletts,  a
brass morter, a brass skimmer, and  2  ladles,
2  iron potts, 2 iron skilletts, a dripping pann,
2  kettles, 2  spitts & a  jack, a p'  of  cobirons,
a pr of andirons, a pr  of  doggs, fire shouell
and tongs,  2   frying  panns, a warming pann,
a  gridiron, pewter  dishes, 2   porringers, 1
pr of bellowes, a tinn dripping pann, a  ros­
ter, &   tyn  couers,  potthooks and  tram-

mells; all valued at .                                              12 10 00


HIS   WILL  AND INVENTORY.  183


 

In the Brew ltowse_; It.: a copper mash tubbs,
 
payles, treyes, &c.                                              04 10 00

In the sellars_; It. :  stills and dairy vessells,    06 00 00

        It.: in yearne ready for the weauer,                   03 00 00

It.: 2 oxen, 2 mares, 1 horse, 2 colts, 8
 cowes, and 2  heifers, 3 two yeares ould and 6
yearlings, valued at,  .   .                                143 00 00 It.: Husbandry implements,          .                          05 00 00 It.: Howsing and Lands within the bounds of
Hartford, on both sides the Riuer,   .               450 00 00
 It.: Bookes in his studdy &c., valued at           300 00 00 It. : an adventure in the Entrance,                          50 00 00

 

                                                                                             1136 15 00

The foregoing perticulars were  prised  the  day and
yeare aboue written, according to such light as at prsent
appeared,


                                              by NATHANIELL WARD,

                                                        EDWARD STEBBING.


 

 

184         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX        II.1

 

 

 

THOMAS HOOKER'S PUBLISHED WORKS.
      (Furnished by Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull.)

 

? [The Poor Dovting Christian drawne vnto Christ.

London: Printed in the year 1629.]
Title from Henry Stevens,
-from whom Sabin copied it.
This book does not appear in the Registers of the

Stationers' Company until 1637, when (May  6)  "The
poore doubting Christian drawn to Christ, &c. vpon John
the 6th, the 45th [verse], by Master  Hooker"  was  en­
tered for copyright to Mr. [R.J  Dawlman  and  Luke
Fawne (Registers, iv. 383). Two weeks earlier, "certain
Sermons vpon John  the 6th, verse  the 45th,  by T.  H.,"
had been entered to Andrew Crooke (ibid. 381), --   which
may have been another edition of the same work.

Its sixth edition was printed in 1641: --

"The Poore Doubting Christian drawn to Christ.
Wherein the main Lets and Hindrances which keep men
from coming to Christ are discovered. With  especiall
Helps to recover God's favor. The Sixth Edition." 12°
London: I. Raworth for Luke Fawne. pp. (2), 163.

After the 6th, I can trace, in the seventeenth century,
only three editions [1652 (Dr. Willams's Libr. Cat.);

1 See page 155.


HIS PUBLISHED  WORKS.   185

1659, J. Macock, for Luke Fawne, 12°, and 1667, 16°
(Am. Antiq. Soc. Catalogue)], before "The Twelfth
Edition," 12°, 1700.

The first American edition, with an "Abstract of the
author's Life,"  by the  Rev. Thomas  Prince, was  printed
in Boston (for  D. Henchman),  1743 (12° pp. 14, 144).
This edition, with the  Life, and an Introduction by Rev.
Dr. Edward W. Hooker, was  reprinted, Hartford, 1845
(16° pp. 165, I).

Sabin (Dictionary, no. 32847) says: "This, the ear­
liest and most popular of Hooker's works, first appeared
 in a collection of sermons entitled ' The Saints' Cordial,'
attributed  to Sibbs."   I  have not seen this collection,
nor can I find any mention of the edition of 1629, except
in H. Stevens's catalogue (and in Sabin), as before noted.

The  Sovles  Preparation  for  Christ.   Or,  A  Treatise
of Contrition.  Wherein  is discovered  How  God breaks
the  heart and wounds  the Soule, in the conversion of a

Sinner to Himselfe. .PP. (8), 258.

London, R. Daw/man, 1632.


[2d edition?]      London,         1635.
[3d edition?] sm. 12° Printed (for the use and
                
benefit of the English Churches) in
                
the Netherlands.        
1638.

4th Edition. London:  Assignes,  of  T.  P.
                 
for A. Crooke,
1638.
6th Edition.
12°  Lond., M. F. for R. Dawlman.

1643.


7th Edition. 12° Lond., J. G. for R. Dawlman.

1658.


This work  was entered to R. Dawlman, 29 Oct., 1631,
as  "The  Soules  Preparation  for Christ,  out of  Acts 2,
37, and Luke 15,  by  F.  H.,'' --   as the  printed  Register
(iv. 263) has it, by a clerical error for T. H.    One third of
the copyright was assigned, 14 Oct., 1634, to R. Allott,


 

 

186         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

and by Allott's widow, 1 July, 1637, to Legatt and Andrew
Crooke.

The Eqvall Wayes of God: Tending to the Rectifying
of the Crooked \Vayes of
l\fan. The Passages whereof
are briefly and clearly drawne from the sacred Scriptures.
By T. H.

London.,· for '.John Clarke, 1632.    pp. (8), 40.

Entered to J. Clarke, 6 Dec., r631 (Registers, iv. 267).
The prefatory address, To the Christian
Reader, is signed
T. H., showing that the publication was authorized by the
author.

[An Exposition of the Lord's Prayer. By T. H. 1638.]
 
Entered, as above, to Mr. [R.] Dawlman, 5 Sept., 1637 (Stat.
Registers,  
iv.  392).      It is advertised, as pub­
lished, in a list of :Mr. Hooker's books, prefixed to (the
4th edition of) "The Soules Preparation," etc., 1638.
The Bodleian Catalogue has : Heaven's  Treasury opened,
in a faithfull Exposition of the Lord's Prayer, go Lond.
1645 ; and Sabin has that title and date nearly (no.
32839), with" fruitful" in place of "faithfull,"  and  add­
ing: "with a Treatise on the Principles of Religion;" but
 marking the size as 4to. The Bodleian has, as a separate
 
title: " An Exposition of the Principles of Religion," go
1645, -- in the list of Hooker's works.

The Sovles Humiliation.  London, for A. Crooke,
1637. Entered (as, by T. H.) Feb. 28, 1636-7,  to A.
Crooke, by whom one half the copyright was assigned to
P. Nevill, 13 March, 1637-8 (Registers, iv. 374,412). The
licenser's imprimatur is dated Oct. 10 and Dec. 6, 1637.

The Second Edition, 4° I. L.for A. Crooke. 1638. The  
Third  Edition.      T.  Cotes  for  A.
             1640.

Crooke and P. Nevill.

Another.     8° Amsterdam, for T. L. near the
English Church. 1638. pp. 302.


                    HIS PUBLISHED WORKS.        187

 

The  Soules  Implantation.  A  Treatise   containing,
The Broken Heart, on Esay 57. 15.   The  Preparation of
the Heart, on Luke 1. 17. The  Soules  Ingraffing into
Christ, on Mal. 3. 1.     Spirituall Love and Joy, on Gal. 5.
22.   By T.  H.     R. Young, sold  by F.  Clifton, 1637.
pp. (2), 266.

Entered 22 Apr., 1637, to Young and Clifton (Regis­
ters,
iv. 382).  Another,  much  improved  edition, under
the
title --

The Soules Implantation into the  Naturall  Olive.   By

T. H. Carefully corrected, and much enlarged. With a
Table of the Contents prefixed.

R. Young, sold by F. Clifton, 1640.   pp. (6), 320.

The Sermon on Spiritual Joy, on Habak. 3. 17, 18, is
added in this edition, and the  preceding Sermon, on Spir­
itual Love, was printed from  larger  and  more  accurate
notes.

The Sovles Ingrafting into Christ.  By T. H.

J. H[aviland] for  A. Crooke, 1637. pp. (2), 30.
The text is Mal. 3. 1. It is one of three "Sermons ...

    by T. H." entered  to Crooke,  22  July, 1637  (Registers,

iv. 390). Another edition of  it  makes  part  of  "The
Soules  Implantation"  1637.  See   the  next  preceding
title.

The Sovles Effectual! Calling to Christ.    By T.  H.
J. H[aviland] for A. Crooke, 1637. pp. (2), 33-668.

Entered to A. Crooke, 21 Apr., 1637, as "certain Ser-

  mons upon John the 6th, verse the 45th, by T. H."
(Register, iv. 381.) Usually bound with "The Sovles
Ingrafting," with which  its  paging  is  continuous;  but
also published separately (though without change of
paging), with a second title prefixed, --

The Sovles Vocati'on or Effectval Calling  to Christ.

By T. H.


188          LIFE  OF  THOJIIAS  HOOKER.

 

With a  Table of  Contents (II  leaves), and in imprint,
the date 1638.

[The Soules Possession of Christ: upon Romans 13: 4,
Acts 16:31, Psal. 51:16, John 7:37, 2 Kings 2:12,

1  Peter 5:5, Zeph. 2:3.   By T. H.]         8°, 1638.

So entered to [R.] Dawlman, 13  Nov.  1637.  The
Bodleian  Catalogue  has:  The   Soules   Possession   of
Christ: whereunto  is  annexed  a Funeral  Sermon on
2 Kings  ii.  12.    8°  Lond. 1638.   "Spirituall Munition:
 
a funeral Sermon, on 2  Kings ii. 12.   By T. H.   Lond.
1638" (Bodl. Cat.), appears to have been also published
separately.

The Sovles Exaltation. A Treatise containing The
Soules Vnion with Christ, on I Cor. 6. 17, The Soules
Benefit from Vnion with Christ, on I Cor.  I.  30.  The
Soules Justification, on 2 Cor. 5. 21. By T. H.

J. Haviland,for Andr. Crooke, 1638. pp. (16), 311.

8 April, 1637, [12] "Sermons .. , by T. H." were
entered to Andrew Crooke, - the text of each being
named (Registers, iv. 380). These sermons were made
up into three volumes, under the titles, "The Soules
Exaltation" (3), "Four Treatises," etc. (3), and "The
Vnbeleevers  Preparing  for  Christ" (5), -   all  published
in 1638.

The Vnbeleevers Preparz"ng for Christ. Luke 1. 17.
By T. H.

T.  Cotes for Andr. Cro(Jke, 1638.    pp. (4), 204,  (4);119, (4).

Six sermons. The first five selected from  the  '' Ser­
mons by T. H.," entered to A. Crooke, 8 April, 1637; the
last  (on John 6. 44), one of  "certain  sermons ...     by

T.  H.," entered  to  the  same  publisher,  22   July, 1637

(Registers, iv. 380, 390).


HIS PUBLISHED WORKS.               189

Four godly and  learned  Treatises:  viz.: The  Car­
nall Hypocrite. The Churches Deliverances
. The De­
ceitfulness of Sinne. The Benefit of Afflictions. By

T. H.

12° A. Crooke, 1638.

(Prince  Library and  Bodleian  Catalogues.)      Probably
four of  the  (12) Sermons  by T.  H. entered to Crooke,
8 April, 1637. Among  "several  Treatises  by  this  Au­
thor" advertised by Cooke,  1638,  are  "Sermons  on
Judges 10. 23; on Psalms 119. 29;  on Proverbs 1.28, 29;
and on 2 Tim. 3. 5.'' These sermons are included in the
collection entered 8 April, except the third, which  is one

of four entered to the same publisher, 22 July, 1637.
(Crooke assigned half the copyright of these "Four
Treatises" to Wm. Wethered, 1 Sept., 1638.)

? [ The Garments of  Salvation  first  putt  off  by  the
Fall  of  our  first  Parents.    Secondly,  putt  on   again   by
the Grace of  the  Gospel.    By T.  H.
1639 ?]

Entered, 6 May, 1639,  to  R. Young and  Fulke  Clif­
ton (R
egisters, iv. 465). Mr. Arber queries,"?  by
Thomas   Hooker."    Certainly  intended  to  pass for  his.
I have not been able to find a copy of it.

The Cliristians Two Chiefe Lessons, Viz. Selfe-Deniall,
and Selfe-Tryall. .As also, The  Priviledge of  Adoption
and Triall thereof. In three Treatises on the Texts fol­
lowing: Viz. Matt. 16. 24.  :2 Cor. 13. 5. Iohn I.  12,  13.
By T. H.

T. B. for P. Stepliens and  C. Meredith, 1640.  pp.

(24), 303.

An  "Epistle  Dedicatory"  to  "the  Honourable  and
truly Religious Lady
, the Lady Anne Wake," is sub­
scribed, Z. S. [Rev. Zechariah Symmes of Charlestown?],
who "had taken some paines in the perusall and tran­
scribing" the copy "after it came into the Printers


 

 

 

190         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

hands," and "one that was inwardly acquainted with the
Authour [Thomas Shepard?]  hath  laboured  with me in
this taske."

"A Treatise or certaine Sermons' of Selfe Denyall'
upon Matthew 16. 24 and 25 verses, by T. H.," was en-
tered 15 Dec., 1638, to Stevens and  Meredith  (Regis­
ters,
iv. 448). The completed work, with  the  title as
above, was entered to the same partners, 15 Oct., 1639
(ibld. 483).

[The Patterne of PeifecHon exhibited in God's Image
on Adam and God's Covenant with him, on Genesis 1.

26. Whereunto is added, An E:rhortacion to redeeme
tyme
for recovering our losses in the premises on Ephe­
sians, 5. 16. Also certaine Queries touching a true and
sound Christian, by T. H.]

This title was entered to Mr. [R.J Young and Fulke
Clifton,  19 Feb., r638-9 (Reglsters, iv. 455).  Published
(in a second edition?), 1640, (Bodi. Cat.).

Tlze Danger of Desertion: or A Farwell Sermon of
Mr. Thomas Hooker, Somtimes
Minister of God's Word
at Chainsford in Essex; but now of New England.
Preached immediately before his departure out of old
England. - Together with Ten Particular rules to be
practised every day by converted Christians.

G. M.for Geo. Edwards, 1641.  pp. (4), 29.

Text, Jerem. 14. 9. A Second edition was printed the
same year (Prince Libr. Cat.). A MS. note by the Rev.

T. Prince attributes the "Ten Rules" to the Rev. E.
Reyner.

           The Faithful Covenanter.     A Sermon preached at the
Lecture in Dedham in Essex. By that excellent ser-
vant of Jesus Christ, in the work of the Gospel, Mr. Tho.
Hooker, late of Chelmsford; now in New-England. Very


                  HIS PUBLISHED  WORKS.                       191

 

usefull in  these times of  Covenanting  with God.   Psal.
78. vers. 9, [10, 36, 37: 8 lines].

Christopher Meredith, 1644. pp. (2), 43.

Text from Deut. 29. 24, 25. Printed from the notes of
some hearer - and without the author's knowledge -- as
"very useful in these times" of subscribing the "Solemn
League and Covenant."

"? [An Exposition of the Principles of Religion.

              8° 1645.]

Title from the Bodleian Catalogue.  I have not seen it.

The Saints Guide, in  three  Treatises  on Gen. vi. 13,

[3,] Rom. i.  18, and Ps. i. 3.     8° Lond. 1645.

Bodl. Catalogue. "Three Sermons upon these Texts
(vizt.)"Romans I. 18, Genesis 6. 3, Psalms r. 3, by T. H."
were entered to John Stafford, 10 Aug., 1638 (Stat. Reg.,
iv. 428); but I can trace no earlier edition than that of 1645.

? [The  Immortality  of  the  Soule.   The    Excellencie
of Christ  Jesus, treated on.     Wherein  the  faithfull  people
of God may find comfort for their  Souls.  By  T.  H.
Published according to Order. 1646. pp. (2), 21.]

Title from Sabin's  Dictionary (no. 32841), where it

is attributed  to  Hooker.

? [Heautonaparnumenos: or a Treatise of Self-Deny­
all.   
Intended   for  the   Pulpit;   but   now  committed   to
the Presse for the Publike Benefit. By Thomas Hooker.
                      London, Wilson for Rich. Royston, 1646.

itle from Sabin (no. 32840), who evidently had not
seen the book, for he does not give the size or number of
pages. I am confident this title is not (our) Thomas
Hooker's : but the book may be a bookseller's make-up
from "The Christians Two Chiefe Lessons/' etc., pub­
lished in 1640.


192         LIFE  OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

 

                                            POSTHUMOUS.

 Survey   of   tlte    Summe    of   Church-Discipline.

Wherein, The Way of the Churches of New-England is
warranted  out  of  the  Word, etc....  By THO.  HOOKER,
late Pastor of the Church at Hartford upon Connecticott
in N. E.

                4° A. M. for John Bellamy, 1648.   pp. (36);  Part  1.

The author's preface (r8 pp.) is followed by an Epistle

to  the  Reader  (4 pp.) subscribed  by  Edward  Hopkins
and William Goodwin,  Hartford, 28 Oct., 1647: a Poem
"in obitum viri Doctissimi Thomae Hookeri," by Samuel
Stone; others by John Cotton and  E.  Rogers:  and a
further commendation to the reader by Thomas Goodwin,
April 17, 1648.

This work, it appears, was "finished, and sent near two
years " earlier, to be printed; but the copy "was  then
buried in the rude waves of the vast Ocean, with many
precious Saints, in their passage hither." Mr. Hooker
reluctantly consented to prepare another  copy  for the
press, but
" before the full transcribing, he was translated
from us to be ever with the Lord."

To  some copies of  the work, John  Cotton's" The Way
of  Congregational  Churches  cleared" was appended, and
a general title, including both works, prefixed to the
volume. Mr. Cotton's treatise continues the answers to
Rutherford,  begun by Mr. Hooker in Part I.
Chap. 10,   of
the Survey.  That  chapter  ends on  p. 139,  the  next page
is blank, and Chapter r I begins on the next page follow­
ing, numbered 18;, with a  new signature.  It  may have
been the intention of the editors to incorporate Mr.
Cot­
ton's work with Hooker's, in this  division  of  the Survey,
or the former may have been substituted for Hooker's
unfinished notes.


HIS  PUBLISHED  WORKS.      193

The Covenant of Grace opened: wherein These partic­
ulars are  handled ;  viz.  1.  ·what the Covenant  of Grace
is, 2.  What  the Seales of  the  Covenant are, 3. Who  are
the Parties and  Subjects  fit  to  receive  these  Seales.
From all which Particulars Infants Baptisme is  fully
proved and vindicated.  Being severall Sermons preached
at  Hartford  in  New-England.    By  that  Reverend  and
faithfull Minister  of  the  Gospel,  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker.

                          G. Dawson, 1649.  pp. (2), 85.

The Saints Dignitie and Dutie. Together with The
Danger of Ignorance and  Hardnesse.  Delivered  in
severall Sermons: By that Reverend Divine, Thomas
Hooker, Late Preacher in New-England.

G.  D[awson],  for  Francis  Eglesjield,  1651.    pp.

(12), 246.

Seven sermons:  1.  The Gift of  Gifts: or,  The  End
why Christ gave Himself (Titus 2. 14) : 2. The Blessed
Inhabitant: 
or,  The Benefit of  Christs being in Beleev­
ers (Rom. 8. 10); 3. Grace Magnified:  or the Priviledges
of those that are under Grace (Rom. 6.  14);  4.  Wis­
domes Attendants:
or The Voice of Christ to be obeyed
(Prov. 8. 32): 5. The Activitie of Faith: or, Abraham's
Imitators (Rom. 4. 12) : 6. Culpable Ignorance: or the
Danger of Ignorance under  Meanes  (Is.  27: 11):  7.
Wilful Hardnesse:
or  the  Means  of  Grace  Abused
(Prov. 29. 1). Each sermon has a full titlepage, with
imprint as in the  general  title; and probably  each  was
sold separately, though the paging is continuous.

The preface, signed T.  S.  [Thomas Shepard],  shows
that this volume was prepared for the press by Mr.
Hooker's son-in-law.

A Comment upon Christ's Last Prayer In the Seven­
teenth of John. Wherein is opened, The Vnion Beleev­
ers have with God and Christ, and the Glorious Priviledges
thereof…. By  ...    Mr. Thomas Hooker etc….

                                       13


194         LIFE OF  THOMAS  HOOKER.

Printed from the Author's own Papers, ...    and attested

to be such ...    by Thomas Goodwin and Philip Nye.

Peter Cole, 1656.   pp. (26), 532.

Half-title, on p. I : "Mr. Hooker's Seventeenth Book
made in New-England." A series of sermons on John

17. 20-26, preached, at the administration of the Lord's
Supper, in the last years of Mr. Hooker's pastorate.

The numbering of the volume as " Mr. Hooker's Seven­
teenth Book" has given some trouble to the bibliographers.
 Of a collection of seventeen "books " -- each comprising
one or  more  sermons -  sent to England for publication,
the first eight were published together by P. Cole, 1656
[and  1657], under the  general  title of  "The  Application
of Redemption," etc. ; and two others, the ninth and tenth,
made a second volume under the same title.   Six others
(the eleventh to the sixteenth, inclusive) were announced
by Cole, in 1656, as "now printing, in two volumes," but I
find no evidence that they were ever published. The
seventeenth "and last" (as Cole announced it) was " A
Comment upon Christ's Prayer," etc.

Tlie Application of Redemption. By  the  Effectual
Work of the Word, and Spirit of Christ, for the bringing
home of  lost  Sinners  to God.   [The first Eight Books.]

… By ...    Thomas  Hooker,  etc.   Printed  from  the
Authour's Papers, ... with ... an Epistle by Thomas
Goodwin, and Philip Nye. 1657. pp. (46), 451.

The title and collation are from Sabin: but the Cat-
alogue of the Red Cross (Dr. Williams's) Library men­
tions two editions of 1656, one in octavo, the other in
quarto.

The Application of Redemption, etc.  The  Ninth  and

Tenth  Books ...   Printed  from  the  Author's   Papers,

Written  with  his own hand.   And attested to  be  such,
 in  an  Epistle,  By  Thomas  Goodwin  and  Philip  Nye.

Peter Cole, 1657.        pp. (22), 702, (30).


HIS PUBLISHED  WORKS.         195


The same
. The Second Edition.

Peter Cole, 1659.  pp. (22), 702, (30).

The prefatory epistle of Goodwin  and  Nye  gives,  in
brief, the  history  of  this  work, and, incidentally,  of  many
of  the  earlier  editions   of   Hooker's   sermons.   "Many
parts and pieces of this Author, upon this argument, ser­
mon-wise, preach'd by him  here in England, having
been taken by an unskilful hand, which, upon his recess
into those remoter  parts of the World, was bold without
his privity or consent to print and publish them,… his

genuine  meaning was diverted  ...     from  the  clear draft
of  his  own  notions  an intentions …. In these  Trea-
tises, thou hast his Heart from his own Hand, his own
Thoughts drawn by his own Pencil,"  etc.  He  had
preached more briefly of this subject, first, while a Fellow
and Catechist at Emmanuel College, and  again, many
years  after, more largely, at Chelmsford, --   "the product
of which was those books of Sermons that have gone
under his name, --    and last of all, now in New-England."




 


 







                                 MAKERS  OF  AMERICA.

 

 

The following is a list of the subjects and authors so far arranged for in this series.    The volumes will be published at the uniform price of 75 cents, and will appear in rapid succession: -

 

Christopher  Columbus  (1436-1506),  and  the   Discov­ ery of the New World. By CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS, President of Cornell University.

John   Winthrop   ( 1588-1640 ),   First   Governor   of the Massachusetts Colony. By Rev. JOSEPH H. TWICHELL.

Robert Morris (1734-1806), Superintendent of Finance under the Continental Congress. By Prof. WILLIAM

G. SUMNER, of Yale University.

James Edward Oglethorpe (1689--1785), and the Found- ing of  the  Georgia  Colony.  By  HENRY  BRUCE, Esq.

John Hughes, D.D.  (1797-1864),  First  Archbishop  of New- York:   a   Representative   American   Catholic. By HENRY A. BRANN, D.D.

Robert Fulton (1765-1815):  His  Life and  its  Results. By Prof. R. H. THURSTON, of Cornell University.

Francis Higginson (1587- 1630), Puritan, Author  of "New  England's  Plantation," etc.                    By THOMAS W. HIGGINSON.


2              MAKERS    OF   AMERICA.

 

Peter Stuyvesant  (1002-1682),  and  the  Dutch  Settle­ ment of New- York. By BAYARD TUCKERMAN, Esq.,  author  of  a  "  Life  of  General   Lafayette," editor of the " Diary of Philip Hone," etc., etc.

Thomas  Hooker  (1586-1647),  Theologian,  Founder  of the  Hartford  Colony.  By GEORGE  L. WALKER, D.D.

Charles  Sumner  (1811-1874),  Statesman.    By  ANNA

L. DAWES.

Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), Third President of the United States. By JAMES SCHOOLER, Esq., author of "A History of the United States under the Constitution."

William White (1748-1836), Chaplain of the Continen­ tal Congress,  Bishop of  Pennsylvania, President of the Convention to organize the Protestant Episcopal Church in America. By Rev. JULIUS H.  WARD, with an Introduction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter, D.D., Bishop of New-York.

Jean Baptiste Lemoine, siettr de Bienville (1680-1768), French Governor of Louisiana, Founder  of  New Orleans. By GRACE KING, author of " Monsieur Motte."

Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804), Statesman, Finan­ cier, Secretary of the Treasury. By Prof. \VlLLIAM

G.  SuriINER,  of  Yale  University.     ·

Father Juniper Serra (1713-1784), and the Franciscan

.l\1issions in California.    By JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D.

Cotton Mather (1663-1728), Theologian, Author, Be­ liever in Witchcraft and the Supernatural. By Prof. BARRETT WENDELL, of Harvard University.


MAKERS   OF   AMERICA.      3

·Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle  (1643-1687), Ex­ plorer of the Northwest and the Mississippi. By EDWARD G. MASON, Esq., President of the Histori­ cal Society of Chicago, author of " Illinois" in the Commonwealth Series.

Thomas Nelson (1738-1789), Governor of Virginia, General in the Revolutionary Army. Embracing a Picture of Virginian Colonial Life. By THOMAS NELSON PAGE, author of "Mars Chan," and other popular stories.

George and Cecilius Calvert, Barons Baltimore of Baltimore (1605-1676), and the Founding of the Maryland Colony. By WILLIAM HAND BROWNE, editor of "The Archives of Maryland."

Sir William Johnson  (1715-1774), and  The  Six  Na­ tions.   By WILLIAM ELLIOT GRIFFIS, D.D., author of "The Mikado's Empire," etc., etc.

Sam. Houston (1793- 1862), and the Annexation  of Texas. By HENRY BRUCE, Esq.

Joseph Henry, LL.D. (1797-1878), Savant and Natural Philosopher. By FREDERIC H. BETTS, Esq.

Ralph Waldo Emerson. By Prof. HERMAN GRII\JM1 author of" The Life of Michael Angelo," "The Life and Times of Goethe,:' etc.

 

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