PREFACE.

IN preparing the following account of
the Apostle Eliot, it has been my object to con-
fine the narrative as strictly as possible within
the limits of his personal biography, and of
the circumstances necessarily connected with
it. The story obviously furnishes many
points, at which a writer would desire to
avail himself of the opportunities presented
for discussion and general remarks. Among
these topics, the condition and fate of the
American Indians, and the character of mis-
sionary enterprises among them since Eliot's
time, would open a large field for inquiry
and reflection, in connexion with the history
of a man, who labored so strenuously for that
interesting race. It would likewise be desir-
able to take a somewhat ample notice of Mr.
Eliot's fellow-laborers in the same benevo-
lent work. But my limits have necessarily

vi. PREFACE.

precluded these and similar digressions. The
object of a work like the present is to give a
distinct and faithful picture of the life, doings,
opinions, and habits of the individual; and
the reader must be left to derive from the
account such materials for speculation as
may be suggested to his own mind.
Of the sources, from which I have drawn
the facts for this biographical sketch, some
are obvious, and have been before used; to
others access has hitherto been had either
not at all, or only at second hand. The “Col-
lections of the Massachusetts Historical So-
ciety,” which are full of useful materials for
the student of American history, have af-
forded important aid. These volumes, be-
sides the account of the apostle Eliot pre-
pared by his highly respected namesake, the
Reverend Dr. John Eliot of Boston, contain
scattered facts and documents connected
with the subject of this work. I have con-
sulted the Colony Records, and in a few in-
stances they have furnished me with facts,
which I was glad to obtain.

PREFACE. vii.

I have been reluctantly compelled, by
want of room, to omit many of the most in-
teresting questions proposed by the Indian
converts to their teacher, and some details of
Mr. Eliot's proceedings. But I hope the book
will be found to present a fair representation
of his deeds and character, and to consti-
tute a memorial not altogether unworthy of
one belonging to the venerable class of “the
righteous who shall he in everlasting remem-
brance.” The record of the wise and good
will never he forgotten by a community, who
understand what they owe to themselves;
and it may be refreshing briefly to withdraw
from the heating excitements, which daily
crowd upon the public mind, to the con-
templation of a man, whose long life was a
life of moral labor, whose active spirit was
a spirit of self-sacrifice and of pure be-
nevolence.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Eliot's Birth. -- Education. -- Connexion with      Page
    Mr. Hooker.-- Arrival and Ministry in Bos-
    ton. -- Marriage. -- Settlement at Roxbury.     3

CHAPTER II.

Eliot’s Animadversions on the Pequot Treaty.--
    His Connexion with the Trial of Mrs. Hutch-
    inson. -- His Agency in the New England
    Version of the Psalms.                     14

CHAPTER III.

General Remarks on the Indians. -- Interest in
   their Conversion to Christianity.-- Mr. Eliot's
   Preparation for the Work by learning the In-
   dian Language.                           30

CHAPTER IV.

Eliot's First Visits to the Indians at Nonantum. 46

CHAPTER V.

The Nonantum Establishment. – Meetings and
   Eliot’s Preaching at Neponset. – Cutshama-
   kin. -- Questions and Difficulties proposed by
   the Indians.--Eliot at Concord.               67

X CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI.

Visit of Shephard and Others to Nonantum. -- A
   Court established for the “Praying Indians.”
-- Their Appearance before a Synod. -- Their
   Questions. -- Their Observance of the Sabbath.
   -- Funeral of a Child.                         86

CHAPTER VII.

Eliot’s Visits to Passaconaway at Pautucket. --
   Kindness experienced by Him from the Nasha-
   way Sachem, and his Exposure and Suffering.
   -- His Agency with Regard to Murders com-
   mitted among the Indians. --Excursion to
   Yarmouth.                                 104

CHAPTER VIII.

Eliot's Care of Nonantum. -- Questions. -- Eli-
   ot’s Endeavors to interest Others in the Cause.
   -- His Need of Assistance. -- Society for Pro-
   pagating the Gospel among the Indians estab-
   lished in England.                           124

CHAPTER IX.

Further Labors of Eliot among the Natives. --
   His Letters to Winslow. -- Questions of the
   Indians. -- Eliot's Converts troubled by Gor-
   ton's Doctrines. -- Desire of the Indians for a
   Town and School. -- Opposition from the Pow-
   aws and Sachems.                           138

CONTENTS. xi

CHAPTER X.

The settlement at Natick. -- Labors of the In-
   dians at that Place. -- Form of Polity devised
for them by Eliot. – Their Civil Covenant. --
   Visit of Governor Endicot and Mr. Wilson
   to Natick, and their; Account. -- Eliot's Endeav-
   ors to form Indian Preachers. -- Further Par-
   ticulars of Natick.                            160

CHAPTER XI.

Proposed Organization of a Church at Natick.
   -- Examination and Confessions of the In-
   dians. -- Delays. -- Intemperance among the In-
   dians. -- Further Examinations. -- A Church
   established. -- Affectionate Regards and Kind
   Services of the Christian Natives. – Misrepre-
   sentations as to Eliot and his Work. -- Ap-
   pointment of English Magistrates for the
   “Praying Indians.”                            183

CHAPTER XII.

Eliot's “Christian Commonwealth.” -- His Trans-
   lation of the Scriptures into the Indian Lan-
   guage. -- Second Edition of the Translation.
   -- Remarks on the Work.                       210

CHAPTER XIII.

Further Translations and other Books for the
   Christian Indians by Mr. Eliot. -- His Indian
   Grammar. -- His “Communion of Churches,”
   &c.-- Indians at Harvard University. -- In-
   dian College. -- Towns of “Praying Indians.”      243

xii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIV.

Letter from Eliot to Governor Prince. -- Suffer-
   ings and Conduct of the Christian Indians
   during Philip's War, and Eliot’s Solicitude on
   their Behalf.                                266

CHAPTER XV.

Eliot's “Harmony of the Gospels.” – Informa-
    tion gathered from his Letters to Robert Boyle.
    -- Notice of him by John Dunton and Increase
    Mather. -- Indian Teacher ordained at Natick.
    -- Remarks on Eliot's Labors among the In-
    dians.                                     288

CHAPTER XVI.

The Studies, Preaching, Charity, and General
Habits of Mr. Eliot, during his Ministry at
Roxbury.-- His Family 306

CHAPTER XVII.

Eliot's Old Age and Death. – Concluding Re-
marks 328

APPENDIX. 345

JOHN ELIOT.

CHAPTER I.

Eliot's Birth. -- Education. -- Connexion with
Mr. Hooker. -- Arrival and Ministry in Bos-
ton. -- Marriage. -- Settlement at Roxbury.

THE distinguished man, whose life consti-
tutes the subject of the following narrative, is
familiarly known in New England history as
the APOSTLE TO THE INDIANS, a title as richly de-
served, as it is significant and honorable. JOHN
ELIOT was born at Nasing,* Essex County, Eng-
land, in 1604, and, as Prince supposes,† in No-
vember of that year. At this distance of time,
little information can be had concerning that

* I state this on the authority of Mr. Moore (Memoirs of
Eliot), and of President Allen (Biographical Dictionary,
second edition), who, however, both make a slight mis-
take of orthography in calling the place Nasin. The older
writers do not give the birth-place of Eliot. Cotton
Mather, who was his contemporary, says, “It was a town
in England, the name whereof I cannot presently recover.”
Nasing is in Essex, near Waltham, and between Epping
and Harlow.

† Annals, Part II. Sec. 2.

4 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

part of his life, which was passed in his native
country. All that we know of it is scanty in
amount, and of a general character. We learn
that Mr. Eliot's parents were persons of re-
markable piety, and that they sought, with
conscientious solicitude, to give the feelings
of their son a spiritual direction, and a devout
cast, even in the earliest days of childhood. In
his own expressive language, his “first years
were seasoned with the fear of God, the word,
and prayer." Their pious care was not lost.
It laid the foundation of a character well fitted
for extraordinary tasks in the service of God.
They cast good seed on the young mind; but
they knew not, that, across the ocean in the far
distant wilderness, it was destined to produce
fruit for the nourishment of spiritual life in the
church, and in the cabins of the benighted chil-
dren of the forest.
Mr. Eliot was educated at one of the English
Universities, probably at Cambridge, though we
know not at which of the numerous halls in that
seat of learning. To his character as a scholar,
during this forming period of life, there is
merely a general, but an honorable testimony.
He acquired a sound, thorough, and discrim-
inating knowledge of the original languages
of the Scriptures, became well versed in the
general course of liberal studies, and was par-
ticularly skilful in theological learning. It is

JOHN ELIOT. 5

recorded that be bad a partiality for philolog-
ical inquiries, and was an acute grammarian; a
turn of mind which, we may suppose, afterwards
had its influence in stimulating and directing
the labor his pious zeal prompted him to be-
stow on the language of the Indians.
On leaving the University be engaged in the
business of instruction. Mr. Hooker, who at a
subsequent period became one of the most emi-
nent among the worthies of New England, hav-
ing been silenced in the work of preaching on
account of his nonconformity, had established a
grammar school at Little Baddow, near Chelms-
ford in Essex. In this school Mr. Eliot was
employed as an usher. It is recorded, that he
discharged the unostentatious, but important,
duties of this station with faithful and successful
industry. Cotton Mather, with an amusing zeal,
takes pains to prove that he was not disgraced
by the employment. This reminds us of the folly
of those writers, who drew upon themselves
the caustic remarks of Johnson for endeavour-
ing to vindicate Milton from the degradation of
having been a schoolmaster. There are many
facts, which show that in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries the office of a teacher of
youth was far from being treated with that re-
spect in England, which belongs to the weighty
task of building up minds for the service of the
state and of the world.

6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Eliot was by his situation brought into that
familiar acquaintance with Mr. Hooker, which
exerted the happiest influence on the advan-
cing formation of his character and principles.
From that devoted and able man he received
deep religious impressions, which were never
effaced, and which reinforced with strong power
all the good effects of his pious education. He
always spoke of his residence at Little Baddow
as a rich blessing to his soul. In the lonely-
ness of retirement, and in the quiet sanctity of
Hooker's household, his spiritual life was kind-
led into that expansive energy, which led him
with unalterable purpose to the service of God.
“When I came to this blessed family,” said he,
“I then saw, and never before, the power of
godliness in its lively vigor and efficacy.”
Hooker must have experienced the happiness,
which a good man feels, when he has been the
instrument of bringing a gifted mind and a
sanctified heart to work for the cause of truth
and righteousness.*
To the Christian ministry Eliot now resolved
to devote himself. But for the Puritan or Non-
conformist preacher there was at that time no
open field in England. He was fortunate if he

* Cotton Mather was in possession of a manuscript writ-
ten by Mr. Eliot, in which he gave an account of the school
and of his residence at Little Baddow. See Magnalia,
Book III. Life of Hooker.

JOHN ELIOT. 7

escaped imprisonment, and at best could but
exercise his office in a half-suppressed, clan-
destine manner, while he was continually star-
tled by the sound of pursuit, and liable at any
moment to be taken in the toils laid for him by
arbitrary power.* It is not necessary here to
enter into the detail of those measures, which
were pressed with pertinacious folly, till in the
stormy reaction the throne and the church went
to the ground, and the fierce struggle of a civil
war became the price, at which some advance
was gained in a cause, that has ever since, from
time to time, been in a course of onward move-
ment. When Mr. Eliot saw that his friend and
instructor, Hooker, notwithstanding the inter-
position of forty-seven conforming clergymen
on his behalf, could escape from the searching
tyranny of Laud only by fleeing to Holland, he
must have been convinced that neither safety
nor usefulness was any longer to be expected
in his native country. In these circumstances,
he turned his thoughts to the new western
world. There a refuge had already been found
by many, of whom England had rendered her-
self unworthy; and there he resolved to take

* In Eliot's case, it would seem, the persecution extend-
ed further than to the exercise of the ministry, if we may
believe Neal, who says that he was “not allowed to teach
school in his native country.” – History of the Puritans,
Vol. II. p. 245.

8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY,

his lot among those, who were driven forth by
their countrymen to do a great work for human
rights and for God's cause in the wilderness.
With a mind thus well matured, and a char-
acter thus prepared for the important duties
that awaited him, Mr. Eliot bade farewell
to the home of his fathers, and sought the
shores of America. On the 3d of November,
1631, the ship Lyon, in which he took passage,
came to anchor in Boston harbour, bringing a
company of about sixty persons. Among them
were the wife and children of Governor Win-
throp. Their arrival was welcomed with pecu-
liar demonstrations of joy, and every thing,
which kindness could suggest, was done to give
them a pleasant reception.*
Mr. Eliot was now twenty-seven years of
age, in the full vigor of youthful health and
strength. No sooner had he landed; than he
found a field of usefulness, and was called to
the work on which his heart was set. Mr.
Wilson, pastor of the First Church in Boston,
had gone to England, for the settlement of
his affairs, in the latter part of the preceding
March. In his absence, the religious services
had been superintended and conducted by
Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Now-
ell, the elder. Wilson, at a solemn meeting
before his departure, had designated these in-

* Savage's Winthrop, Vol. I. pp. 63-66.

JOHN ELIOT. 9

dividuals as best fitted for “the exercise of
prophecy,” as it was termed, that is, for the
office of public religious instruction. The duty
was doubtless well and wisely discharged by
these distinguished laymen; and the church
must be deemed a favored one, which, in the
absence of its pastor, could thus furnish from
its own number gifted and pious men to sus-
tain the public offices of the Sabbath. But it
was natural, that they should avail themselves
of the first opportunity to procure the services
of a well-qualified minister. Such an oppor-
tunity occurred when Mr. Eliot arrived. He
immediately joined the Boston church, and of-
ficiated as their preacher until his removal to
Roxbury. He performed the duties of this sta-
tion with distinguished ability and usefulness;
and the church welcomed him as a faithful
helper of their joy.
In the following February, Mr. Eliot is men-
tioned as one of those, who accompanied the
Governor on that excursion, in which they dis-
covered and named Spot Pond.
When Eliot left England, more tender affect-
tions than those of national feeling still lingered
there. His heart and hand were pledged to a
young lady, whose name is not transmitted to
us, but who seems to have been in every re-
spect worthy of such a man. She followed him
to New England, and their marriage took place

10 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

in October, 1632. Their union was very long
and very happy. She is said to have been a
woman of much active benevolence and of ex-
emplary piety, prompt to share with her hus-
band the works of charity, and affording him
that aid, on which a mind tasked and wearied
with arduous duties might lean with full and
refreshing confidence.
So entirely faithful and acceptable were the
clerical labors of Mr. Eliot, that the Boston
church expressed a strong wish to retain him
permanently in their service. They would
gladly have settled him, as teacher, in connex-
ion with their pastor, Wilson, when he return-
ed from England. They seem, from Winthrop's
account.* to have set their hearts much on ac-
complishing this union. When we recollect
the character of the leading men in that church,
this urgency on their part speaks well for the
gifts and graces, which could so soon ex-
cite an interest so deep and strong. But, in
consequence of a prior engagement, their cher-
ished purpose failed of success. When Eliot
left his native land, a considerable number of
his Christian brethren, who loved him and sym-
pathized in his views, had thought of following
him to America. He had promised them, that,
if they should carry that plan into effect, and
should arrive in New England before he had

* Vol. I. p. 93.

JOHN ELIOT. 11

formed a regular pastoral connexion with any
other church, he would be their minister and
devote himself to their service. The next year
they came hither, and settled at Roxbury. The
pledge he bad given was now to be redeemed.
The Boston church strove earnestly to retain
him, but in vain. Both he and the new congre-
gation preferred to abide by their engagement.
Accordingly, on the 5th of November, 1632, he
was established as teacher of the church in
Roxbury, and continued in that office till his
death. The following year he received a col-
league, Mr. Welde, with whom his connexion
was uniformly harmonious and happy. In 1641
Mr. Welde went to England, as agent for the
province, and never returned. At subsequent
periods, Mr. Danforth and Mr. Walter were
colleagues with the Roxbury teacher.
Mr. Eliot now found himself placed in a re-
lation, for which his education, his habits of
thought, and the spirituality of his character
were adapted to give him a strong affection.
He loved the labors of the ministry, and en-
gaged in them with his whole soul. His situa-
tion had much that was attractive, amidst the
hardships and trials of a new settlement. He
was among friends, who had known him long
enough to give him their hearts without reserve.
He was not now for the first time to win their
confidence. They met in the new world as

12 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

those, who had been drawn to each other by
kindred feelings amidst the trials of their na-
tive land. From what has already been stated
of his history, it may seem almost superfluous
to say that his important duties were discharge-
ed with exemplary zeal, ability, and faithful-
ness. Even at that time, when ecclesiastical
labors were the first and highest in the infant
colony, and when the clergy by their office were
leading men in the community, scarcely a name
can be mentioned, which stood before that of
Mr. Eliot. Of his ministry in Roxbury there is
not much to be told, that can be presented in an
historical form; for the life of a clergyman, as
such, though full of toil, is not full of events.
We know, that from first to last he was a hard
student and a hard worker; breaking the bread
of life with affectionate fidelity, and administer-
ing divine truth with uncompromising sinceri-
ty; fearless in rebuke and kind in counsel;
meeting every claim of duty with unwearied
patience, and bringing his wisdom to bear on
the most common things; proverbially charita-
ble, and ready to be spent in every good work.*

* “How strong,” says Came, “must have been his emo-
tion, when the aged Hooker toiled up the hill to listen to
the words of the man, whose soul he had first guided; it
was one of the most touching scenes of Eliot's life, when
the former, well stricken in years, came to America, to lay
his bones there, and found his once young and valued

JOHN ELIOT. 13

Another part of this narrative may afford an
opportunity of recurring to this subject. At
present I will only remark, that the abilities
and graces manifested in his professional du-
ties naturally remind us of those delineations
of clerical excellence, in which simplicity of
heart, sanctified learning, and watchful fidelity
are beautifully blended;
“Such priest u Chaucer sang in fervent lays,
Such as the heaven-taught skill of Herbert drew.”

friend thus surrounded with comfort and respect." -- Lives
of Eminent Missionaries, Vol I. p. 9. This is one of the
pleasant fancies, of which Carne's account is full. It is
altogether likely that Hooker, when he came to New Eng-
land, visited Eliot and heard him preach, though I know
not where Carne found any notice of the fact. With re-
spect to the interest the picture derives from the old age
of Hooker, it should be remembered that be was but forty-
seven years old when he arrived in Boston, and that three
years afterwards be removed to Hartford in Connecticut,
and died there in 1647, in his sixty-second year. During
the short time in which be bad opportunities of hearing
his young friend in Roxbury, he could not, except by a
poetical license, be called “well stricken in years.”

14 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER II.

Eliot’s Animadversions on the Pequot Treaty. --
   His Connexion with the Trial of Mrs. Hutchin-
   son.—His Agency in the New England Version
   of the Psalms.

NOT long after Mr. Eliot's settlement at Rox-
bury, he was brought into some trouble by the
honest, though perhaps injudicious, freedom of
his remarks on a civil transaction. In Octo-
ber, 1634, a messenger from the sachem of the
Pequots waited on Mr. Ludlow, the deputy-
governor, for the purpose of soliciting the es-
tablishment of friendly relations by treaty be-
tween that tribe and the Massachusetts settlers.
The Pequots were then at war with the Narra-
gansets and with the Dutch; and their anxiety
to secure the friendship, if not the direct aid,
of the English, in this perilous crisis of their
affairs, was the occasion of the negotiation they
had set on foot. The messenger received from
the deputy-governor the answer, that his tribe
must send more responsible persons, before the
governor, Mr. Dudley, would consent to enter
upon the consideration of the business.
The next month two of the Pequots appeared
in the character of ambassadors, bringing with

JOHN ELIOT. 15

them the usual Indian present of wampum.*
The deputy-governor accompanied them to
Boston, where several of the assistants were in
attendance on the weekly lecture. This afford-
ed an opportunity of consulting the clergy, as
was frequently done with regard to important
transactions of state. The result of the de-
liberation was, that an offer was made to the
Pequots of a treaty on certain conditions, one
of which was, that they should surrender those
Indians, who had murdered Captain Stone, and
other Englishmen, some time before. They
agreed to deliver up the two, who, as they al-
leged, alone survived of the number concerned
in that outrage. They also promised to favor
the settlement of an English plantation in Con-
necticut, and to furnish four hundred fathoms of
wampum, besides forty beaver and thirty otter
skins. On. these terms, the government of the

* The best explanation I have seen of this term, so
often occurring in Indian history, is in the following note
furnished for Drake's reprint of “The Present State of
New England with respect to the Indian War,” &c., p.28.
“Wampampeag, commonly called Wampum, was the
money made by the Indians, and made a lawful tender by
the whites. It was white and black; the white was formed
of the Periwinkle, or, in Indian, Meteauhock (Buccinum la-
pillus and undatum, Linn.] The black, of the Poquanhock,
(now called Quahaug or Clam], the Venus mercenaria of
Linnaeus. Much of it, and indeed most of it, was made on
Block Island. It was reckoned by fathoms, and parts of a,
fathom, being worth from 5 to 10 shillings the fathom.”

16 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

colony consented to establish a treaty of amity
and peace with them, but not to engage in an
alliance of defence against their enemies.*
    On this proceeding Mr. Eliot thought it his
duty to animadvert with some freedom in a
sermon at Roxbury. This he did in accordance
with the spirit of those times, when the minis-
ters, in their concern for the general good,
took a large and free share in the discussion of
all matters of public interest. He blamed the
ministers for advising, and the magistrates for
concluding, the treaty with the Pequots in such
a manner; nor did he limit his rebukes to that
point. The ground of his censures was, that
the engagement with the Indians had been
made by the governor and assistants on their
own authority alone, without the consent of the
people; plebe inconsulia, as it was expressed.
    The animadversions of the Roxbury teacher
gave much offence. It was supposed they might
tend to the disparagement of the magistrates,
and excite a spirit of complaint unfriendly to
good order. The apprehension was natural,
considering the high character of the man from
whom the rebuke came; and the actual effect
was to call forth expressions of disaffection
among the people. It was deemed too im-
portant a matter to be passed over in si-
lence. The government appointed Mr. Cotton,

   * SAVAGE'S Winthrop, Vol. I. p. 147.

JOHN ELIOT. 17

Mr. Hooker, and Eliot's colleague, Mr. Welde,
“to deal with him," as the phrase was, that is,
to convince him of his error, and induce him to
make, such an explanation of his opinion, as
would obviate the ill consequences of his cen-
sures. These divines discussed the subject
with their brother minister. He confessed, that
he had taken an incorrect view of the case, and
that the form of his opinion was erroneous.
He acknowledged, that, since this was a treaty
for peace and friendship, and not one the con-
sequence of which would be to involve the colo-
ny in a war, he thought the magistrates might
act in their official capacity on the occasion
without waiting for the consent of the people.
This explanation of his views seems to have
been satisfactory, and he promised to announce
it in his pulpit on the next Sabbath.*
Mr. Eliot's objection to the conduct of the
governor and his associates in this instance
can scarcely, I suppose, be considered sound or
defensible. The powers of the Massachusetts
government at that time seem to have been
somewhat indefinite. They were, by the ne-
cessity of the case, sometimes exercised rather
according to present wants and exigencies,
than upon settled and guarded principles. It
is true, the charter conferred on the governor,

* Ibid. p. 151.

VOL. V. 2 C 2

18 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

deputy-governor, and assistants no authority
to make treaties with any people or tribe.*
But the charter did not, and could not, provide
for every emergency, that should arise in the
affairs of a colony thrown into a situation, the
wants of which could not be foreseen. In the
absence of any regulation on the subject, the
treaty-making ·power seemed naturally to rest
with the executive magistrates. The construc-
tion, by which they considered the application
of the Pequots as a case lying within the scope
of this power, and believed themselves author-
ized to act in this instance, according to their
discretion, for the good of the colony, cannot
probably be deemed an unjust assumption.
Yet we may well suppose the point appeared
sufficiently doubtful to be a fair subject for dif-
ference of opinion, and to vindicate Eliot, if he
was wrong, from the charge of being captious
in his view of it. However unfounded might be
his objection, his error could have sprung only
from that watchful jealousy for the rights of
the people, which has always marked the char-
acter of the American communities, and which,
in most other cases at least, has been suffi-
ciently lauded. At the particular time in ques-
tion, this feeling may have been brought into
stronger action, than usual, in his mind. For

* The charter may be seen in HAZARD'S State Papers,
Vol. I.

JOHN ELIOT. 19

it was in 1634, the year of the transaction with
the Pequots, that the people vigorously assert-
ed their right to a larger share in the govern-
ment, and insisted on the institution of a rep-
resentative body to be chosen from the several
towns.* The popular interest excited by this
movement was still so fresh, when the Indians
sent their embassy to Boston, that there proba-
bly existed an unusually keen disposition to
question and scrutinize any new exercise of
power† by the governor and assistants. When
Mr. Eliot spoke of the consent of the people as
necessary to the making of the treaty, he must
have meant the consent of the new court of
delegates, the representatives of the people.
To have discussed or determined the matter by
a meeting of the whole people was manifestly
impracticable.
With regard to Eliot's concession, it is worthy
of remark, that it does not imply any change in
his view of the point at issue, considered as a
question of right. His explanation amounts,
not to the doctrine that treaties in general

* Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 39. See Mr. Savage's excellent
remarks on the interesting occasion referred to; Winthrop,
Vol. I. p. 129.
† There was, I believe, no instance of a treaty in Massa-
chusetts with the Indians before this with the Pequots.
Miantunnomoh, the Narraganset sachem, came to Boston
for that purpose in 1632; but nothing was done. See
Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 32.

20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

might be concluded by the magistrates without
consulting the people, but that in this case
there was no objection to be made to the exer-
cise of such a power, because the people could
be involved in no injurious consequences by it;
an explanation, which takes the ground of pres-
ent expediency, not of a general principle.
He doubtless felt, upon consideration, a strong
reluctance to disparage the authority of govern-
ment, or to create disaffection, by insisting
pertinaciously on the question of right; and
perhaps he had begun to see, that, should he do
so, he would find it difficult to sustain his opin-
ion. He was therefore ready at once to with-
draw his opposition, and make such a statement
as would allay excitement, and quiet the dis-
turbed feelings of the magistrates; though it
does not appear that he abjured the principle,
on which his censure was originally founded.
His conduct may be supposed to have proceed-
ed from a discreet regard to the public peace;
but I find no evidence that he was timid.*

* Hubbard praises the magnanimity Eliot displayed by
acknowledging himself in the wrong.--General History of
New England, p. 166.
It should here be remarked, that Roger Williams is said
to have expressed the same views about the Pequot treaty,
as Mr. Eliot did, but could not, like him, be brought to
make any explanation. This statement is made in the ac-
count of Mr. Eliot in 1 Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol., VIII. p. 28, and
repeated in KNOWLES'S Memoir of Roger Williams, p. 126.

JOHN ELIOT. 21

Mr. Eliot's name stands connected with the
agitation respecting Mrs. Hutchinson, which
makes so conspicuous a figure in the early ec-
clesiastical history of New England. That the
religious opinions of this remarkable woman
were conscientiously and piously held, there is
no reason to doubt; and that she possessed
uncommon abilities, and knew well how to use
them, must be conceded by all. If she was
pragmatical or officious in the exhibition of her
sentiments, the fault, however lamentable, is
too common to diminish our sympathy for her
hard fate. The wisdom of permitting every
religious manifestation, however fantastic, if it
do not disturb the rights of others, to have
room in the community, and the assurance that,
if it be an error or folly, it will thus soonest
come to destruction, are lessons gathered from
experience, but were unknown to the early

Both of these writers refer for their authority to BENTLEY'S
History of Salem; but neither specifies the place. I can
find no such statement in Bentley's History. He says,
“Unfortunately for Mr. Williams, the apostle Eliot, immor-
tal by his services in the conversion of the Indiana, had
taken liberty to speak against the Indian treaty, though, be-
ing brought to confess before the magistrate, he published
afterwards his recantation.”--1 Mass. Hist. Coll.,Vol. VI.
p. 247. The sentence is a blind one. Why it was un-
fortunate for Williams, or what connexion he had with it,
we are not told. I am not aware that there is any other
passage, in which Bentley alludes to the subject.

22 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

settlers of New England, and not less so to their
brethren in the mother country. Had the zeal
of Mrs. Hutchinson been suffered to work itself
off in unnoticed assemblies with her friends, or
in the contests of private argument, a painful
season of bitterness would have been spared to
our fathers; and we should not be called to
lament, that dignified magistrates and learned
divines should have deemed it their duty, in
solemn conclave, to hold sharp encounter with
a female on antinomianism, on the covenant of
grace and the covenant of works, on the per-
sonal indwelling of the Holy Ghost, on assert-
ed revelations and internal impulses; that they
should have banished her from their communi-
ty, and afterwards regarded her tragical end
as a special judgment for her errors and sins.
She was evidently regarded as a formidable
antagonist; for the author of Wonder-working
Providence, in the midst of his invectives, calls
her “the masterpiece of womens' wit.” The
pertinacity and zeal of Mrs. Hutchinson caused
so general an excitement, that for the first time
in New England a synod was summoned by
order of the General Court. This assembly,
which met at Cambridge in August, 1637, seem
to have had as much, and probably about as
useful, business on their hands, as the synods
of earlier ages; for, before they separated, they
pronounced condemnation on a list of eighty-

JOHN ELIOT. 23

two erroneous opinions.* In November of the
same year, Mrs. Hutchinson was brought before
the court and several of the elders for ex-
amination.†
On this occasion Mr. Eliot appeared among
the witnesses against her. He and others of
the clergy had visited her, and in the course of
their discussions had deemed it their duty to
rebuke her for the severe and irritating cen-
sures she bad uttered against all the ministers,
except Cotton and Wheelwright. On the ex-
amination, Mr. Eliot as well as others gave his
report of what had passed in conversation.
He had at the time taken a memorandum, to
which he could now appeal. “I have it in writ-
ing,” said he, “therefore I do avouch it.” On
the second day of the examination, Mrs. Hutch-
inson demanded that the witnesses against
her should be put on oath. This occasioned
considerable discussion. Some thought there
was no need of complying with her demand;
others deemed it judicious to do so, for the

* A catalogue of these, with the confutation of each, is
given in “A Short Story of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of
the Antinomians,” &c., a treatise full of bitterness and
bigotry, published by Welde, Eliot's colleague, after he
went to England.
† A minute account of the trial is given in Hutchinson,
Vol. II. p. 423, Appendix. This was “an ancient manu-
script”; but at what time or by whom it was written, the
historian, if he knew, does not inform us.

24 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

sake of general satisfaction. Mr. Eliot de-
clared that he was willing “to speak upon
oath,” adding the remark, “I know nothing
we have spoken, but we may swear to.” His
colleague, Welde, and Hugh Peters were ready
to do the same. At length an oath was ad-
ministered to these three, and they gave their
testimony with respect to Mrs. Hutchinson's
conversation, as before. Soon after this, the
trial was closed by the condemnation and ban-
ishment of the female heresiarch.
It may be added, that during the trial Mrs.
Hutchinson had spoken with great confidence
of her supernatural impulses and revelations;
the common resort of fanatics, especially in
seasons of persecution. Mr. Eliot had the good
sense to enter his protest against these idle
pretensions. “I say,” was his judicious re-
mark, “there is an expectation of things prom-
ised; but to have a particular revelation of
things that shall fall out, there is no such thing
in the Scripture.” The sentiment seems to
have been regarded as somewhat bold; for the
governor immediately interposed the caution,
that we must not “limit the word of God.”
During the discussion, reference had been made
by one of the deputies to a revelation, which
Mr. Hooker, while he was in Holland, professed
to have had respecting the approaching de-
struction of England. Eliot, who could not

JOHN ELIOT. 25

patiently hear the name of his revered instruct-
ter adduced in support of a delusion, called in
question the truth of this statement. “That
speech of Mr. Hooker's,” said he, “which they
allege, is against his mind and judgment”;
meaning, I suppose, that it was inconsistent
with what he knew of Hooker's opinions and
habits of thought on such subjects.* This part
of the discussion at least was honorable to his
frankness and sound judgment. On the whole,
the agency which he had in the measures
respecting this unfortunate and misguided
woman, if considered in comparison with the
conduct of others, cannot be alleged to his dis-
credit. He was stern and inflexible against

* If we may credit Mather (Magnalia, Vol. I. Book III.
p. 310), Hooker afterwards avowed at Hartford the reve-
lation in question; so that Eliot committed the creditable
mistake of thinking better of his instructer's judgment than
it deserved. It may here be remarked, that Hooker had,
by some report, been led to misapprehend Eliot's views
about the Hutchinson excitement; for in a letter to Shep-
ard of Cambridge he says,” A copy of Mr. Vane's expres-
sions at Roxbury I desire to see and receive by the next
messenger. I have heard my brother Eliot is come about
to this opinion. I have writ to him about it. I would
fain come to a bandy where I might be a little rude in the
business; for I do as verily believe it to be false, as I do
believe any article of my faith to be true.” -- Hutchinson,
Vol. I. p. 48. Hooker's information about Eliot's opinion
could not be true. There is no evidence that Eliot ever
belonged to Vane's party; and in the examination of Mrs.
Hutchinson he was decidedly opposed to that party.

26 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

her, as the rest were. But during the proceed-
ings at the trial, I see no evidence that he lost
his temper, or indulged in bitterness of expres-
sion, as some others unhappily did. He be-
lieved he was doing his duty to God and the
churches; and, if he was right in that convic-
tion, his manner of doing it seems not justly
liable to censure.
We next find Mr. Eliot concerned in an at-
tempt, which was made to improve the psalmo-
dy of the churches. In 1639, the civil and ec-
clesiastical leaders of the colony decided to
have a new version of the Psalms for use in
public worship. The task of preparing it was
assigned to Mr. Eliot, Mr. Welde, and Richard
Mather of Dorchester, who were considered
well qualified by their Hebrew scholarship.
Their work was printed at Cambridge by Daye
in 1640. It was entitled “The Psalms in
Metre, faithfully translated for the Use, Edifi-
cation, and Comfort of the Saints in publick
and private, especially in New England.” It
was known by the name of “The Bay Psalm
Book,” but afterwards was more commonly
designated as “The New England Version of
the Psalms,” by which appellation it is now best
known. We have no means of ascertaining
Eliot's individual portion of this pious labor.
The reverend versifiers seem to have antici-
pated some unfavorable criticisms. In the

JOHN ELIOT. 27

preface they say, “If the verses are not alwayes
so smooth and elegant as some may desire or
expect, let them consider that God's altar
needs not our pollishings; for wee have re-
spected rather a plaine translation, than to
smooth our verses with the sweetness of any
paraphrase, and soe have attended conscience
rather than elegance, fidelity rather than poe-
try, in translating the Hebrew words into Eng-
lish language, and David's poetry into English
metre.”
Notwithstanding this deprecatory apology,
there were some, who did not suppress their
disposition to sneer at the new Psalm-books.*
The poetical merits of this metrical translation
are indeed sufficiently humble. One is com-
pelled to go back in imagination two centuries,
in order to understand how it was, that devo-
tion did not expire in singing such stanzas.
Yet, when compared with the specimens of

   * The admonition of Mr. Shepard of Cambridge to his
brethren on this occasion has been often quoted, but is
perhaps sufficiently curious to be repeated. It is found in
the Magnalia, Book III. ch. 12. Life of Dunster,

    “You Roxb'ry poets keep clear of the crime,
      Of missing to give us very good rhime.
     And you of Dorchester your verses lengthen,
     But with the text's own words you will them strengthen.”

I know not how much of censure Shepard intended; but
whatever it was, the poetry of it seems scarcely better
than that of the version, for the composition of which the
rhyming advice was given.

28 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

church poetry then prevalent, it should not
be severely condemned. At least it may be
weighed against Sternhold and Hopkins with-
out sustaining disparagement. It is not till a
recent period, that the claims of the sanctuary
on the hallowed powers of imagination and
taste have been appreciated and answered, or
that strains of true sweetness and grandeur
have been consecrated to the service of God.
The second edition of this version was pub-
lished in 1647. When a third edition was
needed, it was thought necessary to attempt
some improvement. The task was committed
to Dunster, president of Harvard College, who
revised the whole, and added to it “Scriptural
Songs and Hymns,” written by Mr. Richard
Lyon. The book passed through twenty edi-
tions, and was adopted immediately by all the
New England churches, except that of Ply-
mouth, into which it was not received for many
years. That church used the version made by
Ainsworth, whom they had known and highly
respected in Holland.* The New England

* A copy of this book is in the Massachusetts Historical
Society. The title is “The Booke of Psalmes in English
Metre; by HENRY AINSWORTH.” On a blank leaf, Prince,
who once owned the volume, has written the following
notice: “This version of Ainsworth was sung in Plymouth
Colony, and I suppose in the rest of New England till
the New England version was printed first in 1640.”
Prince's supposition with regard to “the rest of New

30 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER III.

General Remarks on the Indians. -- Interest in
their Conversion to Christianity. -- Mr. Eliot's
Preparation for the Work by learning the
Indian Language.

WE come now to that portion of Mr. Eliot's
life, which was spent chiefly in efforts to spread
the Christian faith among the native inhabit-
ants of New England. This was the great
work, to which he devoted the strongest ener-
gies of his mind, and the best part of his days.
It was the mission, to which he felt himself
called by the holiest inducements; and, taken
in all its branches, with the collateral inquiries
and exertions to which it led, it must be re-
garded as a remarkable passage in the great
history of Christian benevolence.
When our fathers came to the western world,
they found the wilderness peopled by a race,
who could not fail to be objects of strong in-
terest, apart from any friendly or hostile rela-
tions. The settlers had just arrived from a
country abounding in all the refinements of the
old world, and were suddenly brought into the
neighbourhood of a people exhibiting the pecu-
liarities of one of the rudest forms of savage

JOHN ELIOT. 31

life. Among the several tribes, who roamed
over the territory, there was a general resem-
blance in character, modes of life, and religion.
The virtues and the vices of uncivilized man
have been exaggerated. Rousseau, who found
in him the model of perfection, and Volney,
who sunk him beneath humanity, have left the
truth between them. The savage is neither
the atrocious brute described by some, nor the
noble hero pictured by the imagination of
others. He is simply a man, in whom the ani-
mal nature predominates, and in whom the
intellectual nature, though far from being
quenched, is feeble, puerile, and slumbering.
The several functions of his physical and spir-
itual being have not been developed in harmo-
nious and well-proportioned movements, under
the influences supplied by the competitions of,
ingenuity, by religion, by a sense of present
deficiency, and an earnest longing after im-
provement. He is a stationary being, because
he is chiefly a sensual being. The inward life
is in him; but it is smothered, or has reached
only its childhood. He is a standing refutation
of the sophistry of those, who tell us that the
savage condition is the natural state of man.
Man's truly natural state is that, to which his
nature, in all its developements, efforts, and
wants, tends; that is, a state of the highest
attainable refinement and civilization. The

32 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Indians of New England, like all savages, were
averse to regular labor of any sort. Their
time was spent in the alternations of war,
hunting, or fishing, and idleness or sleep.
Their passions, when aroused, were fiercely
impetuous, their love of revenge keen and long-
cherished; but the elements of generous and
noble dispositions were largely, though irregu-
larly, mingled in their character. Their knowl-
edge was limited nearly within the narrow
circle of animal wants; and their ignorance of
the use of the metals was evinced by their
habit of calling an Englishman a knife-man, the
knife being an implement wholly new to them,
and one which they greatly admired.*
The germ of the spiritual, and of a tendency
to the infinite, lies in the bosom of savage as

* The contributions to the history of the Indians are so
numerous and common, that it is scarcely necessary to
make any special references. Heckewelder's “Historical
Account,” published in the first volume of the Transactions
of the Historical and Literary Committee of the American
Philosophical Society, is written in an attractive manner
and with a deep interest in the subject. Heckewelder,
however, is considered by some as having been too credo-
lous and partial to be a trustworthy authority. It is
thought that he was disposed to paint in glowing colors
every thing pertaining to Indian life and character, es-
pecially among his favorite tribe, the Delawares. See an
able article in the North American Review, Vol. XXVI.
pp. 366- 386; and a spirited and interesting examination
of the strictures made by the writer of that article, in the
United States Literary Gazette, Vol. IV. pp. 262-374.

JOHN ELIOT. 33

well as of civilized man. The religious senti-
ment is there, however wild, confused, or faint
may be its developement, reminding us that
“under the ashes of our collapsed nature there
are yet remaining sparks of celestial fire.”
There has been much discussion, and no little
variety of statement, respecting the religion of
the American Indians. Some have declared
that they had no religion whatever.* This
erroneous assertion was the result, partly of
scanty observation, and partly of the wary re-
luctance of the natives to make any communi-
cations on the subject. The religion of the
Indians in its general features resembled that
of other uncivilized tribes. They recognised
the divine power in forms suitable to their
rude conceptions. The developements of this
sentiment resembled in some degree the poly-
theism of ancient times. Each part or mani-
festation of nature was supposed to have its
peculiar subordinate god. There was the sun
god, the moon god, and so of other things.
That disposition to believe in an invisible

* Winslow fell into this mistake, winch however he
afterwards corrected; “Whereas,” says he, “myself and
others in former letters wrote, that the Indians about us
are a people without any religion, or knowledge of any
God, therein I erred, though we could then gather no
better.” -- Good Newes from New England, 2 M. H. Coll.
IX. 91. A similar error is found in the accounts of
Hearne and Colden.

VOL. V. 3

34 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

agency concerned in each particular movement
or object, which is in fact the unfashioned pre-
sentiment of the true doctrine of the Infinite
Agent, was a striking part of their faith. Every
thing in nature had its spirit; but these Manittos
were of different rank and influence. The In-
dian felt the sentiment, which in more graceful
or beautiful forms the imaginative religion of
poetry has always loved to cherish;

“Live not the stars and mountains? Are the waves
Without a spirit?”

When the storm or the thunder-gust was ris-
ing, he would beg the Manitto of the air to
avert its terrors; and when he committed his
light skiff to the bosom of the mighty lake, he
would pray to the Manitto of the waters to
calm the swell of its heaving waves.” When
any thing, which he did not understand, took
place, or any exploit, indicating wonderful
ability or skill, was performed, he exclaimed,
it is a spirit.† But with this polytheism the
Indians united a belief in one presiding or
chief deity, the author of good, who lived far
in the west part of the heavens, and in another
great being, the source of all evil and mischief;
a creed which contained the seminal principles

* HECKEWELDER's Historical Account, p. 205.
† So, too, the philosopher in ancient times affirmed,
“Nemo igitur vir magnus sine aliquo afflatu divino unquam
fuit,” -- CIC, de Nat. Deorum, Lib. II. 66.

JOHN ELIOT. 36

of the Manichean doctrine. The notion of
some form of existence after the present, and
the crude elements of the doctrine of retribu-
tion, were found among them. Their concep-
tions of a future life were sometimes connected
in a touching manner with the affections and
sympathies growing out of the relations of this
life.* But in these respects, doubtless, there
were differences among them corresponding to
individual susceptibilities and habits of feeling.
Something in the nature of a priesthood was
found among the New England Indians. They
had an order of men and women called pow-
aws, in whose connexion with invisible powers
they had great faith. The common office of
these persons was to cure diseases by means
of herbs, roots, exorcisms, and magical in-
cantations. A powaw, in short, was at once
priest, physician, and juggler. This order
of men, we may readily suppose, exercised a
strong and fearful influence over a people dis-
posed by ignorance to see the mysterious only
in its grossest forms, and to tremble before it.
Their power was. found to present a formidable
obstacle to the spread of Christianity; “for,”
said the Indians, “if we once pray to God, we
must abandon our powaws, and then, when we

* See a beautiful instance of this in CARVER'S Travels,
p. 231.

36 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

are sick and wounded, who shall heal our
maladies?”*
Such, among the Indians, were the principal
elements of that religious sentiment, which is
an indestructible part of man's nature, and
which always struggles forth into some out-
ward expressions, however gross and barbar-
ous. These were the minds, upon which and
for which Eliot was to work. His task was
certainly a laborious one; and it required a
strong faith, like his, to make it lighter by the
encouragement of hope.
When the settlement of New England began,
an interest in the civilization and conversion
of the Indians was felt by many in the mother
country. Among others, Dr. Lake, the Bishop
of Bath and Wells, had the object so much at
heart, as to declare that nothing but his old
age prevented him from going to America and
devoting himself to the work. In the charter
granted by Charles the First to the Massachu-
setts colony, this was mentioned as a principal

* On the religion of the. Indians, Gookin (1 M. H. Coll. I.
154, et seq.); Dr. Jarvis's learned and able Discourse before
the New York Historical Society, December. 20th, 1819;
Heckewelder's Historical Account; and Lafitau, Maeuras
du Savages Ameriquains, may be consulted with advan-
tage. On the general subject of the religion of savage
life, there are many fine remarks in the work of Constant,
De la Religion, &c.

JOHN ELIOT. 37

object.* In the Plymouth colony, for many
years after the landing, but little was or could
be done in a systematic way towards bringing
the natives within the Christian church. “O
that you had converted some, before you killed
any,” said John Robinson in a letter to the
governor of Plymouth. The wish was an ex-
pression of a pious concern honorable to the
good man; but the circumstances of the Pil-
grim fathers must vindicate their conduct from
any blame, which it might imply. A few in-
stances occurred, in which the interest of the
Indians was excited towards the religion of
their new neighbors. One of them in 1622
was induced, by the supposed answer from
Heaven to the prayer of the English for rain, to
forsake his tribe, and seek some knowledge of
the Englishman's God. Two years after the
English settled in Massachusetts, Sagamore
John, who had from the first been kind and
courteous to them, contracted an affection for

* In this instrument the desire is expressed, that the
settlers "maie wynn and incite the Natives of the Country
to the Knowledg and Obedience of the onlie true God and
Sauior of Mankinde, and the Christian Fayth, which in our
Royall Intencon, and the Adventurers free Profession, is
the principall Ende of this Plantacion,” - HAZARD'S State
Papers, Vol. I. p. 252. It should perhaps be mentioned,
that the device on the seal of the Massachusetts colony
was an Indian with a label at his mouth, containing the
words “Come over and help us.”

38 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

their religion, but was soon carried off by the
small-pox. One of the Pequots, named We-
quash, was so impressed with the destruction
of his tribe, that he importuned the Christians
to make him acquainted with their God; and
having become, as was supposed, a sincere con-
vert, is said to have died by poison given him
by his incensed follow-savages. Hiacoomes,
the distinguished Indian of Martha's Vineyard,
was converted in 1643. But these were inci-
dental cases, not resulting from systematic
efforts on the part of our fathers. Probably
they judged wisely in not making such efforts,
till they had become better acquainted with the
Indian character. Besides, the care, toil, and
anxiety which gathered around the work of an
infant settlement, “res dura et regni novitas,”
the quarrels in which they were involved with
the natives, and the disturbances among them-
selves, were sufficient for some time to occupy
all their industry, and engross all their energy.
But at length a direct action was awakened
on this subject. In 1646 an order was passed
by the General Court of Massachusetts to pro-
mote the diffusion of Christianity among the
aboriginal inhabitants. The elders of the
churches were requested to consider how it
might be best effected.” It was probably this
proceeding on the part of the government,

* Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 151.

JOHN ELIOT. 39

which fixed the immediate attention of Mr.
Eliot on the project. He had, however, long
felt a deep concern for the moral condition of
the natives; a concern inspired by his sancti-
fied love of doing good, and increased proba-
bly by his belief, that the Indians were the
descendants of the lost tribes of Israel. This
theory, among the numerous conjectures on the
origin of the natives of America, has found
advocates not deficient in learning or talents,
however weak may be the foundation on which
their reasoning rests.*

* This much agitated topic still remains one of “the
vexed questions” of historical criticism. The theory es-
poused by Mr. Eliot was zealously defended by Adair, and
more recently by Dr. Boudinot in his “Star in the West.”
I find that in Allen's Biographical Dictionary, and in
Holmes's American Annals (second edit. Vol. I. p. 434), a
work on this subject is ascribed to Eliot, entitled “The
Jews in America.” This, however, is a mistake. Thomas
Thorowgood, one of the Assembly of Divines, published at
London, in 1650, a work entitled “Jewes in America, or
Probabilities that the Americans are of that Race,” &c.
To this book Cotton Mather alludes in one of his poor puns,
when he says, that Eliot “saw some learned men looking
for the lost Israelites among the Indians in America, and
counting that they had thorow-good reasons for doing so.”
In 1660 a second part of Thorowgood's work was published
in London, with the title, “Jewes in America; or Proba-
bilities that those Indians are Judaical, made more probable
by some Additionals to the former Conjectures.” To this
part “an accurate Discourse is premised by Mr. John Eliot
(who first preached the Gospel to the Natives in their own

40 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Mr. Eliot had been for some time assiduously
employed in learning the Indian language. To
accomplish this, he secured the assistance of
one of the natives, who could speak English.
Eliot, at the close of his Indian Grammar;
mentions him as “a pregnant-witted young
man, who had been a servant in an English
house, who pretty well understood his own
language, and had a clear pronunciation.”*

Language) touching their Origination, and his Vindication
of the Planters.” See Rich's valuable “Catalogue of
Books relating principally to America,” Part I. p. 86. The
connexion of Mr. Eliot's name with the book, by means
of his “Discourse,” was probably the occasion of the work
being erroneously ascribed to him.
* Mr. Eliot had previously spoken of him in a letter
written in 1648. “There is,” he says, “an Indian living
with Mr. Richard Calicott of Dorchester, who was taken in
the Pequott Warres, though belonging to Long Island;
this Indian is ingenious, can read; and I taught him to
write, which he quickly learnt, though I know not what use
he now maketh of it; he was the first that I made use of to
teach me words and to be my Interpreter.” This young
man was then about to join the church in Dorchester. --
WINSLOW'S Glorious Progresse of the Gospel, p. 19. The
name of this Indian is supposed by Drake (Book of the
Indians, b. II. p. 111) to have been Job Nesutan; and for
this he quotes the authority of Gookin's History, &c. of the
Christian Indians. But Gookin's assertion does not prove
so much. He says, that Job Nesutan “was a very good
linguist in the English tongue, and was Mr. Eliot's assist-
ant and interpreter in his translation of the Bible and other
books in the Indian language.” Whether he was Eliot's
first teacher in the language does not appear; it is not
improbable, however, that he was.

JOHN ELIOT. 41

He took this Indian into his family, and by
constant intercourse with him soon became
sufficiently conversant with the vocabulary and
construction of the language to translate the
ten commandments, the Lord's prayer, and
several passages of Scripture, besides compos-
ing exhortations and prayers.
Here was a task, which must have been
formidable enough to discourage any one,
whose motives had been those of mere curi-
osity. The language, which this devoted man
resolved to acquire as an instrument to be used
in the cause of religion, must have present-
ed appalling difficulties. The Indian tongues
have of late years been made a subject of curi-
ous inquiry by learned philologists. For a long
time it had been customary to describe them
as wretchedly poor and meagre dialects, com-
posed only of barbarous and irregular jargon.
This is found to be an entire mistake, with re-
spect to the languages both of the northern
and southern tribes. They are represented to
be copiously expressive in their stock of words,
and remarkably regular in their structure.
Whatever may be said of the scanty fund of
ideas in the mind of the savage, and however
it may be supposed that these must be con-
fined to the obvious forms and phenomena of
material things, yet the fact that the whole
Bible could be translated into his language and

42 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

be made intelligible to him, affords sufficient
evidence, that moral relations and even meta-
physical ideas could be adequately expressed
in his speech, however destitute it might be of
the polished refinement, or the critical precis-
ion, belonging to the tongues of civilized na-
tions. The long words, which are found in
the Indian languages present indeed a formida-
ble aspect, and seem to set pronunciation at
defiance. Cotton Mather, who loved a jest
and superstition about equally well, thought
they must have been growing ever since the
confusion at Babel. He tells us in the same
breath, that he once put some demons upon
their skill in the tongues, and found that
though they could manage to understand Latin,
Greek, and Hebrew very well, they were
utterly baffled by the speech of the American
natives. The language, which thus sorely
puzzled the demons, has been discovered by
the inquiries of indefatigable scholars to be an
important branch of grammatical research.*

* For information concerning the Indian languages,
which exhibit many curious and remarkable phenomena,
the reader is referred to the labors of those accomplished
American scholars, Pickering and Duponceau, in their
Observation, and Notes on Eliot’s, Indian Grammar,
(2 M. H. Coll, IX. 223, &c.); the Correspondence between
Heckewelder and Duponceau (Transactions of the Hist.
and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc. I. 357 -448); Edwards's
Observations, (2 M. H. Coll. X. 81-134), to which Dugald

          JOHN ELIOT.       43

    Mr. Eliot must have found his task any thing
but easy or inviting. He was to learn a dia-
lect, in which he could be assisted by no affin-
ity with the languages he already knew. He
was to do this without the help of any written
or printed specimens, with nothing in the shape
of a grammar or analysis, but merely by oral
communication with his Indian instructer, or
with other natives, who, however comparatively
intelligent, must from the nature of the case
have been very imperfect teachers. He applied
himself to the work with great patience and
sagacity, carefully noting the differences be-
tween the Indian and the English modes of
constructing words; and, having once got a
clew to this, he pursued every noun and verb
he could think of through all possible varia-
tions. In this way he arrived at analyses and
rules, which he could apply for himself in a
general manner.
   Neal says, that Eliot was able to speak the
language intelligibly after conversing with the

Stewart refers with much interest in the third volume of
his Philosophy; and the Appendix to the sixth volume of
the Encyclopaedia Americana. The celebrated German
work, Mithridates, oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde, &c., by
Adelung, Vater, and Humboldt, is a wonderful treasury of
research. Roger Williams's Key into the Language of
America. reprinted by the Rhode Island Historical Soci-
ety, in 1827, as well as Eliot's Grammar, affords valuable
aid in these curious inquiries.

44 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Indian servant a few months.* This in a limited
sense may be true; but he is said to have been
engaged two years in the process of learning,
before he went to preach to the Indians. In
that time he acquired a somewhat ready facility
in the use of that dialect, by means of which he
was to carry the instructions of spiritual truth
to the men of the forest, though as late as
1649 he still lamented his want of skill in this
respect.
When we consider the irksomeness of the
effort to learn, at the middle age of life, a new
tongue, remote in its character and derivation
from any already known to us, even with all the
aids of well-prepared books and trained instruct-
ters, we may form some estimate of the invin-
cible perseverance, the unwearied zeal, which
could impel Mr. Eliot to undertake, alone and
under every discouragement and difficulty, to
explore a dialect, that not only had no literary
treasures to reward his toil, but was merely
the unwritten medium of intercourse among the
squalid and barbarous natives of the wilder-
ness. Nothing but the sustaining influence of
a pious purpose, joined with great natural en-
ergy of spirit, could have carried him through
so heavy a labor. In the annals of literary
industry it is related of Cato, that he learned
Greek at an advanced age, and of Dr.Johnson,

* History of New England, Vol I. p. 242.

46 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER IV.

Eliot's First Visits to the Indians at Nonantum.

MR. ELIOT'S mental powers had now reached
the maturity of their strength; his habits of
judgment were well formed and ripened; his
zeal in the service of religion had by long ex-
ercise grown into a deep as well as fervent
principle of action. He was in the forty-second
year of his age, when he began to devote him-
self to the work of preaching Christianity to
the natives of New England. From the interest
he had taken in their language and their wel-
fare he was no stranger to such of the Indians,
as might be found in the neighborhood of
Roxbury. It may be presumed, that he had
already by personal acquaintance gained the
respect, perhaps the affection of some among
them. It would seem from his own account,
that he had frequently conversed with the In-
dians on topics relating to their improvement,
before he visited them at their dwellings.
Some of them were so struck with the advan-
tages of the habits of civilized life, that they
were desirous of adopting the customs of the
English. They expressed their belief, that in
forty years many of their people would be

JOHN ELIOT. 47

“all one” with the English, and that in a
hundred. years they would all be so. They
hoped to coalesce with the white man, instead
of vanishing before him. Eliot was much af-
fected by this declaration. He endeavored to
make them understand, that the causes of the
superiority of the English were their posses-
sion of the knowledge of the true God, and
their skilful industry in the mechanical arts,
and in providing for themselves the comforts
of life by regular labor. They then lamented
their ignorance of God, and wished to be
taught how they might serve him. Eliot, glad
to find their interest thus excited, told them
he would visit them at their wigwams, and in-
struct them, together with their wives and
children, in the truths of religion. This prom-
ise they received with much joy.*
Notice having been given of his intention,
Mr. Eliot in company with three others, whose
names are not mentioned, having implored the
divine blessing on the undertaking, made his
first visit to the Indians on the 28th of Octo-
ber, 1646, at a place afterwards called Nonan-
tum, a spot, that has the honor of being the
first, on which a civilized and Christian settle-
ment of Indians' was effected within the Eng-

* Mr. Eliot's letter to Shepard in “The Clear Sun-shine
of the Gospel breaking forth upon the Indians in New
England," p. 17.

48 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

lish colonies of North America. This name
was given to the high grounds in the north-
east part of Newton, and to the bounds of that
town and Watertown. At a short distance
from the wigwams, they were met by Waban,
a leading man among the Indians at that place,
accompanied by others, and were welcomed
with “English salutations.”* Waban, who is
described as “the chief minister of justice
among them,” had before shown a better dis-
position, than any other native, to receive the
religious instruction of the Christians, and had
voluntarily proposed to have his eldest son
educated by them. His son had been accord-
ingly placed at school in Dedham, whence he
had now come to attend the meeting.
The Indians assembled in Waban's wigwam;
and thither Mr. Eliot and his friends were con-
ducted. When the company were all collected
and quiet, a religious service was begun with
prayer. This was uttered in English; the
reason for which, as given by Mr. Eliot and
his companions, was, that he did not then feel

* Mr. Carne, who permits imagination, in some in-
stances, to take the place of sober history, describes Mr.
Eliot as approaching the Indians with “his translation of
the Scriptures, like a calumet of peace and love, in his
hand.” – Lives of Eminent Missionaries, Vol. I. p. 10. Mr.
Carne should have remembered that the translation was not
accomplished till many years after this event.

JOHN ELIOT. 49

sufficiently acquainted with the Indian lan-
guage to use it in that service. The scruple
may, at first sight, seem overstrained, when we
remember that the meaning of the heart, not
the words of the lips, constitute the essence of
prayer. But the good man doubtless deemed
it irreverent to use in an exercise of devotion
those imperfect expressions, which might pos-
sibly convey improper or defective ideas to the
rude minds of his hearers; an effect which,
especially at the outset, he would justly think
was by all means to be avoided. The same
difficulty would not occur in preaching, since
for this, we may suppose, he had sufficiently pre-
pared his thoughts and expressions to make his
discourse intelligible on all important points;
and if he should, in some parts, fail of being
understood, he could repeat or correct himself,
till he should succeed better. Besides, he
took with him an interpreter, who was fre-
quently able to express his instructions more
distinctly, than he could himself. Though the
prayer was unintelligible to the Indians, yet,
as they knew what the nature of the service
was, Mr. Eliot believed it might be not without
an effect in subduing their feelings so as to
prepare them better to listen to the preaching.
It was moreover intended as an exercise of the
heart for himself and his brethren, with regard
to the duty before them.

VOL. V. 4

50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Mr. Eliot. then began his sermon, or ad-
dress, from Ezek. xxxvii. 9, 10. The word
wind, in this passage suggested to the minds
of some, who afterwards gave an account of
this meeting, a coincidence which might, in
the spirit of the times, be construed into a
special appointment of Providence. The name
of Waban signified, in the Indian tongue, wind;
so that when the preacher uttered the words,
“say to the wind,” it was as if he had pro-
claimed, “say to Waban.” As this man after-
wards exerted much influence in awaking the
attention of his fellow savages to Christiani-
ty, it might seem that in this first visit of
the messengers of the gospel he was singled
out by a special call to work in the cause. It
is not surprising that the Indians were struck
with the coincidence. Mr. Eliot gave no coun-
tenance to a superstitious use of the circum-
stance, and took care to tell them that, when
he chose his text, he had no thought of any
such application.*
In his discourse from this passage, the
preacher stated and explained to the untaught
minds of the assembly some of the leading
truths of natural religion, and of Christianity.
He repeated the ten commandments with brief
comments, and set forth the fearful conse-
quences of violating them, with special appli-

* SHEPARD'S Clear Sunshine of the Gospel, &c., p. 33.

JOHN ELIOT. 51

cations to the condition of his audience. He
spoke of the creation and fall of man, the
greatness of God, the means of salvation by
Jesus Christ, the happiness of faithful believ-
ers, and the final misery of the wicked, adding
such persuasions to repentance as he supposed
might touch their hearts. He did not choose
to take up more abstruse matters, till he had
given his untutored hearers a taste of “plain
and familiar truths.” Of the topics which have
been mentioned, though high and difficult in
themselves, the preacher probably presented
only the most simple points, illustrated by
homely explanations. The sermon was an hour
and a quarter long. One cannot hut suspect,
that Mr. Eliot injudiciously crowded too much
into one address. It would seem to have been
better, for the first time at least, to have given
a shorter sermon, and to have touched upon
fewer subjects. But he was doubtless borne
on by his zeal to do much in a good cause,
and, as we have reason to think, by the atten-
tive, though vague, curiosity of the Indians.
The scene presents itself to our imaginations
as one of deep interest. Here was a gifted
scholar, educated amidst the classic shades of
an English university, exiled from his native
land for conscience' sake, a man of high dis-
tinction in the churches of New England,
standing among the humble and rude huts of

52 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the forest, surrounded by a peaceful group of
savages, on whose countenances might be
traced the varieties of surprise, belief, vacan-
cy, and perhaps half-suppressed scorn, seeking
to find some points of intercourse between his
own cultivated mind and their gross concept-
tions, that spiritual truth might enter into their
hearts, and leave its light and blessing there.
The communication of Christian instruction in
such a place, and under such circumstances,
has an affecting significance. To use the beau-
tiful illustration in the original narrative of
this visit, it was breaking the alabaster box
of precious ointment in the dark and gloomy
habitations of the unclean.
Our natural curiosity to know how this dis-
course was received can be in some measure
gratified. When the sermon was ended, Mr.
Eliot asked the Indians whether they under-
stood what he had said. Many voices at once
answered in the affirmative. They were then
requested to propose any questions, which
might have occurred to them in connexion
with the discourse. This drew from them
the following queries. First; how they might
be brought to know Jesus Christ. Second;
whether God or Jesus Christ could understand
prayers in the Indian language. Third; wheth-
er there ever was a time, when the English
were as ignorant of divine things as them-

JOHN ELIOT. 53

selves. Fourth; bow could there be an image
of God, since it was forbidden in the fourth
commandment. Fifth; whether, if a father be
bad and his child good, God will be offended
with the child; a question referring to what is
said in the second commandment. Sixth; how
came the world so full of people, if they were
all once drowned in the flood. These inquiries
seem natural, and some of them indicate a
more attentive state of mind, and deeper re-
flection, than could have been expected. The
second question affords a striking instance of
the views, which men in the lowest stage of
culture entertain of the attributes of the Deity.
It arose from the circumstance, that one of the
Indians, while praying in his own language,
was interrupted by another, who told him it
was useless to pray except in English, because
prayers in the Indian tongue would not be
understood by a Being, who had been accus-
tomed to hear them only in English. This
anecdote is valuable as an illustration of the
manner, in which the religious sentiment is
developed among savage tribes. The fifth
question is not without interest, as exhibiting
a tendency to more precise ideas of moral jus-
tice, than are commonly found in the specu-
lations of uncivilized man. All these que-
ries were answered by their visiters somewhat
at length, and with a judiciously directed

54 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

endeavor to meet and satisfy their state of
mind.
Mr. Eliot and his companions, wishing to
interest and enlighten them still further, pro-
posed in their turn a few questions, adapted to
draw out their thoughts respecting what they
had heard. They asked the Indians, whether
they would not like to see God, and whether
they were not tempted to doubt of his exist-
ence, because they could not see him. To this
some of them replied, that, although an actual
sight of this great Being would please them
much, yet they believed he was not to be seen
with the eyes of the body, but by “their soul
within.” The answer implies a wise and
thoughtful recognition of a great principle;
but it may have been only the verbal repetition
of what they had learned. Mr. Eliot then
asked them whether they found no difficulty in
believing, that one God should be in many
different and distant places at the same time.
Their reply was, that it did seem strange to
them, yet they thought it might be true. Their
instructer happily illustrated this point to their
apprehensions by comparing the divine omni-
presence to the light of the sun, which, while
it shone in one wigwam, shone also in the
next, and. all over Massachusetts, and across
the big waters in old England also. He next
inquired of them, whether, when they had done

JOHN ELIOT. 55

wrong, they did not feel trouble within, and
where they hoped to find comfort when they
should die. This appeal to the inextinguish-
able power of the moral faculty in the human
breast, and to the sentiment of immortality,
was answered by the confession, that they did
feel distressed when they had sinned, and that
they wished for further light on the subject;
“for,” says the account, “some knowledge of
the immortality of the soul almost all of them
have.” Their reply gave their teacher an
opportunity to aim some pungent remarks at
their consciences and their fears.
Thus ended a conference three hours long,
at the end of which the Indians affirmed that
they were not weary, and requested their
visiters to come again. They expressed a
wish to build a town and live together. Mr.
Eliot promised to intercede for them with the
court. He and his companions then gave the
men some tobacco, and the children some
apples, and bade them farewell.
A fortnight afterwards, on the 11th of No-
vember, Mr. Eliot and his friends repeated
their visit to the wigwam of Waban. This
meeting was more numerous than the former
The religious service was opened, as before,
with a prayer in English. This was followed
by a few brief and plain questions addressed
to the children, admitting short and easy

56 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

answers. The children seemed well disposed
to listen and learn. To encourage them, Mr.
Eliot gave them occasionally an apple or a
cake;* and the adults were requested to re-
peat to them the instructions that had been
given. He then preached to the assembly in
their own language, telling them that he had
come to bring them good news from God, and
show them how wicked men might become
good and happy, and in general discoursing on
nearly the same topics as he had treated at his
first visit.
This was succeeded by conversation, in
which questions were proposed and answered.
One aged Indian touched the feelings of his
instructers by asking whether it were not too
late for such an old man as he to repent and
seek God. Their reply was an appropriate
illustration of the paternal mercy of the divine
character. They told the aged savage, that, as
a good father is always glad to welcome home
a son penitent for the wrong he has done, so
God would at no time refuse to pardon and
receive one of his repenting children. Some
of the assembly then desired to know how it
happened, that the English differed so much
from the Indians in their knowledge of God,
since they all had one common Father; a

* This pleasant little circumstance is mentioned
by Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 304.

JOHN ELIOT. 57

question which furnished Mr. Eliot with an
opportunity to give them some explanation of
the religious history of mankind. Another in-
quiry was, how they might be brought to serve
God; in answer to which they were told, that
they must first feel their unworthiness, then
seek forgiveness, and strive to know God's
will, as a dutiful child would seek to know his
father's will. A fourth· question was proposed,
which indicated a curiosity about natural phe-
nomena. How comes it to pass, said they,
that the sea water is salt, and the land water
fresh? The reply was, that it was God's
pleasure to make them so, in the same way as
strawberries are sweet and cranberries sour,
for which there is no reason except that the
Creator so constituted them. However, an at-
tempt was made to explain the natural causes
and uses of the fact in question; but these, it
is stated, were “less understood.” This was
followed by another question of a like charac-
ter, namely, If the water be higher than the
earth, why does it not overflow the earth?
To meet this difficulty, their visiters held up
an apple, and “showed them how the earth
and water made one round globe, like that
apple;” and they compared the sea to a great
hole or ditch, into which when water is poured,
it is confined, and cannot overflow. The last
point they proposed was a question of casuistry;

58 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

If an Indian should steal goods, and not be
punished by the sachem or by any law, and
then should restore the goods, would all be
well and right, or would God still punish him
for his theft? They were taught, that such
conduct would be an offence to God, who, if it
were not repented of, would punish the trans-
gressor, even if he should escape punishment
from man. There was a higher law, than hu-
man law, to which they must answer for their
conduct.
When the Indians had made an end of their in-
quiries, Mr. Eliot and his companions proposed
to them only two questions, the object of which
was to discover whether they remembered and
believed what they had heard. The meeting
was closed with prayer. This was expressed
in the Indian language, chiefly for the reason
that some doubt had formerly been raised
whether prayers in that tongue were under-
stood in Heaven; a doubt which was probably
strengthened by Mr. Eliot's practice at the
first meeting. During the devotional exercise,
one of the assembly was deeply affected, even
to tears, illustrating the fine remark of Madame
de Stael, that “to pray together, in whatever
language and according to whatever ritual it
may be, is the most affecting bond of hope and
sympathy, which man can contract on earth.”
After the prayer, the English visiters had some

JOHN ELIOT. 59

conversation with this man, when he wept still
more, and seemed pierced to the heart by the
pungent power of divine truth. The fervent
appeals and the touching descriptions in Eliot's
preaching may well be supposed to have stirred
up strong emotions in a rude breast, brought
for the first time to feel, however confusedly,
the reality of spiritual things; and in that ex-
citement might be the germ of an inward life,
which needed only time and opportunity to
grow into fulness and strength. The whole
afternoon was spent in this visit; and as
nightfall approached, Mr. Eliot and the others
returned to their homes.
A third interview with these Indians took
place on the 26th of November, at which the
writer of the narrative before referred to was
not present. He has however given a brief
account of it, which he had from Mr. Eliot,
“the man of God,” as he calls him, “who then
preached to them.” Some impediments had
been thrown in the way of the good work since
the last meeting by persuasions and menaces.
Neal ascribes this mischievous interference to
the powaws or priests.* But Eliot's account
does not specify them particularly; though it
is natural to suppose that their agency was not
wanting in the business. This circumstance
gave the preacher occasion to warn the Indians

* History of New England, Vol. I. p. 244.

60 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

against the temptations of the Devil; which,
as the account affirms, he did with great pun-
gency and effect. The Indians were more
serious than ever. Among the questions they
started were the following; Whether it were
lawful, as some of their people affirmed, to
pray to the Devil; what was meant by humili-
ation; why the English called them Indians;
what a spirit is; whether dreams are to be
believed. To all which, as the narrative states,
they had fit answers; but these are not given.
On the Saturday night after this third meet-
ing, a judicious Indian, by the name of Wampas,
went as a messenger from Nonantum to Mr.
Eliot's house in Roxbury. He took with him
his own son, and three other children. He
asked permission to leave them with the Eng-
lish, that they might be educated to know
God; for, he said, if they remained at home,
they would grow up in rudeness and wicked-
ness. The children were at the ages of four,
five, eight, and nine years. What became of
them we know not. We only learn that Wam-
pas received a promise, with which he was
satisfied, that his request should be complied
with as soon as convenience would permit.
This would seem to have presented a favorable
opportunity for trying the experiment of a
Christian education upon Indian children; and
it would be gratifying to learn the result.

JOHN ELIOT. 61

W am pas was attended by two young and
strong Indians, who wished to find employ-
ment as servants in English families, that they
might be in the way of knowing and enjoying
the true religion. These were among the num-
ber, who had appeared deeply affected at the
Nonantum meetings. How long their good
impressions lasted, we are not informed; but
situations were obtained for them in families,
according to their request.
Mr. Eliot experienced great satisfaction in
being informed of the zeal of Waban. On the
night after the third meeting, this man had
been heard by an English youth instructing
his company in the truths they had listened to
from the preacher that day; and, when he
awoke in the night, he would be continually
praying and exhorting. Eliot's companion ex-
presses his belief, that this man might become
an instrument of great usefulness, but still does
not conceal his apprehension that “cowardice
or witchery” might blast the hopeful promise
in this, as in some other cases; a fear, which
in the instance of Waban was not realized.
It is further related, that the old man, who
asked the affecting question at the second
meeting, had six sons, one of whom, and his
wife, were powaws. These had resolved to
abandon their sorceries and to seek Christian
instruction; for they now believed that God

62 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

was the only author of good, and they would
have nothing more to do with Chepian, that is,
the Devil. The young Indians, who had ac-
companied Wampas, explained to the English
the manner, in which their powaws were made;
and it is a somewhat curious fact in the history
of the religion of barbarous tribes. It seems,
that if any Indian happened to have a certain
strange dream, in which Chepian appeared to
him in the form of a serpent, the next day he
would relate his dream to his companions.
This was immediately regarded by them as an
intimation from the invisible world, that the
person so visited in his sleep must be made
a powaw. The Indians consequently would
gather together, and dance and rejoice around
him for two days. This was considered as his
institution in the office of priest; and thence-
forth his chief business was to cure the sick
by magical powers and odd gesticulations.
Yet there seems to have been nothing sacred
in his person; if a patient died under his hands,
he was bitterly reviled, and very likely to be
killed by some of the friends of the deceased,
especially if they could' not recover what they
had paid for the promised cure; for, it ap-
pears, the powaw took care to get his fee
beforehand.
On the 9th of December a fourth meeting of
the Indians was held at Nonantum. Of this

JOHN ELIOT. 63

we have but a brief and general account. It
is stated, that the Indians offered all their
children to be instructed by the English, and
lamented that they were unable to pay any
thing for their education. This suggested the
necessity of making preparations for establish-
ing a school among or near them; an object
which Mr. Eliot bad always much at heart, and
which he rightly judged to be one of the most
important means of accomplishing his benevo-
lent purposes. At this meeting a passage of
Scripture was explained, and applied to the
condition of his hearers. Questions, as before,
were proposed by both parties. One of the
assembly complained of a new species of perse-
cution from his fellows. He stated, that they
reviled the Christian Indians, and called them
rogues, for cutting off their hair and wearing
it short, as the English did. We discover an
amusing specimen of the notions, which then
prevailed, when we are told it was considered an
evidence of the influence of Christianity on
the natives, that they became sensible of “the
vanity and pride which they placed in their
hair,” and, without any persuasion, cut it off,
after “the modest manner” of their civilized
neighbors. If we are inclined to smile at this,
we should remember, that, in times claiming to
be more enlightened, other things, as frivolous
and indifferent as this, have been made matters

64 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

of religious duty. It was not long afterwards,
that the offence of wearing long hair became
so formidable in New England, as to induce
grave magistrates to enter into a combination
for its suppression. Mr. Eliot, we may pre-
sume, was as decided an enemy to long natural
locks, as we shall hereafter see he was to the
practice of wearing wigs.
Our good evangelist* was much encouraged
by the evidences of piety in Waban and some
others. They used in their prayers such fer-
vent and devout expressions as these; “Take
away, Lord, my stony heart; wash, Lord, my
soul; Lord, lead me, when I die, to heaven.”
These words they had not, as we might sus-
pect, learned by rote; for their preacher af-
firmed he had never used them in his prayers
at their meetings. There were indications of a
true religious feeling among the Indians, which
Eliot was thankfully disposed to consider as
omens of good. He and his companions, how-
ever, were not credulous. They indulged with
caution and sobriety the hopes these meetings
had inspired. They were well aware, to use
the language of their narrative, that “the pro-

* Mr. Eliot's modesty induced him earnestly to dis-
claim “the title of evangelist,” which he so truly deserved,
and which designates justly his peculiar labors. See
WHITFIELD'S Farther Discovery of the Present State of the
Indians in New England, p. 18.

JOHN ELIOT. 65

fession of many is but a mere paint, and their
best graces nothing but flashes and pangs,
which are suddenly kindled, and as soon go
out again.” But they labored in faith; for,
they said, “God doth not usually send his
plough and seedsman to a place, but there is
at least some little piece of good ground, al-
though three to one be naught.” They were
delighted to believe, that the minds of some of
the savages were open to the reception of
divine truth, and that by God’s blessing the
good seed, sown in a soil hitherto dry and
barren, would yet spring up, and in time yield
the true fruit.
I have ventured to be the more particular in
describing these four meetings, which Eliot
and his associates had with the Indians at
Nonantum, because they were the commence-
ment* of that mission, to which he devoted so
large a part of his life and strength, and be-
cause they afford, probably, a fair specimen
of his general manner of instruction. They
bear unequivocal testimony to his singleness

*There had indeed been a meeting at Cutshamskin’s
wigwam, near “Dorchester mill,” six weeks before the first
meeting at Nonantum; but it amounted to little, and I
know not that any account of it is to be found. Mr. Eliot
himself says, “I first began with the Indians of Noonan-
etum” (Nonantum).—SHEPARD’S Cleare Sun-shine, &c.,
p. 17.

JOHN ELIOT. 67

CHAPTER V.

The Nonantum Establishment. -- Meetings and
    Eliot's Preaching at Neponset. -- Cutshamakin.
    -- Questions and Difficulties, proposed by the
    Indians. -- Eliot at Concord.

MR. Error's care for the Indians was not
confined to religious teaching. It was his
favorite and well-known opinion, that no per-
manent good effect could be produced by ef-
forts for their spiritual welfare, unless civiliza-
tion and social improvement should precede or
accompany such efforts.* In conformity with
this sound view of the subject, he had already
endeavored to introduce among them the bene-
fits of a school. He now aimed to soften, and
gradually to abolish, their savage mode of life,
by bringing them together under some social

* This opinion he has expressed in many passages of
his letters. The Reverend John Danforth of Dorchester,
who wrote verses consecrated to the memory of Eliot, put
his hints on this subject into rhyme;

“Address, I pray, your senate for good orders
To civilize the heathen in our borders.”

And again;

“We hope in vain the plant of grace will thrive
In forests where civility can't live.''

See 1 M. H. Coll. IX. 176.

68 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

arrangement. The Indians, with Waban at
their head, formed the plan of a settlement,
and framed certain laws for their own regula-
tion. These laws are interesting, as specimens
of savage legislation, and as indicating the
existing habits among these people. They re-
late entirely to the promotion of decency,
cleanliness, industry, and good order.*
When the natives had received a grant of
land for the settlement, they next wished to
find a name for it. Their English friends ad-
vised them to call it Noonatomen or Nonan-
tum, which name was accordingly adopted.†
They now began to work very industriously,
being encouraged and aided by Mr. Eliot, who
promised to furnish them with spades, shovels,
mattocks, iron crows, &.c., and to give them
sixpence a rod for their work on the ditches
and walls. So zealous were they in their new
enterprise, that he says they called for tools

* See Day-Breaking of the Gospell, &c., p. 22.
† The name is variously written by different authors,
and sometimes by the same, Nonantum, Nonandem, Noon-
atomen, and Noonanetum. “This towne the Indians did
desire to know what name it should have, and it was told
them it should bee called Noonatomen, which signifies in
English rejoycing, because, they hearing the word and seek-
ing to know God, the English did rejoyce at it, and God
did rejoyce at it, which pleased them much; and therefore
that is to be the name of their towne.” --The Day-Breaking
of the Gospell, &c., p. 22.

JOHN ELIOT. 69

faster than he could supply them. The wig-
wams they built were in a better style than
formerly. Before this time they had used
mats; but now they used the bark of trees in
constructing their humble dwellings, and had
in them distinct rooms.
By Eliot's direction they fenced their
grounds with ditches and stone walls, some
vestiges of which were remembered by persons
in the latter part of the last century. Their
women partook of the spirit of improvement,
and became skilful spinners, their good teach-
er himself taking pains to procure wheels for
them. They began to experience the stimulat-
ing advantages of traffic, and found something
to carry to market in the neighboring towns.
In the winter they sold brooms, staves, eel-pots,
baskets, and turkeys; in the summer, whortle-
berries, grapes, and fish; in the spring and
autumn, strawberries, cranberries, and venison.
In the season for hay and harvest, they some-
times worked on wages for their English neigh-
bors, but were not found to be hardy and per-
severing laborers.
The impulse of improvement, however im-
perfect, was strongly felt. The poorest wig-
wams among them were equal to those of the
princes or sachems in other places. Their in-
fant settlement, rude and poor as it must neces-
sarily have been, already began, to show, that

70 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

man, amidst the relations of a community in
some degree orderly, working with his own
hands for himself and his family, is a being
far superior to man roaming through the
forest in reckless vagrancy, with no excitement
to industry in any form, and dividing his time
between hunting and sleep.
The interest, which Eliot took in founding
and promoting this little establishment, is
scarcely less honorable to his memory, than his
labors of piety. When we thus see one, whose
talents and attainments fitted him to stand
with the highest in the land, busying himself
in the minute details of such an enterprise,
procuring tools for the men and spinning-
wheels for the women, advising and assisting
them with the kindness of paternal wisdom in
their new attempt· at social order, we cannot
but feel, that in the humblest work of benevo-
lence, which man performs for his fellow man,
there are the. elements of true moral greatness.
We are reminded of the excellent Oberlin, the
pastor of Waldbach, whose life is one of the
most delightful narratives in the history of the
lowly but important labors of devoted piety.*

* Hutchinson (I. 153), who is followed in the History
of Newton (I M. H. Coll. V. 259), says, that the Indiana
built a house for public worship at Nonantum, fifty feet
long and twenty-five broad, which Mr. Wilson said, “ap-
peared like the workmanship of an English housewright.”

JOHN ELIOT. 71

    Thus was established a company of praying
Indians, by which significant appellation the
converts to Christianity became distinguished.
    Another place for religious meetings and in-
struction was found at Neponset, within the
limits of Dorchester. There our evangelist
preached in the wigwam of a sachem named
Cutshamakin. Gookin informs us, that this
man was the first sachem to whom Mr. Eliot
preached. It is probable that the operations
at Nonantum and at Neponset were nearly
simultaneous in their origin. They appear to
have been carried on alternately for some time.
   With Cutshamakin the English had entered
into a treaty. He was one of the chiefs, who
in 1643 made a voluntary proffer of submission
to the government of the colony, agreeing to
observe their laws, on condition of receiving
the same protection which was extended to
other subjects. When this agreement was
ratified, they were made to understand the
articles, and “all the ten commandments of
God,”* to which they gave a full assent. This
curious specimen of the intermixture of reli-

This I suppose to be an erroneous statement. I cannot
find that any house for public worship was built at Nonan-
tum. Wilson's remark was applied to the house subse-
quently built at Natick, which was of the dimensions here
given. I suppose Hutchinson inadvertently transferred it
to Nonantum.
* SAVAGE's Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 157.

72 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

gious instruction with a civil negotiation shows,
at least, a pious solicitude on the part of our
fathers for the good of the natives; but, we
may suppose, the assent to the ten command-
ments was easily gained, if the other articles
were satisfactory.
At what time Cutshamakin became a Chris-
tian, or professed to be such, I have not dis-
covered. From the circumstance of Eliot's
giving lectures in his wigwam in 1646, it may
be presumed, that then, if not before, he was
favorably disposed towards the cause of the
“praying Indians.” Mr. Eliot relates an in-
teresting case of discipline, which occurred in
this man's family. A son of the sachem, fif-
teen years old, had been guilty of drunken-
ness; he had also treated his parents with
contumacy and disobedience. When instructed
in the Catechism by Mr. Eliot, in repeating the
fifth commandment, he would omit the word
mother, and was very reluctant to say honor thy
father. For this conduct he was admonished.
He confessed the truth of what was alleged
against him, but at the same time accused his
father of treating him angrily, and compelling
him to drink sack. He was severely rebuked
by Eliot and Wilson* for his want of filial rev-
erence, but without effect.

* Rev. John Wilson of Boston, who sometimes accom-
panied Mr. Eliot.

JOHN ELIOT. 73

They were aware, however, that the son's
accusations against his father were not ground-
less. On the next lecture day, therefore, they
exhorted Cutshamakin to prepare the way for
his son's reformation by confessing his own
sins, of which, they knew, the number was
neither few nor light. Being thus faithfully
admonished, be honestly acknowledged and
bitterly lamented his offences. This example
had a good effect on all the Indians present,
who then joined their endeavors with those of
Eliot and Wilson to soften the son into a peni-
tent state of feeling. At last the boy yielded,
made the most humble confession, and, taking
his father's hand, entreated his forgiveness.
His humiliation overcame his parents so much,
that they wept aloud; and the board on which
the stern and passionate sachem stood was
wet with his tears.”
In this anecdote, told with Eliot's charac-
teristic simplicity, it is delightful to recognise
the subduing spirit of love bursting forth in
the bosom of the savage, like a beautiful wild-
flower from the cleft of a rock; and we cannot
fail to observe with pleasure the kind, judi-
cious, and patient discipline, by which Eliot
and his companions brought the heart of the

* SHEPARD'S Cleare Sun-shine of the Gospel, &c., p. 21.

74 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

rebellious young savage into the bonds of filial
obedience and affection.
A remark, made by Cutshamakin on one oc-
casion, shows a thoughtful and serious state of
mind. He said, that before he knew the true
God, he had been' at ease and satisfied with
himself; but, since that time, he had found his
heart full of sin, more so than he had ever im-
agined it to be before; “and at this day,” he
continued, “my heart is but very little better
than it was, and I am afraid it will be as bad
again as it was before; therefore I sometimes
wish I might die before I be so bad again.”
Cutshamakin formed a true estimate of him-
0self, when he distrusted his own reformation.
His wild passions were never well tamed; and
he was never a trustworthy man, or a hopeful
convert. At a subsequent period, about the
time of the settlement of Natick, hereafter to
be mentioned, he protested strenuously against
Mr. Eliot's· proceeding to establish an Indian
town. He was violent on the subject, and
affirmed that all the- sachems felt as he did.
Eliot's manner of subduing this opposition
bears honorable testimony to his invincible
firmness and his strong good sense. He found
that the Indians friendly to his undertaking
were frightened by the sachem's violence,
turned pale, and slunk away, leaving him to
contest the matter alone. He saw the necessity

JOHN ELIOT. 75

of prompt resolution. With calm courage he
told Cutshamakin, that, as he was about God's
work, he feared neither him nor the other sa-
chems, and that, let them do what they would,
he should go on with his undertaking. The
spirit of the savage sunk before this deter-
mined firmness, as fierce animals are said
sometimes to be subdued by looking at them
with a stern and steady eye. This victory over
the violence of the chief contributed not a lit-
tle to strengthen the apostle's influence with
the other Indians.
The matter did not rest here. When Eliot
took leave of the meeting, Cutshamakin ac-
companied him a short distance, and unbur-
dened his heart by stating honestly the ground
of his opposition. He alleged that the “pray-
ing Indians” did not pay him tribute, as they
used to do before they became such. He was
alarmed, therefore, at the idea of losing his
accustomed revenues, should such settlements
be encouraged. Mr. Eliot, finding him now
brought to reason, treated him very kindly.
He reminded the sachem, that this complaint
was not a new one, and that, when he had
heard it before, he had preached a discourse to
inculcate upon the Indians their duty in this
respect. Cutshamakin acknowledged that the
teaching was good, but complained that the
Indians would not do as they were taught;

76 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

they would not pay the tribute; and this, he
affirmed, was the cause of that jealousy, with
which all the sachems observed these new
movements.
Eliot saw, that here was an evil not to be
neglected. He consulted the magistrates, Mr.
Cotton, and the elders in Boston, on the sub-
ject. Mr. Cotton's discourse at the next
Thursday lecture in Boston was to be on a
topic appropriate to the point. Eliot, being
apprized of this, advised such of the Indians
as understood English to attend the lecture.
By what they heard on that occasion, and by
what was told them otherwise, they were much
troubled to find themselves accused of refusing
to pay the just tribute to their sachem. They
declared the accusation to be false, and speci-
fied to Mr. Eliot all the particulars of service
and of gifts, which they had contributed to
Cutshamakin's revenue, such as twenty bushels
of corn at one time, six at another, several
days spent in hunting for him, fifteen deer
killed for him, breaking two acres of land,
building a large wigwam for him, &.c. All
these Mr. Eliot set down in writing; and,
though they were contributed but by a few, he
found to his surprise that they amounted to
nearly thirty pounds. He now saw, that the
sachem's complaint was groundless, and that
the real source of his resentment was in the

JOHN ELIOT. 77

diminution of that despotic power, which he
once exercised over his subjects, and by which
he could dispose of their lives and goods at
pleasure. He still received a just and reason-
able tribute; but the authority to exact what-
ever he might choose was questioned, and he
was sometimes freely admonished of the faults
of his government.
Mr. Eliot had now the difficult task of con-
vincing Cutshamakin of the injustice of his
complaints. At the next meeting of the In-
dians he took with him an elder by the name
of Heath. They found the sachem sullen with
resentment, and turning on them very sour
looks. Of this they took no notice, and Mr.
Eliot proceeded to preach as usual. He took
for his subject the account of the temptation
in the fourth chapter of Matthew. When he
came to the explanation of the eighth and
ninth verses, he applied it to Cutshamakin's
case, told him that he was guilty of wicked
ambition and lust of power, that a temptation
from Satan was upon him, soliciting him to
give up praying to God, that is, being a Chris-
tian, for the sake of recovering the greatness
of his former arbitrary dominion. The preach-
er exhorted him to reject the temptation, warn-
ing him that otherwise God would reject him.
The appeal was not lost on the sachem. After
the discourse, Mr. Eliot and the elder had

78 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

“much conference” with him. At length he
appeared satisfied, and returned to a fair and
orderly course of conduct.* But he was al-
ways an unsafe man, veering about with every
gust of passion, violent equally in his offences
and his repentance.
     Mr. Eliot's conduct on this occasion is cer-
tainly worthy of all praise, both for the im-
movable firmness with which he repulsed the
turbulent onset of the sachem, and for the pa-
tient justice with which he afterwards investi-
gated the case, and brought the difficulty to an
equitable conclusion.
    At one of the meetings at Neponset, the In-
dians with great anxiety inquired, whether it
were possible for any of them to go to heaven,
“seeing they found their hearts so full of
sin.” This gave their preacher an opportunity
to open the whole subject to them, and to show
them how they might hope for the pardon of
sin through the Savior.
     The only dependence of the Indians in case
of illness was on the miserable operations of
their powaws; and they naturally shrunk from
the thought of losing what they supposed their

* See Eliot's letter in WHITFIELD'S Farther Discovery of
the Present State of the Indians, p. 39. --The above ac-
count, though out of place as to the time, I have inserted
here as belonging to the history of this sachem. In this
case the chronological order is of little importance.

JOHN ELIOT. 79

sole protection against fatal disease. Eliot,
with his usual good sense, saw that the only
way to remove this fear was to have them in-
structed in the use of proper medical remedies.
He himself had endeavored to give them some
general notions of anatomy and physic, but
with little success. In this connexion, he ex-
presses bis earnest wish, that their friends in
England might be induced to furnish mainte-
nance for some persons, who might give them
medical and anatomical instruction. By these
means, he thought, while important benefits
would be conferred on the natives, some ad-
vantage might also be expected for the healing
art; since, by the help of the Indians and of
the colonists, many new plants, valuable for
their medicinal efficacy, might perhaps be dis-
covered, to enrich the pharmacopoeia of medi-
cal science.*
Another difficulty occurred. The Indians
who opposed Christianity would ask the con-
verts tauntingly; "What do you get by pray-
ing to God and believing in Jesus Christ? You
are as poor as we, your clothes and your corn

* Cleare Sun-shine, &c., p. 26.--It may be worth re-
cording, as a fact in the history of anatomical studies
among us, that, according to Eliot's statement, there had
been at that time (1647) but one skeleton in the country,
upon which, he says, a Mr. Giles Firman had read some
good lectures.

80 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

are no better than ours, and meanwhile we
take more pleasure than you do. If we could
see that you gain any thing by being Chris-
tians, we would be so too.” This reminds us
of the scoffing question of the irreligious in
ancient times; “What profit should we have,
if we pray unto him?”* What should they
say to such persons? Mr. Eliot's answer to
the inquiry was very happily conceived.
He told them, that there are two sorts of
blessings; the little ones, which he illustrated
by holding up his little finger, and the great
ones, which he signified by extending his
thumb, for they delighted in such symbolical ex-
planations. “The little mercies,” he continued,
“are riches, good clothes, houses, pleasant food,
&.c.; the great ones are wisdom, the know-
ledge of God and Christ, of truth and eternal
life. Now, though God may not give you any
large measure of the little blessings, he gives
you what is much better, the great blessings;
and these are things which those wicked In-
dians do not see or understand.” Their teacher,
however, let them know that godliness has a re-
ward even in the things of this life; “for,” said
he, “in proportion as you become wiser and
better Christians, you will be more industrious
and orderly, and then you will have better

* Job xxi. 15.

JOHN ELIOT. 81

clothes, more comfortable houses, and other
improvements." Thus skilfully and patiently
did the good evangelist accommodate his in-
structions to their conceptions and difficulties.
    About this time, a question of casuistry was
proposed by some of the natives, which per-
plexed their teacher not a little. They had
been, it seems, exceedingly addicted to gam-
ing, a passion for which is generally one of the
strongest in the breast of savage as well as
civilized man. Those of them who received
Mr. Eliot's instructions were convinced of the
unlawfulness of this practice. Their query
then was, whether they were bound to pay the
debts ·they had formerly incurred by gaming;
for these debts were demanded by such as
were not “praying Indians.” Mr. Eliot saw
that the case was embarrassing, and that,
as he says, “there was a snare underneath.”
On the one hand, he would not say any thing
which they could so construe as to countenance
the sin of gaming; on the other, he would
not teach them to violate their promises.
    In this dilemma, he first advised them, when
such debts were claimed, to refer the case to
the governor of the colony, presuming that
measures might be taken by him to settle the
matter to the satisfaction of both parties. But
this proposal was not relished. He then took

     VOL. V.    6

82 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

another course. First, he talked with the cred-
itor, urged on him the sinfulness of the game-
ster's practices, and told him, that, having been
guilty in this respect, he ought to be willing
to give up half of his claim, to which it is
rather remarkable that he cheerfully consented.
He then talked with the debtor, reminding him
that, though he had sinned in gaming, and
must heartily repent of that transgression, yet,
as he had promised payment, and as God re-
quires us to perform our promises, it would be
a sin to violate his obligation. He then pro-
posed to the debtor, that he should pay one
half of the debt, to which he gave a very wil-
ling assent. With this compromise, the one
surrendering half, and the other agreeing to
pay half, both parties were satisfied.
This mode of settling the difficulty came to
be the established rule of justice in such cases.*
It may be doubted whether Mr. Eliot's decision
would receive the approbation of every casuist;
but its effect on such minds as he had to deal
with was unquestionably salutary.
While these efforts were in progress at No-
nantum and Neponset, the attention of our In-
dian evangelist was called to another quarter.
The doings at the former place had been re-
ported among the Indians, and had excited a

* Cleare Sun-shine of the Gospel, pp. 26-28.

JOHN ELIOT. 83

good deal of interest. Tahattawan, a sachem
at Concord, with some of his people, went to
Nonantum and heard Mr. Eliot preach. Wheth-
er he received any religious impressions at this
time, we know not; but we learn that he was
smitten with a desire to rise above the wild
courses of savage life, and to imitate English
habits. Having learned that this project was
secretly opposed by many of his people, he
summoned his chief men around him, and as-
sured them that what the English were doing
was for their good. “For,” said he, “what have
you gained, while you have lived under the
power of the higher sachems, after the Indian
fashion? They only sought to get what they
could from you, and exacted at their pleasure
your kettles, your skins, and your wampum.
But the English, you see, do no such things;
they seek only your welfare, and, instead of
taking from you, they give to you.”*
The effect of the sachem's speech was to
draw his people to his way of thinking. The
result appeared in a body of twenty-nine “con-
clusions and orders,” which were established
as rules of government and behavior. Some
of these regulations related to moral points,
forbidding drunkenness, lying, theft, powaw-
ing, and adultery, and enjoining humility,

* Ibid., p. 2.

84 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

peaceful living, improvement of time, obser-
vance of the Sabbath, &c.; others were de-
signed to promote neatness, order, and mutual
respect in their daily conduct. Shepard, who
gives a list of all these rules, says that they
were generally well observed, and that most
of the Indians set up morning and evening
prayer in their families.
In drawing up these regulations, they had
the assistance of the wisest Indians at Nonan-
tum, and probably, through them, of Mr. Eliot.
They requested Captain Willard of Concord
to put them in writing, and to act as their re-
corder. They also desired the apostle to visit
and preach to them, and wished to have a town
granted to them near the English, that by the
neighborhood they might keep up a love for
religious instruction and for the word of God.
Such an opportunity for usefulness in his own
beloved way Mr. Eliot of course would rejoice
to improve. He visited the Concord Indians
as often as his pressing duties would permit.
He met their wants, and answered their inqui-
ries, with his usual winning affection and good
judgment. Land was granted them for a town
according to their request;* but strong oppo-

* So says Shepard in his Cleare Sun-shine, &c., p. 3. But
Mr. Shattuck doubts whether there was, as has often been
stated, any definite grant of land to the Indians, either
at Concord or Nonantum. He thinks “they lived by suffer-

JOHN ELIOT. 85

sition from some of the natives prevented the
settlement at that time.
A few years afterwards, by the mediation of
Eliot, the object was accomplished. An Indian
town called Nashobah, a name given to a ter-
ritory lying partly in Littleton and partly in
Aton, was constituted. They had the insti_
tutions of Christian worship, and an Indian
teacher, probably one prepared by our evange-
list.* The desire of enjoying some of those
comforts of life, of which they saw the English
in possession, seems to have led the natives at
Concord to take the first step towards em-
bracing Christianity.

ance on lands claimed by the English, prior to their gather-
ing at Natick.”—History of Concord, p. 24.
*In addition to 3 M. H. Coll., IV. 38-41, see SHAT-
TUCK’S History of Concord, pp. 20-27, and EMERSON’S
Historical Discourse, Sept. 12^th, 1835, pp. 18-20. Mr.
Shattuck (p. 26) has given a copy of Eliot’s petition to the
General Court in behalf of the Indians, who were dis-
turbed in the places where they settled.

86 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER VI.

Visit of Shepard and Others to Nonantum. --A
    Court established for the “Praying Indians.” --
    Their Appearance before a Synod. -- Their
    Questions. -- Their Observance of the
    -- Sabbath. -- Funeral of a Child.

THE Indian work was regarded with deep
interest by other clergymen, as well as by
Eliot, though on him the main responsible-
ness and the chief labor always rested. On
the 3d of March, 1647, Mr. Shepard of Cam-
bridge, Mr. Wilson of Boston, Mr. Allen of
Dedham, and Mr. Dunster, president of Har-
vard College, accompanied by others, attended
the lecture at Nonantum.
Of this visit Shepard has left a brief ac-
count. The women seem to have been objects
of more attention than at any time before. It
was considered improper for them to propound
questions publicly themselves. They were
therefore requested to communicate their in-
quiries to their husbands, or to the interpreter
privately, who would propose them before the
assembly. Two questions were accordingly
stated, the first that were ever propounded
from their women in this public way. One was

JOHN ELIOT. 87

suggested by the wife of Wampas, who has
been before mentioned. “When my husband
prays,” said she, “if I say nothing, and yet my
heart goes along with what he says, do I pray/”
This inquiry indicates that doubtful tendency
towards the true idea of devotion, which be-
longs to a mind just awakened to spiritual
thought, but ignorant of spiritual relations.
She was of course instructed, that prayer, be-
ing an act of the heart, is true and efficient,
whether words be uttered or not.
Mr. Eliot mentions this woman with great
interest, in a letter written more than a year
after this meeting. She was one of those
at the Nonantum establishment, who had
learned to spin, and was remarkable for her
industry and good management of her chil-
dren. She was attacked with an illness, in
which she suffered much and which proved
fatal. When Mr. Eliot visited her, and prayed
with her, she told him, that “she still loved
God, though he made her sick, and was re-
solved to pray to him so long as she lived;”
that “she was willing to die, and believed she
should go to heaven and live happy with God
and Christ there.” She was the first adult
that had died among the Indians since Eliot
began his mission.*

* WINSLOW’S Glorious Progresse of the Gospel, &c.
pp. 6, 7.

88 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Another woman put what she had to say
into the form of a statement, rather than a
query. This she did, according to Shepard,
from motives of kindness to her husband. “Be-
fore my bus band prayed,” said she, “he was very
angry and froward; but, since he began to pray,
he has not been so much angry, but only a
little.” She meant, as was supposed, to imply
the question, whether a husband could with a
good conscience pray with his wife, and yet
continue to indulge his irascible passions.
But by the form in which she expressed her
suggestion, Mr. Shepard thought that she gave
her husband a creditable testimony for the de-
gree in which he had overcome his habit of
anger, and at the same time conveyed a gentle
admonition of the need of further reformation.*
It may be doubted whether the good divine did
not see more refinement in the case, than the
truth of the matter would warrant.
On the 26th of May, 1647, the General Court
manifested a regard to the welfare of the na-
tives, by passing an order for the establish-
ment of a judiciary among them, adapted to
their condition and wants. They had ex-
pressed to Mr. Eliot a desire to have “a course
of ordinary judicature.” It was ordered that
one or more of the magistrates of the colony
should, once every quarter, hold a court at

* Cleare Sun-shine, &c., p. 7.

JOHN ELIOT. 89

some place where the Indians usually assem-
bled for religious purposes. It was the duty
of this court to hear and · determine all civil
and criminal causes, not being capital, which
concerned the Indians only. The sachems
were empowered to issue orders or a summons
to bring any of their· people before this tribu-
nal. They were also permitted to hold inferior
courts themselves every month, if there should
be occasion, to determine civil causes of a less
important nature, and such smaller criminal
causes, as might be referred to them by the
magistrates. The sachems were to appoint
officers to serve warrants, and execute the or-
ders and judgments of the courts. All fines
were to be appropriated to the building of
places of worship, or the education of chil-
dren, or to some other such public use as Mr.
Eliot and other elders might recommend. It
was also requested of the magistrates and of
Mr. Eliot, that they would endeavor to make
the natives understand the laws by explaining
the principles of reason and equity on which
they were founded, and that they would pro-
vide for the observance of the Lord's day
among the Indians.* These seem to have been
wise arrangements, and to imply no small con-
fidence in the integrity and good judgment of
the natives.

* Ibid., p. 15.

90 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

     On the 8th of June, 1647, a synod of the
churches met by adjournment at Cambridge.
This was thought to be a favorable occasion to
call the attention of the leading men in eccle-
siastical affairs to the labors of Mr. Eliot, and
to give the messengers of the churches an op-
portunity of judging, by personal observation,
of the reports they had heard concerning the
good work. The “praying Indians” were en-
couraged to attend the meeting; and there
was, we are told, “a great confluence of them.”
In the afternoon of the second day of the ses-
sion, Mr. Eliot preached to them in their own
language from Ephesians ii. 1, and dwelt upon
the truths appropriate to their condition, sug-
gested by that passage.
    After the lecture; the usual exercise of ques-
tions and answers took place in presence of
the ministers and elders. The only questions
by the Indians on. that occasion, left on record,
are the following;
    “What countryman was Christ, and where
was he born?
    “How far off is that place from us here?
    “Where is Christ now?
    “How and where may we lay hold on him,
as he is now absent from us?”
    These inquiries, though relating to points of
great importance, are certainly not so striking
and significant, as some which were proposed

JOHN ELIOT. 91

on other occasions. What we know of the
Indian character will hardly allow us to sup-
pose, that they were overawed by the solemn
assembly of the clergy and elders; but their
attention migh have been so distracted by the
novelty of the scene, that they could not lay
open their minds with so much natural free-
dom, as at more private meetings. Full an-
swers were given to their questions. They
are described as having been profoundly atten-
tive to Mr. Eliot’s preaching, and much moved
by it. Many of their children were present,
who in an interesting manner answered the
principal questions of the Catechism, in which
they had been instructed. The whole scene
must have been singularly impressive. One
can imagine, that the pencil of the painter
might sketch with good effect this assembly of
the grave fathers of the churches, surrounded
by the red men of the woods, and their little
ones, as objects of that high interest, which
belongs to the spiritual relations of man with
man.*
In the latter part of the summer of 1647,
Mr. Shepard speaks of having again visited
the scene of Eliot’s exertions, probably at No-
nantum. He was agreeably surprised to find

*Shepard furnishes us with an account of this meeting,
Cleare Sun-shine, &c., p. 11. Winthrop also mentions it,
II. 308.

92 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

many of the men, women, and children clad in
good clothes, after the fashion of their civil-
ized neighbors. These they had received from
their friends among the English, who attended
the lectures. A report is given of some of the
Indian questions in the course of Eliot's in-
structions during the subsequent winter, from
notes taken by a Mr. Jackson of Cambridge,
who was present at the meetings; but the an-
swers are not recorded.
Among the difficulties, of which they sought
a solution from their teacher, were the follow-
ing. “Whether the Devil or man was made
first?” One cannot but feel a curiosity to
know what train of thought suggested this in-
quiry. “How may one know wicked men,--
who are good and who are bad?” A question
which has puzzled wiser heads and more prac-
tised observers, than these untaught men of
the wilderness. “If a man should be enclosed
in iron a foot thick, and thrown into the fire,
what would become of his soul? Could the
soul come forth thence or not?” This is a
good illustration of the difficulty, which the
rude mind finds in conceiving the nature of a
spiritual existence, even when it has some ap-
prehension of a spiritual agency. It is at least
as important a question, as many of those on
which minute philosophers have disputed long
and angrily. “Why did not God give all men

JOHN ELIOT 93

good hearts, that they might be good? And
why did not God kill the Devil, that made all
men so bad, God having all power?” Here
struggles forth, in a crude form, from the labor-
in breast of the savage, the same thorny per-
plexity concerning the existence and origin of
evil, which has been discussed from the earliest
to the latest of the philosophers, who have
speculated on the being and destination of
man. It would be gratifying to know in what
manner Mr. Eliot met such inquiries as these.
Other questions of much interest were pro-
posed; as, “how they should know when their
faith was good, and when their prayers were
good prayers.”
These questions, says Shepard, were ac-
counted by some “as part of the whitenings of
the harvest.” The Indians likewise manifest-
ed some anxiety about the causes of natural
phenomena, and started inquiries concerning
the sun, moon, stars, earth, sea, lightning,
and earthquakes.*
About this time we find the first instance of
a disrespectful question addressed to Eliot.
A drunken Indian, known by the name of
George, being in a condition to feel more inter-
est in the origin of his beloved liquor than in
the origin of any thing else, called out impu-

* Cleare Sun-shine, &c., pp. 13, 14.

94 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

dently, “Who made sack, Mr. Eliot, who made
sack?” For this the other Indians rebuked
him, and termed it a papoose question, that is, a
childish question. The preacher spoke to him
with so much gravity and wisdom, that his in-
solence was overawed into decency. Mr. Eliot
relates, that this same fellow, having killed a
cow in Cambridge, sold it at the College for a
moose. For this he was subjected to admoni-
tion at one of the Indian meetings. But he
had contrived to cover his fraud with so many
dexterous lies, that Mr. Dunster, president of
the College, was reluctant to have him direct-
ly accused of it, and thought a further inquiry
should be made. However, he was called be-
fore the assembly, and charged with his fault
so powerfully, that he could not deny it, but
made an ample confession.* The president
of the College, and grave divines, sitting in
judgment on the trick of an Indian blackguard,
exhibit an amusing picture to our imaginations
at the present day, though doubtless the disci-
pline was necessary and salutary.
Mr. Eliot tell us, that the “praying Indians”
were strict in their observance of the Sabbath.
As the care of his own church would not allow
him to be with them often on that day, they
were in some perplexity; for, they said, if they

* Eliot's letter in Cleare Sun-shine, &c., p. 23.

JOHN ELIOT. 95

should go to the English meetings, they should
understand nothing, or so little, that it would
be useless. He advised them, as the only fea-
sible measure, to meet among themselves, and
request the best and wisest of their number to
pray with them, and teach them such things as
they had learned through him from the divine
word.
Some instances related by Eliot, show their
strong conviction of the impropriety of violat-
ing the Lord's day by common employments.
The wife of Cutshamakin once went to fetch
water on the Sabbath, and talked with other
women by the way “on worldly matters,” as
the account states. This came to the ears of
Nabanton, who was to be the teacher that day.
Nabanton preached on the sanctification of the
Sabbath, and at the close rebuked the miscon-
duct of which he had heard in the morning.
The wife of Cutshamakin, not dashed by this
personal application of the subject, shrewdly
and probably with truth told him after the ser-
mon, that he had done more harm by making
so much talk about the matter in the public as-
sembly, than she had by fetching the water.
This brought on a discussion, and they con-
cluded to refer the case to Mr. Eliot. To his
house in Roxbury they went the next day, and
laid the matter before him. What decision he
pronounced, he does not definitely say. He

96 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

only remarks, that he gave them such direc-
tions as were agreeable to the word of God.
Another instance occurred at the wigwam
of no less a man than Waban. On a Sunday
two Indians arrived there towards night, and
told him, that about a mile off they had chased
a racoon into the hollow of a tree. They
wanted help to fell the tree, and take the ani-
mal. It seems that Waban, who, like the In-
dians generally, was “given to hospitality,”
thought the racoon would furnish a good meal
for his stranger guests. So he sent. two of his
men, who felled the tree and caught the animal.
The rest of the Christian Indians were offend-
ed with this conduct, as a violation of the
Sabbath not to be overlooked. The subject
was kept for discussion at the next lecture,
when the questions to which it gave rise were
answered by Eliot.
A third case is mentioned, in which a vigi-
lance was exercised, that must have been sat-
isfactory even to the framers of the Connecti-
cut Blue Laws. On a certain Sabbath, the pub-
lic meeting was held long and late. One of
the Indians, on returning to his wigwam, found
the fire almost gone out. He took his hatchet,
as he sat by the fireside, and split a small
piece of dry wood, which was kept for kin-
dling, and so lighted up his fire. This was
deemed a trespass by the Indians who took

JOHN ELIOT. 97

notice of it; and at the next lecture the matter
was brought before the assembly for further
investigation.*
These instances may serve to show how they
were led to regard the Sabbath. It might be
supposed, that, to men accustomed to the wild-
est freedom of life at all times, such restraints
must have been irksome. Yet, if we may judge
from a curious expression of their feelings on
one occasion, they did not consider the sacri-
fice of their liberty in this respect as annoying
or troublesome. When Cutshamakin and oth-
ers entered into a treaty with their English
neighbors in 1643, they were asked whether
they would agree “not to do any unnecessary
work on the Sabbath day, especially within the
gates of Christian towns.” They gave a ready
assent, replying with amusing naiveté, that “it
would be easy to them, that they had not much
to do on any day, and could well enough take
their rest on that day.”†
Another anecdote related by Eliot illustrates
his mode of administering admonition and cen-
sure. Wampas on some trivial occasion, in a
fit of passion, beat his wife. This brutal treat-
ment of their females had formerly been, as is
usual among savage tribes, very common, and

* Eliot's letter in Cleare Sun-shine, &c., pp. 19, 20.

† Gooott's MS. Hist. Account of the Christian Indians.

VOL. V. 7 K

98 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

passed without notice. But since they had re-
ceived Christianity, they had learned to con-
sider it as a great offence, and the transgressor
in such cases was exposed to a fine. Wampas
was made to stand up, and answer for his fault
before the public meeting, which happened to
be uncommonly large, being attended by the
Governor and many others of the English. The
Indian made an humble confession of his crime,
took the blame wholly to himself, and attempt-
ed no palliation. When Mr. Eliot set before
him, in its true light, the sin of beating his
wife and indulging his violent passions, he
turned his face to the wall and wept. All were
disposed to forgive him; but his fine was
strictly exacted, which he cheerfully paid.
Particulars like these are valuable for the
light they throw on the Indian character, as
it was sometimes affected by the instructions
of a teacher, who, while like all others of his
day he pressed some points with too much
rigor, still always aimed, and for the most part
wisely, at the true improvement, the real good,
of his rude disciples.
About this time an Indian, who was reputed
to be a powaw, asked Mr. Eliot how it hap-
pened, that, as the English had been in the
country a considerable time, some of them no
less than twenty-seven years, they had so long
neglected to instruct the natives in the knowl-

JOHN ELIOT. 99

edge of God, and why they had not sooner
imparted what they professed to consider so
important. “Had you done it sooner,” said
he, “we might have known much of God by
this time, and much sin might have been pre-
vented; but now some of us are grown old in
sin.” Whatever of rebuke there was in these
questions and remarks, Mr. Eliot received with
submissive acknowledgment of the fault. He
assured the Indian, that the English sincerely
repented of their neglect in this matter. But
he added, that the natives had never till now
been willing to hear religious teaching, and
profit by it. Had the experiment been before
made in any such manner, as to justify this last
assertion?
Some of the Indians, with the interest natu-
ral to the parental feelings, were anxious to
know what would become of their children
after death, since they had not sinned. Mr.
Eliot's theology led him, on this occasion, to
expound to his wild hearers, who at best were
“in the gristle and not hardened into the
bone” of Christianity, the mysteries of original
sin, and to assure them, that, when God elects
the father or mother to be his servant, he elects
the children also. This doctrine, he says,
“was exceeding grateful unto them.” Might
not their good teacher have better used the
simple and touching illustrations taken from

100 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the paternal character of God, which on some
other occasions he applied with much beauty
and power?
The natives had learned from their new re-
ligion to renounce polygamy. But this change
in their habits gave occasion to a difficulty,
which they stated in the following way. Sup-
pose an Indian, before he knew God, had been
the husband of two wives, one of whom had been
barren, and the other had borne children;
which of the two wives should he discard? If
the first, then he would apparently violate the
solemn obligation belonging to her prior matri-
monial claim, solely because she happened to
have no children. If the second, then, together
with her whom he dearly loved, he must re-
nounce her children, and make them illegiti-
mate. Men, who could reason thus, were not
wanting in clearness of discernment, or in fine
feeling. To Eliot and Shepard the inquiry
was so embarrassing, that they declined giving
a reply, till they had consulted with some of
their brethren. We are not informed what
answer was finally returned; but doubtless
some rule of action was established for such
cases.
At one of the Nonantum lectures, an old
squaw asked, “If God loves those who turn
to him, how comes it to pass that men are any
more afflicted after they turn to God?” Here

JOHN ELIOT. 101

was exhibited that notion of an obligation on
the part of the Deity to reward his worshippers
with good things, which is generally found in
the rude developements of the religious senti-
ment, accompanied with but little, if any, ap-
prehension of the nature of a state of disci-
pline and probation.
At another time Wampas, who is said to have
been “sober and hopeful,” instead of propos-
ing a question, made the following statement
of a difficulty, under which the converts to
Christianity were suffering; “On the one hand,
the other Indians hate and oppose us, because
we pray to God; on the other, the English will
not put confidence in us, and suspect, that we
do not really pray. But,” he added with an
affecting consciousness of honesty, “God, who
knows all things, knows that we do pray to
him.” To this Mr. Eliot replied, that it was
true some of the English for various reasons
had suspicions as to the reality of their reli-
gion; “but,” said he, “I and others, who are
in the habit of seeing and conversing with you,
have no .such suspicions.” He then spoke en-
couraging words, and exhorted them to be
faithful, true, and persevering.
When Mr. Eliot had preached, at one of the
Nonantum lectures, from Ephesians v. 11, one
of his hearers, by a very natural application of
the text, inquired what the English thought of

102 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

him for coming among the wicked Indians to
teach them. Another query was, Suppose two
men sin, of whom one knows that he sins, and
the other does not know it; will God punish
both alike? He who put this question had
some better conceptions of moral equity in the
divine government, than is often found in the
savage breast. Again, another inquired, wheth-
er a wise Indian, who teaches other Indians in
the ways of God, should not be as a father or
a brother to those whom he so teaches. There
is in this question a fine moral meaning, in ac-
cordance with one of the most beautiful decla-
rations of our Savior, and worthy of the reli-
gious philosophy of the enlightened Christian.
An affecting scene occurred at Nonantum in
October, 1647. An Indian child had been for
a long time ill with a consumption, and at
length died. Some of the natives went to the
English to learn their manner of burying their
children. Having received the desired infor-
mation, they rejected all their own customary
observances on such an occasion, procured a
few boards and nails, made a neat coffin, and
about forty of them in a solemn manner accom-
panied the body of the little one to its resting-
place in the dust. They then withdrew a
short distance to the shade of a large tree, and
requested one of their number to pray
with them. Their devotional exercise, which

104 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER VII.

Eliot's Visits to Passaconaway at Pautucket.--
    Kindness experienced by Him from the Nashawag
    Sachem, and his Exposure and Suffering.—His
    Agency with Regard to Murder, committed
    among the Indians.--Excursion to Yarmouth.

    HITHERTO the exertions of the Apostle to the
Indians had not taken him far from his home.
By these he had gained such acquaintance with
the character, habits, and minds of the natives,
as enabled him to proceed in his work with re-
newed confidence. He now began to extend
the sphere of his pious duties to more distant
places. Wherever there was a call to do good,
by bringing the truths of the Gospel to bear on
the barbarism and ignorance of the wilderness,
he was happy to go, and ready to spend and
be spent.
     Near Merrimac River at Pautucket he found
opportunities of intercourse with Passaconaway,
an Indian ruler of much celebrity. This man
is supposed to have been a bashaba, that is, a
greater sachem, to whom inferior sachems ac-
knowledged subjection.* His dominion was

   * DRAKE’S Book of the Indians, B. III. ch. 7.

JOHN ELIOT. 106

of large extent, and his power great. The
English had become acquainted with him on
various occasions, and his name often occurs in
the history of the times. He is said to have
lived to a great age. Gookin remarks; “I saw
him alive at Pautucket when he was about a
hundred and twenty years old,”* but does not
tell us how he ascertained his age. He proba-
bly had no satisfactory means of information.
Eliot merely calls him “old” when he saw him.
Not long before his death, this chief made a
speech to his children and friends, in which he
advised them never to quarrel with the English.
“For,” said he, “though you may doubtless
have it in your power to do them much harm,
yet, if you do, they will surely destroy you, and
root you out of the land. I was once as much
an enemy to them, as any one can be. I did
what I could to prevent their settlement, or
bring them to destruction; but it was all in
vain. I therefore counsel you never to contend
or make war with them." There is a tone
either of the piteous despair attending the con-
sciousness of a hopeless struggle, or of the
more refined sentiment of willing submission to
the superiority of the white man, in the feeling,
which thus burst from the soul of the old chief,
as he was about to close his eyes in death. He

* Historical Account of the Christian lndians.

106 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

had the reputation of being a great sorcerer, or
powaw; and his subjects believed, that he
could make a green leaf grow in winter, put
the trees into a dance, and set water on fire.
Some time in 1647, or perhaps in the preced-
ing year, Mr. Eliot, in company with Captain
Willard of Concord and others, travelled as
far as the Merrimac. At that time Passacona-
way would not see them, and fled with his sons,
pretending that he was afraid of being killed.
This conduct in a powerful Indian chief seems
inexplicable. That he really feared one who
came, as Shepard says, “only with a book in
his hand, and a few others without any weap-
ons to bear him company,” is hardly to be sup-
posed. Many of his men remained, and lis-
tened to what the preacher had to say. Eliot
was accompanied by some Christian Indians
from his own neighborhood. These were of
much service on the present occasion, by pray-
ing in the wigwams and conversing about
“the things of God.”
In the spring of 1648, Mr. Eliot again visited
Pautucket. At that season of the year, there
was annually a great confluence of Indians at
this spot, which was a famous fishing-place.
These gatherings reminded Eliot of the fairs
in England, which he thought they resembled.
He found them fit occasions for the good pur-
poses he had in view, because they furnished

JOHN ELIOT. 107

him with large audiences, that came from var-
ious quarters. It must have required all his
zeal, firmness, and prudence, to remain day
after day among this savage multitude, and
wait his opportunities of instruction amidst
their wild festivity. Already his influence
there had been such, that many of the Indians
had exchanged the gaming and other evil prac-
tices of those seasons, for religious instruction
and good conversation. On the present occa-
sion Passaconaway did not, as before, betake
himself to flight at the apostle's approach. He
was willing to stay and listen. Eliot preached
from Malachi i. 11, of which passage, -- I sup-
pose that he might make it more intelligible
and striking to his hearers, -- he gave the fol-
lowing version; “From the rising of the sun
to the going down of the same, thy name shall
be great among the Indians; and in every
place prayers shall be made to thy name, pure
prayers, for thy name shall be great among the
Indians.”
After the preaching they proposed questions.
One of them inquired, whether all the Indians,
who had died hitherto, had gone to hell, and
only a few now at last were put in the way for
going to heaven. To this natural and fair
question Mr. Eliot has not recorded his reply.
He merely remarks, that the doctrine of a two-
fold future state was always one of the first

108 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

points in his preaching, and that it was readily
embraced by the natives; for they had already
some traditional notions of another life and its
retributions. After some time, old Passacona-
way himself spoke. He said he had never yet
prayed to God, for he had never before heard
such instructions concerning God. But he de-
clared his belief in the truth of what had just
been taught, and his determination for the fu-
ture to pray to God, and to persuade his sons
to follow his example. Two of them were
present, who assented to their father's purpose.
The conversion of the old chief may seem to
have been too sudden to be lasting. But Mr.
Eliot had reason to think, that it was not a
vanishing impulse of the moment, because af-
terwards this sachem told Captain Willard,
who was in the habit of trading in those quar-
ters for beaver and otter skins, that he wished
him and the apostle to fix their abode in his
neighborhood, in order that his people might
enjoy religious instruction. He likewise offered
to allow them their choice of the best of his
lands for that purpose. It was the uniform
and judicious endeavor of Mr. Eliot to prevail
on the chief sachems to receive Christianity,
that, having the support of those who were as
princes among the barbarians, he might more
effectually encourage the timid, and repress the
insolence of the scorners. In this way Passa-

JOHN ELIOT. 109

conaway's conversion was likely to be of much
service to the cause.*
In this connexion our painstaking evange-
list speaks of the difficulty, which the mission-
ary to the Indians must experience from their
squalid poverty and barbarous habits of living.
He who went among them might not expect to
find food and drink, of which he could partake.
These he must take with him, and other things
besides for presents. “I never go unto them
empty,” says Eliot, “but carry somewhat to
distribute among them.” He also invited them
to his house, where he always had refreshments
and gifts for them. Nor did they omit such
humble expressions of kind feeling towards
their good teacher, as were in their power.
He relates with pleasant simplicity, that once,
as he was taking his horse to depart, “a poor
creature” seized his hand and thrust some-
thing into it, which he found to be a penny-
worth of wampum on the end of a straw. He
accepted the humble present with thanks, “see-
ing so much hearty affection in so small a
thing,” and requested the Indian to visit him
at his house.
The next year Mr. Eliot was personally in-
vited by Passaconaway, with earnest importu-
nity, to live among his people, and be their

* SHEPARD's Cleare Sun-shine, &c., p. 32. WINSLOW'S
Glorious Progress of the Gospel, p. 9.

110 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

teacher. The sachem thought that his visits
once a year did but little good, because in the
long intervals his people were apt to forget
what they had heard. Many of them; he said,
were naught, and required Jong and patient
teaching. He illustrated his meaning by a
comparison not inaptly stated. “You do,”
said he, “as if one should come and throw a
fine thing among us, and we should catch at it
earnestly, because it appears so beautiful, but
cannot look at it to see what is within; there
may be in it something or nothing, a stock, a
stone, or a precious treasure; but if it be
opened, and we see what is valuable therein,
then we think much of it. So you tell us of
religion, and we like it very wen at first sight,
but we know not what is within; it may be
excellent, or it may be nothing, we cannot tell;
but if you will stay with us, and open it to us,
and show us all within, we shall believe it to
be as good as you say it is.”
These “elegant arguments,” as Eliot calls
them, he applied with much wisdom and affect-
tion. He was doubtless sincere and in earnest,
and he probably continued strongly attached to
his new religion. The appropriate comparison
which he used on this occasion, it may be re-
marked, more resembles the style of speaking
among a civilized people, than those bold, ab-
rupt, and violent figures, which are commonly

JOHN ELIOT. 111

considered as characteristic of Indian elo-
quence. His speech was that of a reasonable
man, and could not fail to arrest attention. It
had been for some time a favorite project with
Mr. Eliot to establish an Indian town, which
might form a sort of central point for the Chris-
tian natives; and his heart yearned towards
Passaconaway's earnest proposal.
But there were weighty objections, as he
thought, to the plan of fixing his town in that
region. The Indians in his own vicinity, on
whom he must principally rely as the best ma-
terials for the nucleus of such a settlement,
were unwilling to remove thither; though they
said they would, if necessary, go to any place
with him. This affecting expression of their
confidence made him more reluctant to cross
their inclinations; and, as he cherished the
hope that he should need more than one town,
he probably thought the time would come, when
Passaconaway's wish for a settlement in his
domains might be gratified.*
Before this time, Mr. Eliot had visited Nash-
away, now called Lancaster; but I find no par-
ticular account of his doings there. We know,
however, that the sachem was much interested
in his favor; and he alludes to his having
preached at the place. There was an old sa-

* WHITFIELD’S Farther Discovery of the Present State
of the Indians, &c., p. 20.

112 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

chem at Quabagud or Quaboag, now Brook-
field, a place which Eliot describes as “three
score miles westward” (that is, from his resi-
dence in Roxbury), who earnestly wished to
prevail upon him to visit his people, and even
to make his abode there. He undertook a jour-
ney thither, and went by the way of Nashaway.
There had been some disturbances between the
Narraganset and Mohegan Indians, and seve-
ral had been murdered in or about the region,
which he proposed to visit. This circumstance
threw some doubt on the minds of the Roxbury
church, whether it might be safe for their pas-
tor to venture thither.
When the Nashaway sachem heard of this,
he commanded twenty of his men to take arms
and be ready to protect the missionary, and
added himself to the number. Besides this
force, several of the Indians in Eliot's neigh-
borhood, and some of his English friends, at-
tended him as a guard. He was much gratified
by the promptness of the natives in protecting
him from harm, because he regarded it as a
proof of their interest, not in himself only, but
in his work. When he arrived at the place of
his destination, he found “sundry hungry after
instruction”; but of the particulars of his
ministration we have no account.
The journey proved exceedingly wearisome
and exhausting. It may serve to give us an

JOHN ELIOT. 113

idea of the toil and suffering, which this de-
voted evangelist sometimes incurred in the
course of his labors. The company were ex-
posed to continual rains and bad weather, with
no protection. They were drenched with wet;
and Eliot says, that from Tuesday to Saturday
he was never dry, night or day. At night he
would pull off his boots, wring the water from
his stockings, and put them on again. The
rivers were swollen by the rains; and, as they
made their way through them on horseback,
they were still more wet. Eliot's horse failed
from exhaustion, and he was obliged to let him
go without a rider, and take one belonging to
another person. But he says, with his usual
piety of feeling, “God stept in and helped; I
considered that word of God, Endure hardness
as a good soldier of Christ.” From this fa-
tiguing and perilous excursion the company
returned home in safety and health.”
In the proceedings, which took place in con-
sequence of the murders above mentioned, Mr.
Eliot had some agency, of which it is proper
to take notice. The murdered Indians were
supposed to be among those, who were under
the jurisdiction and protection of the Massa-
chusetts government. Acting on this belief,
the Governor and magistrates sent twenty men

* Eliot's letter to Winslow in Farther Discovery, &c.,
p. 21.

VOL. V. 8 L2

114 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

to Nashaway to ascertain the facts of the case,
and, if possible, to arrest the murderers. But
the criminals had escaped to Narraganset; and
the men sent by the Massachusetts government,
on their return, could only report, that the crime
had been perpetrated, and that it was well un-
derstood who were concerned in it. After-
wards the sachem Cutshamakin procured two
Indians, who offered to apprehend the mur-
derers. The reason why this sachem inter-
posed in the affair was, that three of the mur-
dered men belonged to a party at Quaboag,
with whom he was in a treaty of friendship,
and whom, indeed, ·he considered somewhat in
the light of subjects. The magistrates ac-
cepted the offer of the two Indians, gave them
a commission, and wrote to Mr. Pynchon of
Springfield to assist them in the search.
But Pynchon's reply put a stop to the pro-
ceedings. He maintained, that the murdered
Indians were not the subjects, nor the murder-
ers within the jurisdiction, of the Massachu-
setts government, and that by prosecuting the
matter they would be in danger of stirring up
a war. It is in this letter of Pynchon, that the
mention of Mr. Eliot's agency occurs. It
seems that Cutshamakin, who of course was
well acquainted with Mr. Eliot, had prevailed
upon him to use his influence with the magis-
trates to procure the desired assistance. Pyn-

JOHN ELIOT. 115

chon says, that in this the Indians of Quaboag
“dealt subtly.” Eliot wrote a letter to Pyn-
chon, in which he exhorted him to assist the
two Indian agents in their inquest about the
murder, urging the command of God to make
inquisition for blood, and denying that there
was any danger of war in consequence of this
proceeding. Upon this Pynchon remarks, that
if the murdered had been subjects of Massa-
chusetts, and the murderers within the juris-
diction of that government, Mr. Eliot’s appeal
would have been seasonable and appropriate;
but, the facts being otherwise, it was of no
avail. Governor Winthrop desired, that Eliot
might immediately be made acquainted with
this letter of Pynchon. Dudley, the deputy-
governor, had a conference with Eliot on the
subject; and they concluded, for various rea-
sons, to advise that a stop should be put to
any further proceedings.*
Mr. Eliot may have been in an error, as to
the point of jurisdiction; but his active share
in this transaction unquestionably arose from
his strong desire to have such justice adminis-
tered from the crime of shedding blood, as would
conciliate the feelings of the Indians by con-
vincing them, that in the English they had

* SAVAGE’S Winthrop, Vol. II, p. 325, and Appendix,
pp. 384-387.

116 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

friends, who would not see them injured with
impunity.
It was in the latter part of 1647, or in 1648,
that Mr. Eliot, with Wilson of Boston and
Shepard of Cambridge, visited Yarmouth on
Cape Cod. The harmony of the church in that
place had been disturbed by some unhappy dif-
ficulties; and these clergymen with others from
Plymouth colony met, I suppose as a council, to
heal the breach, and bring into union the con-
tending parties. This they accomplished most
satisfactorily, and Christian harmony was re-
stored to the church and town.
But Eliot did not consider his errand to this
place as finished. The object, which was ha-
bitually uppermost in his thoughts, failed not
to claim his attention. He gladly availed him-
self of the opportunity to visit the Indians in
that region, and present to them the word of
life. It was with difficulty that they under-
stood him. The dialect of the Indians in that
quarter was found to differ considerably from
that of the natives in the neighborhood of Bos-
ton and in the western parts of Massachusetts.
Varieties of this kind were often observed in a
range of forty or sixty miles.* Besides, these

* One of the obstacles to the diffusion of Christianity
among the natives of New England was “the diversity of
their owne language to Itself, every part of that countrey
having its owne dialect, differing much from the other.”
New England’s First Fruits, p. 1.

JOHN ELIOT. 117

Indians were unaccustomed to those words and
forms or speech used for the expression of re-
ligious thoughts or conceptions, to the acquisi-
tion of which Mr. Eliot had been led by the
nature of his mission to give his principal at-
tention. In order to make himself intelligible
to them, he was obliged to use much circumlo-
cution, and put his remarks into various forms,
besides availing himself of the aid of inter-
preters who happened to be present. He over-
came all difficulties, and made himself under-
stood.
At this place there was no little opposition
to Eliot's preaching, especially by a reckless
sachem, to whom, on account of his fierce and
furious spirit, the English gave the sobriquet of
Jehu. He promised fairly enough, that on the
appointed day he would attend the religious
services, and bring his men with him. But,
when the day came, he sent his men away early
in the morning to sea, on the pretence, that
they must get some fish. He himself went to
hear the sermon, though late; but, when there,
he affected not to understand any thing, though
some of the Indians assured Mr. Eliot, that he
did understand as well as any of them. Still
he would sit and listen with dogged sullenness
and a dissatisfied look. There was probably
as much of waggery, as of ill nature or malice,
in his conduct. There is something adapted to

118 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

excite a smile in the grave but unsuccessful
attempt of the divines to manage this intracta-
ble and mischievous spirit.
There was another sachem of a better tem-
per and more pliable disposition, who lent a
willing ear to instruction, and whose people
were attentive and docile. It was here, that,
at the usual time for proposing questions, an
aged Indian made a statement, which at first
struck those who heard it with surprise, but
was found to admit an easy explanation. He
affirmed, that the very things which Mr. Eliot
had just taught concerning the creation, the
nature of God, and his commandments, had
been said years ago by some old men among
them, who were now dead, and since whose
death all knowledge or remembrance of these
doctrines had been lost, till they were revived
by what they had now heard. In a more figu-
rative manner, the same fact was expressed by
others to a Christian in that region, who com-
municated it to Eliot and his companions at
this time. They said that their forefathers
once knew God, but that afterwards their peo-
ple fell. into a heavy sleep; and when they
awoke, they had forgotten him.
These statements, implying that some knowl-
edge of the true religion was possessed by the
natives before their acquaintance with the
English, excited curiosity and inquiry. Mr.

JOHN ELIOT. 119

Shepard supposed, that the fact might be ac-
counted for by the circumstance of a French
preacher having been cast away on that coast
many years before, whose instructions might
have given the Indians of that day such an
acquaintance with religion, as was reported of
them.
Shepard was doubtless right in his conjec-
ture. About three years before the Plymouth
settlers arrived, a French ship was wrecked on
Cape Cod. The lives of the men were saved,
and they reached the shore. But they were all
killed by the Indians, except three or four, who
were kept and sent from one sachem to another.
Two of them were redeemed by Mr. Dormer,
and another died among the natives. One of
them lived with the Indians long enough to be
able to use their language. He instructed
them in religion, and, among other things, told
them, that God was angry for their wickedness,
that he would destroy them, and give their
country to another people. The natives replied
in derision, that they were too numerous for
God to kill them. Soon after the death of the
Frenchman, multitudes of them were swept
away by a terrible pestilence. They now be-
gan, with the superstition natural to savages,
to think that one part of the prediction they
had despised was fulfilled; and, when the Ply-
mouth settlers came, they apprehended that

120 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the other part was about to be accomplished.
When they afterwards became acquainted with
the English, several of the oldest and most
trustworthy among them related these facts.*
The story accounts sufficiently for the declara-
tion made by the Indians to Eliot, Shepard,
and Wilson, respecting the religious knowledge
of their fathers.
It may be here observed, that Mayhew re-
lates a similar, but less precise remark, made by
one of the natives on Martha's Vineyard. The
Indian said, that “a long time ago their people
had wise men, who in a grave manner taught
them knowledge; but,” he added, “they are
dead, and their wisdom is buried with them;
and now men live a giddy life in ignorance till
they are white-headed, and go without wisdom
unto their graves.”† This speech may have
referred to the same reminiscence of a better
knowledge, which is explained by the instruct-
tions of the Frenchman; or it may have been
merely one of those complaints of the degener-
acy of present times, the disposition to which
is perhaps too natural to man to be confined to
the civilized.

* See Judge Davis's edition of MORTON'S New Eng-
land's Memorial, p. 60; also Mr. Savage's remark in his
notes on Winthrop, Vol. I. p. 59.
† Mayhew's letter to Winslow in Glorious Progresse,
&c., p. 5.

JOHN ELIOT. 121

Another circumstance, which interested Mr.
Eliot and his companions, was the relation of
a dream by an Indian in these parts. He said,
that about two years before the English came
over, a very destructive sickness prevailed
among the Indians. One night, when his sleep
was broken and troubled, he saw, in a dream,
a multitude of men coming to that region,
dressed in precisely such garments as he now
found the English to wear. Among them was
one man all in black, with something in his
hand, which he now discovered to have been a
book, such as the English carry. The man in
black stood higher than the rest, having the
Indians on one side and the English on the
other. He assured the Indians, that God was
angry with them, and would destroy them for
their sins. Upon this, the dreamer stood up,
and begged to know what God would do with
him, and his squaw, and papooses. This ques-
tion he repeated three times, when his fears
were relieved by being told, that they would
all be safe, and that God would give them vic-
tuals and good things. Such was the vision
of the night, which the savage had to relate.
No one, I presume, at the present day will
be disposed to inquire, whether it were pro-
phetic, or will think the Indian had reason to
say with Eve,

“For God is also in sleep, and dreams advise,
Which he hath sent propitious, some great good

122 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Presaging, since with sorrow and heart's distress
Wearied I fell asleep.”

But Shepard, who tells the story, while he pro-
fesses to have little faith in dreams, yet in-
clines to think, that God may see fit to speak
in this way to the Indians, when he would not
to those who have a more sure word of warn-
ing and direction. His construction is more
favorable to the savages, than the poetic judg-
ment of Claudian, who declares that

“Barbarians never taste the hallowed streams
Of prophecy, nor are inspired by dreams.”*

The simple truth of the case is, that the dream
may be easily explained by adverting again to
the story of the French priest. The circum-
stances of it have a sufficient resemblance to
the facts of that story; and it occurred during
the prevalence of the fearful sickness, when
the mind of the Indian was harassed by the
alarm, which the Frenchman's prediction had
awakened. He saw in his sleep a confused
image, with some additions, of what he had
seen, or heard of, when the man in black an-
nounced the judgments of God. The story
thus explained is of some value, as an illustra-
tion of the laws that prevail in the phenomena
of dreams.

* “Nullus Castalios latices, et praecia fati
Flumina, polluto bubarus ore bibit.”

CLAUDIAN. In Ruf. Lib. 11. Praef.

124 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER VIII.

Eliot', Care of Nonantum. -- Questions. --Eliot's
   Endeavors to interest Others in the Cause.--
   His Need of Assistance.--Society for Propa-
   gating the Gospel among the Indians established
   in England.

THE little establishment at Nonantum con-
tinued an object of as lively interest to Mr.
Eliot as ever; perhaps more so than any other
scene of labor, because his first converts were
there. In 1649, he wrote to a gentleman in
England, who had advised him to encourage
his Christian Indians to plant orchards and
cultivate gardens. This he had already done.
He had promised them several hundred trees,
which were reserved in nurseries for them, and
which he hoped they would plant the next
spring. They were then engaged in fencing a
large cornfield, and had finished two hundred
rods of ditching, securing the banks with
stones gathered from the fields.
Mr. Eliot complains of bad tools, and of a
want of tools, and says that a magazine of all
necessary implements must be provided for
them. He tells his correspondent, that they
were able to saw very good boards and planks,

JOHN ELIOT. 126

and that they would do all these things better,
and in a more orderly manner, if he could be
with them more frequently. He found them
willing to follow his advice, but was prudent
enough not to require a great deal of them at
first. “I find it absolutely necessary,” he ob
serves, “to carry on civility with religion.”
The best mode of effecting his objects, as he
believed, would be to establish a settlement for
the Indians in some place distant from the
English, to live among them, to bring them
under a regular form of government, and into
the practice of the mechanical arts and trades.
It gives us an affecting idea of the poverty of
our venerated fathers, when he adds, that such
an enterprise would be too costly for New Eng
land at that time, which was her day of small
things.
Schools for the natives were favorite objects
with our apostle. A gentleman in London,
whose name he never knew, had in 1648 sent
him ten pounds for that purpose. Five pounds
he paid to a woman in Cambridge for teaching
Indian children; “and,” says he, “God so
blessed her labors, that they came on very
prettily.” The other five pounds he paid to a
schoolmaster in Dorchester, who taught the
children of the natives with very good success.
He feared, however, that the schools would
fail, as he could hear of no further supply for

126 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

their support, and so the children would lose
all they had learned the first year. His own
course of catechizing the young, whenever he
held a meeting, he continued constantly, and
found their proficiency very encouraging.*
These are specimens of the minute and hum-
ble labors, to which this devoted man gave his
time and heart, that he might bless the unen-
lightened with civilization and Christianity.
Many were his hindrances and discourage-
ments; but he always toiled in the cheerful-
ness of hope. Is there not something touch-
ing in the incidental remark he makes, that “it
is hard to look on the day of small things with
patience enough”?
Many of the questions propounded by the

* Glorious Progresse of the Gospel, &c., p. 16. -- Mr.
Eliot was pleased with his success among the Indian chil-
dren, whose docility and good progress he on several occa-
sions praises. In this respect he was more fortunate than
was Mr. Egede with the Greenland boys, whom he took
into his house, and of whom we are told, “as to their learn-
ing, it went briskly at first, because they had a fish-hook,
or some such thing, given them for every letter they learnt.
But they were soon glutted with this business, and said,
they knew not what end it answered to sit all day long
looking upon a piece of paper, and crying a, b, c, &c.; that
he and the factor were worthless people, because they did
nothing but look in a book, or scrawl upon paper with a
feather; but, on the contrary, the Greenlanders were brave
men, they would hunt seals, shoot birds, &c.” –CRANTZ’S
History of Greenland, Vol. I. p. 290.

JOHN ELIOT. 127

Indians about this time sufficiently prove, that
they were neither dull hearers nor thoughtless
men. Specimens of them are recorded by their
teacher; and they are found to be full of mean-
ing. The true principle of moral and mental
life must have been awakened, or they could
not have been suggested. They show, as Mr.
Eliot justly remarks, that “the souls of these
men were in a searching condition after the
great points of religion and salvation.”
Meanwhile the Indian apostle endeavored to
inspire his brethren in the ministry and others
with a zeal kindred to that of which his own
heart was full. The sachem Cutshamakin had
some subjects at Martha's Vineyard. They
had been moved by his example to adopt the
new religion, and were reckoned in the number
of “praying Indians.”
In 1648 Mr. Eliot speaks of having entreated
the younger Mayhew, who was the minister at
the Vineyard, to attend to the religious wants
of these Indians. To this call Mayhew was
not inattentive. Indeed he had for some time
been engaged in learning the language of the
natives, with a view to the introduction of
Christianity among them. Eliot speaks with
thankful emotion of the success of his efforts.
He afterwards recurs to the subject, and ex-
presses his gratitude for the blessing of God
on Mayhew's labors, hoping that the natives at

128 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the Vineyard would be prepared to form a reg-
ular civil and religious settlement, when they
should see a successful experiment of that kind
in another place, such as he had set his heart
on endeavoring to effect. His friendship for
Mr. Mayhew is further evinced by the pains he
took to procure books for him. In a letter
sent to England about this time, he mentions
him with much affection, as a young beginner,
who is in extreme want of books; he begs,
therefore, that commentaries, and all the works
necessary for a young minister, may be for-
warded by the benevolent. It was a request
on which he laid much stress.”
Our good evangelist was importunate with
all the ministers, who lived near the Indians, to
learn their language, and put their hands to
the work of spreading among them the knowl-
edge of God. Having mentioned· these solici-
tations, he adds, “I hope God will in his time
bow their hearts thereunto.” These anxious
desires for cooperation were naturally dictated
by the strength of his own feelings for the
cause, and by his heartfelt conviction of its
great importance. There is an expansive ac-
tion in moral warmth, like that which belongs
to heat in the natural world. It cannot remain
shut up in the heart where it originates, but

* Eliot's letters in 3 M. H. Coll. IV. 81, 128.

JOHN ELIOT. 129

ever seeks to diffuse itself. No man can work
heartily for truth or benevolence, without en-
deavoring to infuse into others something of the
spirit by which he is himself animated and
impelled.
Hitherto the Apostle to the Indians had per-
severed in his pious enterprise with compara-
tively little aid. He had received indeed the
encouraging sympathy of many around him,
both of the clergy and the laity. Some of the
ministers, the Governor, and other magistrates
were frequently present at his lectures. They
cheered his spirit and strengthened his hands
by giving him their countenance and occasional
assistance. But nearly the whole burden of
the undertaking rested on him; and the time
seemed to have arrived, when, if it was to be
sustained and enlarged, some efficient help
would be necessary. Shepard, who had taken
an active and hearty interest in Mr. Eliot's
success, and had often been his companion in
the work, died in 1649. The loss of such a
friend and counsellor must have pressed heav-
ily on the heart of the good evangelist.
The efforts he had already made appeared to
have been sufficiently successful to encourage
more extensive plans of benevolence for the
Indians. It has been before mentioned, that
his favorite project was to bring them together
in well-ordered towns, where industrious em-

VOL. V. 9

130 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ployment in the several arts and trades, and
general improvement in civil affairs, might ad-
vance hand in hand with religious instruction.
This wisely conceived part of his plan lay near
his heart; but it could not be accomplished
without considerable assistance. Such assist-
ance, as we have seen, he could not and did
not expect from the infant colony; for New
England, who now makes every ocean white
with her commerce, and over whose hills and
by whose rivers prosperous villages and wealthy
towns are at this day scattered broadcast, was
then scarcely able to sustain her own few and
poor settlements in the wilderness. Some pe-
cuniary aid, however, Mr. Eliot received from
an appropriation made by order of the Gene-
ral Court.” While he was grateful for this

* This was in May, 1647. The order was as follows;
“It is ordered, that ten pounds be given to Mr. Eliot, as a
gratuity from this Court, in respect of his pains in instruct-
ing the Indians in the knowledge of God, and that order be
taken that the twenty pounds per annum, given by the Lady
Armine for that purpose, may be called for and employed
accordingly.” See Savage's note on Winthrop, Vol. II.
p. 305. The benefaction of Lady Armine, here mentioned,
is recorded by Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 212; but he does not
state for what purpose it was given. It appears, by the or-
der of the Court, to have been designed to promote the In-
dian work.
From the above statement we learn, that Gookin was
not quite correct, when he said, “In this work did this good
man [Eliot] industriously travail sundry years, without any

JOHN ELIOT. 131

proffered bounty, he must still have been aware
that the further extension of his efforts would
require a larger supply than could be looked
for at home.
At this juncture his heart· was gladdened by
assistance from the mother country. The la-
bors for the conversion of the Indians had been
reported in England, and had excited not a
little attention. The tract entitled “The Day-
Breaking, if not the Sun-Rising of the Gospel,”
&c., and Shepard's “Cleare Sun-shine of the
Gospel,” &c., in which was given an interest-
ing account of these labors, had been published
in London. Shepard's papers on the subject
were sent to Edward Winslow, who had gone
to England as agent for the colony. This
gentleman communicated them to some of the
most distinguished clergymen in and about
London, such as Marshall, Goodwin, Whitaker,
and Calamy, who, when the papers were pub-
lished, prefaced them with two very fervent
epistles, one addressed to the Parliament, the
other “to the godly and well-affected” of the

external encouragement, from men I mean, as to the re-
ceiving any salary or reward. Indeed, verbal encourage-
ments, and the presence of divers persons at his lectures,
he wanted not.” -I M. H. Coll., I. 169. It may be that
Eliot, in his usual spirit of disinterestedness, did not accept
the gratuity of ten pounds; but the offer of it by the Court
proves, that he received somewhat more than merely
“verbal encouragements.”

132 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

nation. In these an earnest call was sounded
for interest and help in the work of converting
the natives of New England.
The appeal to Parliament was not made in
vain. An order was passed, March 17th, 1647,
requiring the Committee on Foreign Planta-
tions to prepare an ordinance “for the encour-
agement and advancement of learning and
piety in New England.” The committee re-
ported the result of their deliberations. It
does not appear what course of measures, or
what mode of action, they proposed. But
whatever these were, Eliot was much gratified
with them; for, in a letter to Winslow the next
year, he expressed his entire approbation of
what had been done, adding, “I trust it is per-
fected long before this time.” But he ex-
pected more than had then been accomplished.
At that period of agitating excitement, the
Parliament were so absorbed in other more
urgent business, that the report of their com-
mittee was for some time neglected. Winslow,
who felt a warm and honorable interest in the
matter, in an “epistle dedicatory” prefixed to
a tract which he published in 1649, ventured
to remind them of this neglect, and asked per-
mission to recall their attention to the subject.
By way of appeal to their piety, he dropped
the hint, that doubtless “the common enemy
of man's salvation” rejoiced, when a godly

JOHN ELIOT. 133

enterprise, so happily begun, was suspended
for want of further encouragement; and he
urged the probability, on which so much stress
was laid by many at that time, that the North
American Indians were the descendants of the
ten tribes of Israel.
How much influence this appeal may have
had in exciting an immediate attention to the
subject, we know not; but the Parliament
passed an ordinance, July 27th, 1649, for the
advancement of civilization and Christianity
among the Indians of New England.* A cor
poration in perpetual succession was instituted,
bearing the title of “The President and Soci
ety for the Propagation of the Gospel in New
England,” with power to receive, manage, and
dispose of moneys for that purpose. It was
also enacted, that a general contribution for
the object should be made through England
and Wales. The ministers were required to
read the ordinance from their pulpits, at the
same time exhorting the people to give gener
ous aid .to the pious undertaking. The uni
versities of Oxford and Cambridge also issued
letters addressed to the ministers, calling upon
them to stir up their congregations to the good
work. But, notwithstanding this powerful in
fluence, the contribution proceeded heavily and

* The breviat of this Act is given in HUTCHINSON’S
History of Massachusetts, Vol. I. p. 153.

134 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

slowly. It met a warm opposition; and the
whole plan of converting the Indians was al-
leged by many to be merely a scheme to gather
money by appealing to the piety of the nation.
So discouraging was the prospect of a contri-
bution from the people, that an effort was made
to raise something from the army.
But, in despite of all opposition, a very con-
siderable sum was collected. Lands were pur-
chased to the value of between five and six
hundred pounds a year, and vested in a cor-
poration, of which Judge Steel was the first
president, and Mr. Henry Ashurst the first
treasurer. Portions of the income were from
time to time transmitted to America, and en-
trusted to the Commissioners of the United
Colonies of New England, who faithfully ap-
propriated the money to the objects for which
it was collected.
It appears from notices, which we gather at
different periods, that salaries were paid to the
preachers engaged in the work; that schools
for the Indians were supported; tools, instru-
ments of labor, wool, and other commodities
provided for them; an Indian college erected,
and the expense of printing Eliot's Translation
of the Bible and of other books defrayed. The
last-mentioned of these objects will recur in a
subsequent part of this narrative. They were
the most expensive of any to which the funds

JOHN ELIOT. 136

of the Society were applied. It cannot now
be ascertained, I suppose, how much Mr. Eliot
annually received from this source. We know
however, that for the year 1662, as appears
from the account rendered by the Commission-
ers, his salary was fifty pounds.* This was a
larger sum, than was granted to any other in-
dividual that year. It was, we may presume,
justly deemed a liberal allowance.
     On the restoration of Charles in 1660, the
funds, and even the existence of this corpora
tion, were endangered. Some, who had the
ear of the king, endeavored to persuade him,
that the act by which the Society was consti
tuted, having been passed without the royal
assent, was illegal; and they ad vised him to
absorb its revenues into the royal coffers. The
corporation had purchased an estate worth
three hundred and twenty-two pounds per an
num of one Colonel Bedingfield, a papist. This
man took advantage of the opportunity afford
ed by the restoration, when he supposed the
corporation to be dead in law, to repossess
himself of this estate. He also refused to re
pay the money he had received for it.
    At this perilous crisis, the Society found an
able and efficient friend in the Honorable Rob
ert Boyle, a name which so nobly adorns the

    * Gookin, 1 M. H. Coll., I. 218.

136 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

history of science and of general learning in
England. He promptly made use of his inter-
est with the Lord Chancellor Clarendon, to
avert the threatened injustice, and to reestab-
lish the rights of the corporation.* Richard
Baxter and Mr. Ashurst were likewise active
on the occasion, and their indefatigable zeal
was of great service.† The king, probably by
the influence of Clarendon, instead of listening
to the evil counsel he had received, granted a
new charter to the Society, and confirmed its
rights under his royal hand.‡ Bedingfield pros-
ecuted his claim by a suit in chancery, and thus
delayed the recovery of the contested proper-
ty about a year. But the Lord Chancellor, who
in the whole course of this business had been
steadily favorable to the rights of the Society,
gave judgment against him, and granted a de-
cree for a new corporation.
Thus the question, in which Mr. Eliot's favor-
ite work in New England was so deeply interested,
was happily settled, and the Society restored

* See BIRCH’S Life of Boyle, p. 42, prefixed to the edi-
tion of Boyle's Works in five volumes, fol., London, 1744.
† See Reliquiae Baxterianae, or BAXTER'S Narrative of
his Life, published by Sylvester, p. 290. Baxter ascribes
a large share of influence in this business to himself and
Mr. Ashurst. There can be little doubt, that the agency
of Boyle was more efficient than that of any other man.
‡ The charter may be found in the Appendix to BIRCH'S
Life of Boyle, No. I.

138 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER IX.

Further Labor, of Eliot among the Natives. --
   His, Letter, to Winslow. -- Questions of the In-
   dians. --Eliot's Converts troubled by Gorton's
   Doctrines. -- Desire of the Indians for a Town
   and school. -- Opposition from the Powaws
   and Sacl&ems.

I NOW return to the story of Mr. Eliot's exer-
tions among the Indians; but I find it difficult
to arrange his labors in chronological order, on
account of the disjointed manner in which they
are related by himself and others.
We learn from his statement, that the natives
in the southern parts of Massachusetts and the
adjoining region were in general but little dis-
posed to embrace Christianity. There were a
few “praying Indians” at Titacut. Young
Massasoit (whom Eliot calls by his other name,
Ousamequin), son of the sachem so distin-
guished in the history of Plymouth, was op-
posed to all attempts at religious instruction;
and of his father Mr. Eliot humorously says,
“The old man is too wise to look after it.”
The western Indians were found to be more
docile. They listened to the word with much
willingness. Shawanon, the sachem of Nasha-

JOHN ELIOT. 139

way, had received Christianity; and many of
his people, induced perhaps as much by his
example as by any other motive, had done the
same. We have seen before, that he was
friendly to Mr. Eliot, and ready to defend him
in the hour of danger. In the summer of 1648,
the apostle visited his domain four times, and
found a numerous people there. But, as it was
nearly forty miles from his home, he could not
be with them so frequently as he or they
wished. They begged him to come oftener
and stay longer.*

* When Shawanon died, an apprehension was enter

tained, that his people might choose such a successor, as
would be friendly neither to Christianity nor to the Eng
lish. To avert this danger, the Court made use of Mr.
Eliot's influence with the Indians. He and Mr. Nowell
were sent to them for the purpose of persuading them to
make a proper choice. This fact I learn from the follow
ing notice, extracted from the Colony Records, under the
date of October, 1654.

“Whereas Shawanon, sagamore of Nashaway, is lately
dead, and another is now suddenly to be chosen in his room,
they being a great people that have submitted to this juris
diction, and their eyes being upon two or three of the blood,
one whereof is very debased, and a drunken fellow, and
no friend of the English, another is very hopeful to learn
the things of Christ; --This Court doth therefore order,
that Mr. Increase Nowell and Mr. John Eliot shall and
hereby are desired to repair to the Indians, and labor by
their best counsel to prevail with them for the choosing of
such a one as may be most fit to be their sagamore, which
would be a good service to the country.”

140 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

There are letters of Mr. Eliot, written to
Winslow in 1649 and. 1650. From these we
learn something of the objects which engaged
his interest. Winslow had informed him of a
distinguished Jewish theologian at Amsterdam,
Rabbi Ben Israel, who affirmed, that the ten
tribes of Israel were certainly transported to
America, of which fact there were “infallible
tokens.” Eliot eagerly seized on this piece
of information, supposing it might bring to
light new evidence for his favorite opinion.
He requested his correspondent to sift the mat-
ter thoroughly, and to learn, if possible, on
what grounds the Jewish doctor had founded
his assertion, at what time, in what manner,
and in what numbers the lost tribes had
reached America. In confirmation of the the-
ory he stated, that Mr. Dudley had told him of
one Captain Cromwell, lately deceased at Bos-
ton, who had frequently been among Indians at
the south, that were circumcised, and had been
able to ascertain the fact beyond all doubt.
“This,” says Eliot, “is one of the most prob-
able arguments that ever I yet heard of.” His
solicitude to have this point proved did not
spring from idle curiosity. The inquiry was
one of those, which clustered around the cen-
tral interest of his soul; for, if it could be
shown, that the Indians were descendants from
the ancient people of God, to whom. a cove-

JOHN ELIOT. 141

nant of rich promises was once given, he be-
lieved there would be “a ground of faith to
expect mercy for them”; for, as he says, “Je-
hovah remembereth and giveth being to ancient
promises.” His heart would then be greatly
encouraged in his work.*
    However we may smile at the theory which
he cherished with so much zeal, or at the argu-
ments by which he sought to support it, we
must respect the motive, which gave this bias
to his speculations. If his desire to impart
the blessings of divine truth to the Indians had
been less fervent, he would have cared less to
prove, that they came from the ancient stock of
Israel.
    Mr. Eliot felt, and expressed in his corres-
pondence, a warm sympathy with those who
were placed amidst the strong conflicts, by
which the mother country was rent asunder.
His wishes and prayers were all in favor of the
dominant party; but whether the execution of
the King was regarded by him with approba-
tion, we have no means of ascertaining.
    From the contemplation of political convul-
sions, however, his heart was still returning to
his own good work at home, and rested there.
He was delighted to receive any sympathy on

* Further Discovery of the Present State of the Indians,
&c., pp. 14, 24.

142 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

this subject. He blessed God when he heard,
that the celebrated John Owen expressed a
great interest in his labors. The favorable
notice, which the conversion of the Indians had
gained in Parliament, together with his politi-
cal prepossessions, induced him to speak of
that assembly in terms of indiscriminate praise,
which may be thought at the present day to
need some qualification.
He renewed at this time the mention of
schools to be provided for the. natives. No
man believed more devoutly in the necessity of
dependence on the divine blessing; but he no
less firmly believed, that, if the work of im-
provement was to be permanent, the founda-
tion must be laid in the education of the young.
He insisted, therefore, that there must be an
annual appropriation for the support of school-
masters and schoolmistresses. He proposed
to carry the business of education still further;
for he had found some of the Indian youth so
docile, and of such prompt and quick parts,
that he wished to have them, as be expressed
it, “wholly sequestered to learning.” By this
he meant, that they should be sent to college,
and devote their lives to study and teaching.
Ten pounds per annum, he thought, would be
sufficient for the maintenance of a single youth
in this way. At a later period, we shall see,
unsuccessful attempts were made to carry this

JOHN ELIOT. 143

plan in some degree into effect. Eliot like-
wise urged the importance of translating the
Bible and other books for the natives. He in-
sisted, that, if money could be procured, there
was no purpose to which it might be so use-
fully devoted as to this. These were the lead-
ing objects, to which he earnestly called the
attention of his friends in England.
Winslow and Mr. Herbert Pelham, who was
likewise in England at that time, had taken
occasion in their letters to express their affec-
tionate greetings to the “praying Indians.”
Eliot, touched with this kind remembrance of
his converts, soon found opportunity to make
use of it, as an illustration in the course of his
instructions. Some Christian Indians from
Martha's Vineyard had visited those, to whom
our evangelist ministered in Massachusetts.
Among them was one, whose assistance May-
hew had found very serviceable in learning
their language. Eliot's Indians had much con-
versation with their visiters, and, finding a per-
fect sympathy on religious subjects, they gave
the strangers a hearty welcome.
This circumstance occasioned a question,
which to a man like their teacher must have
had an affecting interest. “How is it,” said
they, “that, when an Indian whom we never
saw before, comes among us, and we find that
he prays to God, we love-him exceedingly; but

144 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

when our own brother, dwelling at a distance,
visits us, if he does not pray to God, though
we love him, yet it is not with such a love as
we have for the other man?” The sentiment
of religious sympathy must have been strong,
that gave rise to such a question in the minds
of men scarcely in any considerable degree re-
claimed from savage life.
Mr. Eliot first inquired, whether they really
found this feeling in their hearts. They replied
that they did, and bad often wondered at it.
Encouraged by this answer, their teacher fur-
ther asked them, what they supposed could be
the reason, that good people in England, at
the distance of three thousand miles, who
never saw them, should love them as soon as
they heard of their praying to God, and send
them tokens of their affectionate regard. He
then mentioned the kind message sent by Mr.
Winslow and Mr. Pelham. He reminded them
of the good things already bestowed by their
friends in England, and assured them that they
would receive more, for that means would soon
be sent to assist them in building a town.
The Indians acknowledged, that they could
not account for this benevolent interest. Mr.
Eliot, having thus prepared their minds, pro-
ceeded to explain to. them the nature of that
unity of spirit by which those who love reli-
gion are attached to each other, and doubtless

JOHN ELIOT. 145

left on their hearts a far more salutary and en
during impression, than could have been con
veyed by any attempt to open the depths of
doctrinal mysteries.
Our apostle was troubled to hear, that some,
who had gone from America, had reported un
favorably in England concerning his work
among the natives. He requested Mr. Winslow
to inquire of such, whether they had ever taken
the pains to go three or four miles to some of
the Indian meetings, that they might judge for
themselves from personal observation. If they
had not, he protested against their testimony.
If they had done so, and were acquainted with
the Indians, he begged to know specifically
what their objections were.
As to the general, sweeping charge, that all
the Indians were bad and reckless, because
those were so who were found loitering around
the English settlements, watching for an op
portunity to steal or to do mischief, he would
have such as talked in this way consider how
it would fare with the English, if the character
of all should be judged and condemned by that
of the worst among them. He asked only for
fair dealing. While he was far enough from
making any extravagant claims for his Indians,
he would not have them traduced by the
thoughtless or the malignant, without inter
posing an honest vindication.

Vol. V. 10

146 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

While Eliot was thus actively engaged in
labors, which took and kept him much from
home, he was not unmindful of his studies.
His love of books appears by a request he
made to Winslow for assistance, to enable
him to purchase the library of Mr. Welde, his form-
er colleague, who had gone to England, and
did not intend to return. He was extremely
unwilling, that these books should be sent back
to England, while they were so much needed
in the infant colony, where the means of theo-
logical learning were scanty. The price of
the library was thirty-four pounds; but he
would pay that price only on condition that all
the books were included.
It seems, from his manner of speaking, that
he expected to refund the money which he
wished to have disbursed for him on this occa-
sion. But he soon after learned, that the cor-
poration in England were willing to discharge
the expense of the purchase, for which he was
heartily grateful. They likewise bought the
library of Mr. Jenner, minister of Weymouth,
for Harvard College, as appears from a letter
of Winslow, published by Hazard.* Eliot's
expressions seem to imply, that Welde's books
were to be presented to him; but this is not

* See Savage's note on Winthrop, Vol: I. p. 251. Mr.
Eliot also mentions Jenner's library in connexion with
Welde's.

JOHN ELIOT. 147

positively said. He promised to send to Eng-
land a catalogue of each of the libraries, as
soon as his engagements should allow him suf-
ficient leisure.
On one occasion, Eliot's converts were some-
what troubled by the doctrines of the notorious
Gorton, whose conduct and creed caused so
much disturbance in the early days of New
England. In July, 1650, two of the “praying
Indians” travelled to Providence and War-
wick, and spent the Sabbath among Gorton's
followers, with whom they had much confer-
ence about religion. They returned with per-
plexing doubts on their minds. At the next
lecture, before the assembly had fully come to-
gether, one of those Indians asked Mr. Eliot
this question; “How happens it, that the Eng-
lish, among whom I have lately been, though
they have the same Bible as we have, yet speak
different things?” He then said, that he and
his brother had visited Providence and War-
wick, and though they did not understand the
public exercises, yet they learned from conver-
sation, that there was much difference between
the opinions of the people there and those of
their own teacher.
Mr. Eliot requested him to state the particu-
lars. He accordingly enumerated the points,
about which their faith had been disturbed.
“First,” said he, “you teach us there is a

148 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

heaven and a hell; but according to Gorton's
people, it is not so; for they say the only
heaven is in the hearts of the good, and the
only hell in the hearts of the wicked.” “Well,”
said the preacher, “how did you answer that?”
“I told them,” rejoined the Indian, “that I
did not believe their doctrine, because heaven
is a place where good men go after death, and
hell is a place where the wicked go when they
die.” Mr. Eliot was pleased with the reply.
Many reflecting Christians at the present
day would find little or nothing objectionable
in the doctrine of Gorton's followers on this
subject. But probably the conceptions, which
the Indians had naturally formed, were better
suited to the rude state of their minds, than
more refined views. A place, with outward
material accompaniments for happiness or mis-
ery, is a more definite and imposing object to
the imagination, than a state of the heart; be-
cause it admits those gorgeous descriptions
and that glowing imagery, which have all the
stirring effect of the most striking objects of
sense.
The Indian then proceeded to mention other
particulars, in which some of Gorton's peculiar
opinions against infant baptism, and against
the utility or propriety of the office of minis-
ters and magistrates, were developed. On each
of these topics Eliot inquired, how they had

JOHN ELIOT. 149

met and answered the doctrines of these men.
He found that in every instance, they had, as
he believed, replied wisely and soundly. Gor-
ton's people said, besides, something about the
Parliament of England, which the Indian re-
porter did not understand.
It is observable, that during this conversa-
tion Mr. Eliot himself made no remarks on the
errors of Gorton. He merely proposed que-
ries, to ascertain how the minds of his Indian
disciples were affected by these views, and
how their own unassisted thoughts could dis-
pose of them. Full of joy at finding these
untutored men, whose faith had been thus ex-
posed to a perilous encounter, so discreet and
firm in the right way, he offered solemn thanks,
in the prayer at the opening of the ensuing
service, that God had given them such ability
to discern between right and wrong, and so
stout hearts to stand for the truth against
error. He regarded this trial as an evidence
of the success, which the blessing of God had
bestowed on his teaching.*
It should here be mentioned, that in the re-
monstrance against “The Petition and Declar-
ation of Samuel Gorton,” which was intrusted
to Winslow when he went to England, and ad-
dressed to the Earl of Warwick and the other
Commissioners for Foreign Plantations, it was

* Eliot's Letter in Further Discovery, &c., pp. 33-35.

150 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

maintained, that the good work of christianiz-
ing and civilizing the Indians, which had been
so happily begun by Mr. Eliot, would be dashed,
if Gorton should be countenanced and upheld
in his proceedings.* There was so much
heated excitement against this man, that it is
difficult to judge whether the accusation was
well founded.
The project of establishing a town for the
“praying Indians” was one of growing inter-
est and importance. The natives themselves
entered heartily into the plan, and in the spring
of 1660 importuned their teacher to permit
them to begin the enterprise. But at that time
he advised them to delay the business a little,
as he was waiting for tools and other helps
from England, by means of which he hoped to
prosecute the work in the summer.
Meanwhile several ships arrived without
bringing the expected supply. This failure
made Mr. Eliot sad. His heart smote him for
depending so much on human means, and for
repressing the zeal of the Indians, by holding
out a hope which was not fulfilled. The piety
of his day regarded every disappointment as a
rebuke from God. He thought himself now
called to learn the lesson of putting more
trust in the Lord, and less in man. So seri-

* SAVAGE’S Winthrop, Vol. II. p. 297.

JOHN ELIOT. 151

ously did he construe this temporary delay of
the expected assistance, that he consulted with
the elders and some of the members of his
church, as to the light in which it was to be
viewed. He also sought the advice of sever-
al elders at the Boston lecture.
Mr. Cotton declared, “My heart saith, Go on,
and look to the Lord only for help.” Eliot's
church, upon his recommendation, observed a
day of fasting and prayer for this and for
other causes, and engaged to afford as much
aid as their ability would permit. At that very
time, before they had retired from the place of
meeting, they had notice of the arrival of a
ship from England, by which encouraging let-
ters and promises of aid were received from
private friends. This mercy cheered the spir-
its of Mr. Eliot; and it was so ordered, he
observes, that he “should receive it as a fruit
of prayer.”
While his conduct on this occasion may be
thought to exhibit the hasty despondency, into
which a temporary check upon a favorite plan
sometimes betrays the feelings even of a good
man, and we wonder that he should so sud-
denly construe his disappointment into a re-
proof from heaven, and his relief into a special
answer to prayer; we may also observe here
that habit of reliance on God, which is so often
the stimulating principle of energetic and

152 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

persevering action in a good cause. Man is
never so strong as when, in the consciousness
of utter dependence, he leans on the wisdom
and goodness of Him whose arm sustains the
universe.
Meanwhile our evangelist continued with
unwearied zeal to preach, and to instruct by
question and answer, at the several stations
where he was accustomed to collect the In-
dians. It was not to be expected, that he
could proceed without opposition from the na-
tives. No missionary ever went to unenlight-
ened men in a better spirit of love and wisdom
than Mr. Eliot. But all his prudence, all his
affectionate address, could not silence or obvi-
ate the irritated feelings of many, who were
unable to appreciate the kindness which aimed
only to do them good. The selfish passions,
too, were naturally stirred into resistance.
Mr. Eliot accordingly, while cheered with some
encouraging evidences of success, found him-
self called to meet and subdue the obstacles
thrown in his way by the action of fierce and
resentful feelings.
The opposition at first arose chiefly from the
powaws. These men, though occasionally
treated with indignity by their people, pos-
sessed that power, the stronger for being mys-
terious, which a supposed connexion with the
invisible world always confers.

JOHN ELIOT. 153

The savage, if inaccessible in other ways, is
for the most part easily held captive by his su-
perstitious fears. The howling and dances,
the charms and incantations of the powaws,
overawed men, whom no physical force could
intimidate, and from whom no physical pain
could extort a groan. It was believed, that
they could kill or cure the diseased, and that
they had communications from the world of
spirits, enabling them to bewitch their enemies,
or put them to death; Their influence operated
so deeply on the minds of the Indians, that
even the Christian converts stood in awe of
them, and found it almost impossible to shake
off their dread of the supernatural endow-
ments, with which they were supposed to be
invested. Such an influence as this, so flatter-
ing to the natural love of power in the human
breast, we may readily believe would not be
resigned without a struggle.
One of the first objects with Mr. Eliot was
to induce the Indians to abandon their powaws,
and thus to liberate them from that debasing
thraldom in which they had been held. When
these men saw a new religion introduced among
their people, which threatened to withdraw
from their hands those over whom they had
exercised such power, they met the innovation
with determined resistance. They brought all
the agency of old fears to bear on every one,

154 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

who showed a disposition to escape; and it
required no common courage to set their
threats at defiance. Many of the apostle's
disciples were exceedingly troubled in this
way. He “observed a striking difference in
their countenances, when the powaws were
present and when they were out of the way.”*
For some time the principal opposition to
Eliot's labors came from these men. But, in a
letter to Winslow in 1650, be observes, that
the sachems also had generally become formid-
able enemies, and omitted no effort or device to
prevent their people from “praying to God,”
for this was the general phrase by which they
designated the new religion. Their opposition
sprung from one of the strongest feelings in
the heart of man, whether savage or civilized.
The effect of Mr. Eliot's success was to eman-
cipate their people in some degree from the
grasp of their despotic tyranny. They held
their subjects in absolute servitude. Both
property and persons were at their command;
and the language of the sachem was, “All is
mine.” What they wanted, they would demand
with violent clamors, or seize without hesita-
tion. The consequence was, that their people
either timidly surrendered all that they had, or
concerted some plot to murder their oppres-

* NEAL’S History of New England, VOL. I p. 253.

JOHN ELIOT. 155

sors. On one side was lawless tyranny; on
the other, unconditional submission or reckless
outrage. The Indian subjects, knowing that
whatever they might acquire was at the mercy
of the sachems, felt no desire to gain any thing
more than a bare sufficiency for present sub-
sistence.
Wherever Christianity was introduced among
them, it had a tendency to abolish, or greatly
mitigate, this state of servitude and oppres-
sion. The people learned in some rude degree
to understand their rights. They were willing
to pay the tribute as before; but they insisted
that it should be regulated by acknowledged
and reasonable measures.
When the sachem attempted to overawe them
by rage and violence, they had the. courage to
admonish him for his sin, instead of pacifying
him by submission. They let him know, that
their possessions were not to be extorted from
them in that way, and, reminding him that they
had learned industry from the divine command,
they even ventured to enjoin on him the same
duty. Neither in the splendid palace, nor in
the cabins of the forest, is man willing to re-
sign arbitrary power, so long as he can hold it.
The sachems could not look with complacency
or indifference on the inroads of a religion,
the effect of which was to bring their authority

156 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

within some just limits and under some rea-
sonable principles.
     Mr. Eliot tells us, that he had requested the
Commissioners for the United Colonies to de-
vise a general mode for the instruction of all
the Indians, and that in his prayers he was ac-
customed to offer petitions for some of the
tribes by name, such as. the Mohegans and the
Narragansets. This, being made known among
them, occasioned much excitement. Uncas,
sachem of the Mohegans, went to Hartford,
when the Court of Commissioners was in ses-
sion there, and expressed to them the appre-
hensions this report had raised in his mind,
and his extreme dislike towards the introduc-
tion of Christianity among his people.*
    Under these circumstances, the “praying
Indians” naturally became objects of aversion
and persecution. The sachems banished them
from their communities, and even in some in-
stances, it is said, put them to death. Had
not their fear of the English held them consid-
erably in check, the converts would probably
in general have fared much worse at their
hands than they did.
    Mr. Eliot was often in great personal dan-
ger. His life would frequently have been in
peril among them, bad they not dreaded the

   * Eliot's letter in Further Discovery, &c., p. 38, &c.

JOHN ELIOT. 157

retaliation of their English neighbors, who were
too strong to permit outrage with impunity.
They would sometimes drive him out with vio-
lent and menacing language, and would tell
him, that, if he came again, it should be at his
peril.
    He had too much of the spirit of a martyr
to be intimidated by these threats. “I am en-
gaged,” he said to them, “in the work of God,
and God is with me. I fear not all the sa-
chems in the country. I shall go on in my
work, and do you touch me if you dare.” The
same man, whose heart was full of love, and
who with the most winning gentleness would
interest himself in the wants of the little child-
ren of the wigwam, could, when the occasion
called for unyielding intrepidity, face without
dismay the savage chiefs, and answer their
angry violence with a firmness, before which
the stoutest of them quailed.
    It is worthy of remark, that Eliot makes no
severe comment on this sharp opposition. He
lamented it chiefly because he feared it might
deter many of the Indians from venturing to
adopt the religion of Christ. He regarded it
with compassion, as the natural conduct of
men, who could not understand, that he was
bringing them a blessing, instead of inflicting
an injury.
   He had, moreover, the piety and the wisdom

158 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

to believe, that good would spring out of this
warm opposition. The searching and sifting
trial, through which the Indians passed in be-
coming Christians, would be at once an evi-
dence and an exercise of their fidelity. The
chaff would be winnowed out, and only the
good grain brought in. The insincere, the
loose, the careless, who from various base or
unworthy motives might have called themselves
“praying Indians,” could they have done it
with safety or advantage, would be effectually
kept away from a profession, which they could
adopt only at the risk of persecution. On the
other hand, a strong confidence might be placed
in those, who had firmness and faith enough to
brave the displeasure of sachems and powaws,
and give themselves up to the new religion in
defiance of the perils by which they were sur-
rounded. The impulse, that inspired such
courage, could be no light or hypocritical one.
There would be a well-founded hope, that the
true light had dawned on their minds, that the
principle of inward life had been touched by
divine truth.
It was wise in Mr. Eliot thus to derive en-
couragement even from strenuous opposition;
though, in expecting so much good from this
source, he did not, perhaps, make sufficient al-
lowance for the difference between savage and
refined man, as to the influence of such mo-

JOHN ELIOT. 159

tives. It should, however, be observed, that
his confidence even in those, who came into
Christianity through so many obstacles, was
not hastily bestowed. He cautiously waited
for the testimony of a competent time. If upon
experience they were found to improve in the
knowledge and love of religion, in proportion
as they understood it, and to submit to its
restraints, and practise its duties, “what,” he
modestly and feelingly asked, “should hinder
charity from hoping, that there is grace in their
hearts, a spark kindled by the word and spirit
of God, that shall never be quenched?”

160 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER X.

The Settlement at Natick. --Labors of the In-
   dian at that Place. -- Form of Polity devised
   for them by Eliot. -- Their Civil Covenant. --
   Visit of Governor Endicot and Mr. Wilson to
   Natick, and their Account. -- Eliot's Endeavors
   to form Indian Preachers.-- Further Particu-
   lars of Natick.

THE time had come when Mr. Eliot's long-
cherished desire for the establishment of a
town of “praying Indians” was to be grati-
fied. It would seem, that the settlement at
Nonantum would naturally have been selected
for that purpose. But there were reasons why
the leader of the enterprise preferred to seek
another place for the community he had in view.
It was his opinion, that the town ought to be
“somewhat remote from the English.” Diffi-
culties had already been found to arise from
the vicinity of Nonantum to the English set-
tlers; and Eliot was persuaded, that, for sev-
eral reasons, it would be expedient for the
natives to have a more insulated situation,
where there would be less danger of collision.
Besides, Nonantum did not afford room enough
for his purpose. He wanted a tract of land,

JOHN ELIOT. 161

where the Indians could be gathered into a
large society, furnished with instruction of va-
rious kinds, a form of government, and encour-
agements to industry in agriculture and the
trades, in fishing, dressing flax, and planting
orchards.s He wished to make the experiment
under the most favorable circumstances, be-
cause be intended to found such a town as
might be an example for imitation in future at-
tempts of the same kind, a model for all the
subsequent communities of Christian Indians,
that might be collected.
His own solicitude was increased by finding
a strong disposition on the part of his converts
to cooperate in the plan. They often ex-
pressed a warm desire to be gathered into a
church, to enjoy the administration of the ordi-
nances, and to have regular services of public
worship on the Sabbath ; in short, to be united
under such ecclesiastical forms as they saw
among their English friends. Their faithful
teacher told them, that in their present irregu-
lar, unfixed mode of life, they could not profit-
ably or decently maintain among themselves
these religious institutions; that they must first
be established in civil order, and in the forms
of an industrious community, and then they
would be prepared to have a church and its

* Eliot's letter to Winslow in The Glorious Progresse
of the Gospel, &c., p. 8.

VOL. V. 11

162 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ordinances. This admonition quickened their
desire for the proposed settlement; and some
of their aged men exclaimed, “O that God
would let us live to see that day!”
At length, in 1651, the “praying Indians”
came together, and laid the foundation of a
town on the banks of Charles River, about
eighteen miles in a southwestern direction from
Boston. They named it Natick, which signi-
fies a place of hills; and thither the Nonantum
Indians removed. Some delay and disappoint-
ment had occurred before this selection was
effected. Mr. Eliot regretted the delay, be-
cause he feared it might discourage his disci-
ples and embolden their adversaries. But he
deemed it imprudent to begin, until he had
heard from the friends of the enterprise in the
mother country. He therefore continued to
labor patiently and faithfully, as he had done,
waiting for the time when Providence should
grant the accomplishment of his wishes.
In the mean time be used all diligence to
select the best situation. For this purpose he
made several visits and surveys. At last he
believed himself to be guided to the choice of
the spot in answer to his prayers. However
he might mistake, as was the propensity of his
times, by a too confident estimate of the special
interposition of Providence, still this circum-
stance should be mentioned as an evidence of

JOHN ELIOT. 163

the devout habit of his mind. In a letter writ-
ten in October, 1650, he speaks of having rode,
probably early in the spring, to what he calls.
“a place of some hopeful expectation”; but
he found it unsuitable for his purpose. He
stopped on his way, retired behind a rock, and
there prayed for divine direction. While he
was travelling in the woods, his Christian
friends at home were also asking in prayer
the blessing and guidance of God for him. His
company, in consequence of the sickness of one
of their number, were obliged to hasten their
return. But on their way home, some of the
Indians who were with them mentioned a situ-
ation, in the description of which he was so
much interested, that, taking them for guides,
he visited some parts of it. Upon a more careful
survey, he determined to choose this spot for
the settlement, being the same that was after-
wards called Natick. Hence he remarked, that
“the place was of God's providing, as a fruit
of prayer.”
The settlement was to occupy both sides of
Charles River. Though the stream was so
shallow in the summer, that the Indians could
generally wade through it with ease, yet, as the
water was deep in the spring and at other
times, it became necessary to throw a bridge
over it. Mr. Eliot persuaded them to under-
take this work. They built a foot-bridge over

164 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the river, eighty feet long and nine feet high
in the middle. Doubtless it was a sufficiently
rude structure; but it answered their purpose,
and, what was quite as important, it gave them
the stimulating excitement of that satisfaction,
which man enjoys, in seeing the successful re-
sult of his labor in a new form.
When they had finished it, Eliot called them
together, offered thanks to God, and gave them
instruction from a portion of Scripture. He
then praised them for their ready and cheerful
industry. He added, that, as they had worked
hard in the water, if any desired wages, he
would pay them; but, as the bridge was wholly
for their own use, if they would consider it as
a labor of love, he should be glad, and would
remember it at a future time. They at once
replied, that they should accept no wages, and
thanked him for his kind assistance in an un-
dertaking so useful to themselves.” There
was in the transaction much of the character-
istic spirit of this earnest, artless, benevolent
man.
This took place in the autumn of 1650. The
next spring the Indians went to their work
with spirit and interest. Their town was laid
out in three streets, two on one. side and one
on the other side of the river. Lots of land

* Further Discovery, &c., p. 37.

JOHN ELIOT. 165

were measured and divided, apple-trees were
planted, and the business of the sowing season
was begun. A house-lot was assigned to each
family; and it is said, that some of the cellars
of these dwellings may be seen at the present
day. They built a circular fort, palisaded with
trees, and a large house in the English style,
the lower part of which was to be used for
public worship on the Sabbath, and for a school-
room on other days, while the upper apartment
was appropriated as a wardrobe and as a de-
pository for valuable commodities. A part of
this room was divided from the rest by a par-
tition for Mr. Eliot's peculiar use,--“the
prophet's chamber,” in which he had a bed.
This house, fifty feet long, twenty-five feet
wide, and twelve feet high between the joists,
was built entirely by the Indians, excepting the
assistance they had from an English carpenter
for a day or two, who gave them directions
about raising the frame and some other par-
ticulars.
Canopies were constructed of mats upon
poles, one for Eliot and his attendants, and
others for the natives, the men and women hav-
ing separate canopies. These are said to have
been for “the hearers,” I suppose on occasion
of the common discourses in pleasant weather,
or on other days than the Sabbath. Several
small houses after the English mode were

166 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

erected; but Gookin says, the Indians found
these too expensive, and, for that reason as
well as others, they generally preferred to
build wigwams in their old fashion.*
    Some mode of government was now to be
provided for the new community, which Eliot
had collected. On this subject his principles,
however strange the form in which they are
stated may seem at the present day, were such
as the religious character of the Puritan strug-
gle had made acceptable to many pious men at
that time. He thought, that all civil govern-
ment and all laws should be derived from the
Scriptures alone. A form of polity, which
did not take its model and authority from the
word of God, was false and bad. This point
Mr. Eliot loved to argue and enforce. We
find it frequently recurring in his correspond-
dence with his friends in England, when he
touched upon the mode of government he
should choose for his Indian converts. He
believed that the time would come, when all
other civil institutions in the world would be
compelled to yield to those derived direct-
ly from the Bible. Of his Indians he says,
“They shall be wholly governed by the Scrip-
tures in all things, both in church and state;
the Lord shall be their lawgiver, the Lord
shall be their judge, the Lord shall be their

   * 1 M. H. Coll., I. 181.

JOHN ELIOT. 167

king, and unto that frame the Lord will bring
all the world ere he hath done.”
It was his earnest prayer, that the Puritans
in England, after the overthrow of the mon
archy, might be led to reconstruct their civil
state on these principles. But his plan, he
supposed, would be more easily effected among
the unsophisticated men of the wilderness,
than anywhere else. Other nations, he said,
would be loth “to lay down the imperfect star
light of their laws for the perfect sun-light of
the Scriptures”; but the Indians, being neither
blinded by preconceived ideas, nor led astray
by false wisdom, would readily “yield to any
direction from the Lord,” with respect to their
polity, as well as religion.
Such was Mr. Eliot's theory, which seems to
have been quite vague and indefinite, the aspi
ration of piety, rather than the result of politi
cal philosophy, but still containing the germ of
a principle as sound as it is noble. He earn
estly desired to see his ideas on this subject
carried into practice in the mother country.
“Oh,” he exclaimed, “the blessed day in Eng
land, when the word of God shall be their
Magna Charta and chief law-book, and when
all lawyers must be divines to study the
Scriptures.”*

* Eliot's letter in A Further Discovery, &c., pp. 23, 28.

168 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

How extensive were the views he would have
derived from these principles, we know not.
So far as the occasion allowed, he applied them
in the government of his new town. He ad-
vised the Indians at Natick to adopt the plan,
which the father-in-law of Moses recommended
for the Israelites in the wilderness;* that is,
to divide their community into hundreds and
tithings, and to appoint rulers of hundreds,
rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens. Every
man was to choose under which ruler of ten
he would place himself; but this arrangement
must obviously have been regulated in some
such way as to prevent more than the due
number being assigned to any one. The rulers
of ten Mr. Eliot called tit/ting-men; for so, he
says, they were denominated in the mother
country, “when England did flourish happily
under that kind of government.” He here al-
ludes, I suppose, to the institutions established
by Alfred, when the invasions of the Danes
had thrown every thing into confusion, and he
was obliged to provide for the administration
of justice by making each division responsible,
by means of the decennary or frank-pledge, for
the good conduct of its members.†
The polity, which the Indians thus adopted

* Exodus xviii. 21.

† HUME's History of England, Vol. I. p. 92, and TUR-
NER’S History of the Anglo-Saxons, Vol. I. p. 327.

JOHN ELIOT. 169

by their teacher's advice, was only a municipal
government for their own regulation. They
acknowledged their subjection to the magis-
trates of the colony, and appeals were to be
made to their authority in all necessary cases.
From Eliot's statement, the courts provided
for the natives by the Governor and magis-
trates appear to have been hitherto of little
practical use, in consequence of the difference
of language, the want of good interpreters,
and the trivial and tedious causes brought for
adjudication; so that, as he says, they must
either have had no government, or one among
themselves. They had frequently referred their
disputes to his judgment; but he found it in-
expedient and unpleasant to act as umpire.
He was right in wishing them to have a gov-
ernment of their own to meet their wants and
to settle matters of litigation.
Their form of polity being thus fixed, a
meeting was held on the 6th of August, 1651,
at which the “praying Indians” from different
quarters were collected. Mr. Eliot opened the
meeting with prayer; he then read and ex-
pounded to them the eighteenth chapter of
Exodus, which he had often explained to them
before, as exhibiting the model of their gov-
ernment. They next proceeded to their elec-
tions, and chose a ruler of an hundred, two
rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens, or tithing-

170 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

men. Then each one selected for himself the
tithing-man to whom he would belong, and
took his place accordingly. Eliot says, it
seemed to him “as if he had seen scattered
bones go bone to bone, and so live a civil, po-
litical life.” The sight was refreshing to his
spirit. He then proposed to bring them into a
covenant, by which they should agree “to be
the Lord's people, and to be governed by the
word of the Lord in all things.” To this pro-
ceeding he wished to give a peculiar solem-
nity, by appropriating a day specially for the
purpose.
Before this time, the Indians had inquired
of their teacher, why they had never been di-
rected to have a day of fasting and prayer,
like those observed by the English churches.
He replied, that whenever there should be an
important solemnity on hand, such as the work
of becoming the people of the Lord by cove-
nant, they would be advised or required to ob-
serve a day of fasting and prayer. The occa-
sion, of which he had spoken, had now arrived.
There was another reason for this public hu-
miliation before God. A ship, in which the
Society in England had sent large supplies for
the infant settlement of the Indians, was
wrecked at Cohasset on the 1st of September.
Most of the goods were saved, but were much
damaged. At a lecture on the 10th of the

JOHN ELIOT. 171

same month, Eliot informed the Indians of the
misfortune, which had befallen the assistance
so kindly sent by their friends. He instructed
them to regard this as a peculiar frown of
Providence, and as “a fruit of sin.” In con-
sideration of these circumstances, a day was
appointed to humble themselves before God by
fasting and prayer, and to enter into a solemn
covenant.
Before the day came, the conduct of Cut-
shamakin caused some trouble. Of this man
Mr. Eliot, who probably regarded him with
special interest, as being the first sachem to
whom he preached, remarks, that, though con-
stant in his profession, he was “doubtful in
respect of the thoroughness of his heart.” He
had been to the Narraganset country to ap-
pease some strife among his brother sachems.
On the journey he and his companions had pur-
chased “much strong water” at Gorton's set-
tlement, the consequences of which were rev-
elry and intoxication. Though Cutshamakin
himself was not known to have been actually
drunk, yet his conduct was scandalous, and
could not be permitted to pass without rebuke.
Thus the good apostle found himself an-
noyed in his proceedings by the Englishman's
alcohol, which, from the first hour of its intro-
duction to the present moment, has been a with-
ering curse to the poor Indians.

172 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

A meeting was held September 24th, 1651,
the appointed day of fasting and humiliation.
Cutshamakin's misconduct had become pub-
licly known, and he was forbidden to take any
share in the teaching on this solemn occasion.
But he began the exercise with an humble con-
fession of his sin before them all. He offered
a short prayer, in which he acknowledged his
transgression, implored forgiveness of God,
and entreated that the spirit of the Lord might
for the future dwell in and govern his heart
One of the Indians then prayed, and taught
from Luke vii. 36, to the end of the chapter.
Another commented on the Lord's prayer. A
third spoke from Matthew vii. 19, to the end
of the chapter. These exercises they per-
formed in a manner which gratified Mr. Eliot.
He then gave them a discourse from Ezra ix.
3 and 9, in which he explained the nature and
meaning of a day of fasting. “By the parable
of a nut,” says he, with his usual simplicity
of illustration, “I showed that outward acts
are as the shell, which is necessary, but a
broken and believing heart is the kernel.”
There was then a pause in the services for
refreshment, during which we learn, that “a
question came, whether it were lawful to take
a pipe of tobacco.” They soon reassembled,
and some of the Indian teachers addressed
the meeting. Night was drawing on; and Mr. Eliot

JOHN ELIOT. 173

closed the exercises by a discourse from Deu-
teronomy xxix. 1- 16. He next recited the
covenant,* to which first, the rulers, then the
people, all gave their assent. A collection was
taken for the poor; and, as evening approached,
the work of the day, which Mr. Eliot in the joy
of his heart called “that blessed day,” was
finished. These proceedings constituted the
first public and formal act of civil polity among
the Indians of North America.†
Thus, in the spirit of piety and good order,
a town of “praying Indians” was established,
with such religious, civil, and economical regu
lations as seemed to give fair promise of a
prosperous issue. It was natural, that the
founder should wish some of the leading men of
the colony to take note of the settlement. On
the 8th of October, which was the next lecture
day, Governor Endicot, the Reverend Mr. Wil
son, and many others visited Natick, to see
for themselves what the pious industry of Eliot
had done for the natives. Soon after their ar
rival, the usual religious service was attended.
One of the best instructed of the Indians dis
coursed to his brethren. The Governor and
others were so much interested in his manner

* This covenant, with the addition recommended by Mr.
Cotton, is given in a letter from Mr. Eliot, in Further Pro
gress of the Gospel, pp. 10, 12.
† Ibid., pp. 9 -14.

174 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and appearance, that they desired Mr. Eliot to
write down the substance of his remarks.
The subject of his discourse was taken from
the parables of the treasure hidden in a field,
and of the merchant man seeking goodly pearls,
Matthew xiii. 44 - 46. These he explained
with much good sense, and with appropriate
applications. The hidden treasure was the
knowledge of Jesus Christ, including repent-
ance, pardon, and the means of grace; the
field where it was found was the Christian
church; the things to be parted with in order
to gain it were their old customs and vices,
every thing, in short, which hindered them
from receiving, with the true spirit, the bles-
sings of the Gospel. The merchant man was
the seeker after God and truth, such as the
poor praying Indian; the pearl of great price
was faith in the Savior, connected with repen-
tance for sin; the riches that he possessed
were interpreted to mean former evil courses
and manners; and these were sold, that is,
sins must be cast away, for the sake of the
pearl. On these points he dilated with fervor,
and applied them with hearty feeling to the
condition of his Indian brethren.
This specimen of native preaching certainly
furnishes striking evidence of the Christian
advancement, to which Eliot had conducted
some of his disciples in the wilderness. The

JOHN ELIOT. 175

apostle had not labored in vain, for the true
life was in those words; and when they were
heard in the deep tranquillity of that retired
spot, which till now had echoed with few other
sounds than the wolf's long howl, or the fierce
war-hoop of the savage, the heart must have
been hard and dry, that was not moved by the
presence of such a spirit in such a place.
Of this visit to Natick both Governor Endi-
cot and Mr. Wilson have left interesting ac-
counts in letters, which they wrote at the time
to the corporation in England. They speak
with delight of what they witnessed. They
describe with some particularity the objects,
which arrested their attention in the new set-
tlement. Mr. Wilson takes special notice of
“the firm, high foot-bridge, archwise,” and
says the Indians were much delighted to find
that their bridge withstood the ice and floods
of the preceding season, while one a few
miles from them at Medfield, built by the Eng-
lish, was carried away. He describes the
preaching of. the Indian above mentioned, as
being marked “with great devotion, gravity,
decency, readiness, and affection.” He relates,
that Mr. Eliot prayed and preached in the In-
dian language for an hour, “about coming to
Christ and bearing his yoke,” which was fol-
lowed by pertinent questions on the subject
from his converts. Then the Indian school-

176 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

master* read, line by line, a psalm translated
by Eliot, which the men and women sung “in
one of our ordinary English tunes melodiously.”
Wilson and the Governor were too much af-
fected to be silent. They each addressed an
exhortation and a word of encouragement to
the natives, which the apostle was requested
to translate and explain to them. Endicot
affirms, that he could scarcely refrain from
tears of joy on the occasion. “Truly,” says
he, “I account this one of the best journeys I
have made these many years.” He was much
pleased with the skill and ingenuity the natives
displayed in their various works. One kind of
manufacture he found among them, which rath-
er surprises us; “They have made,” he says,
“drums of their own with heads and braces
very neatly and artificially.”† The next sum-

* His name was Monequassun.
† The following fact, mentioned by Gookin, will show
that drums at that period were sometimes devoted to other
than martial uses. Describing the Indian mode of worship,
he says, “Upon the Lord's days, fast-days, and lecture-
days, the people assemble together at the sound of a drum,
(for bells they yet have not,) twice a day,” &c. -1 M. H.
Coll., I. 183. But the Indians were not the only ones, who
were summoned to public worship in this singular manner.
The good people of Cambridge at one time had the same
practice. Johnson describes one who, in 1636, wandered
to that town, and came to a large plain; “no sooner was
he entered therein, but, hearing the sound of a drum, he

JOHN ELIOT. 177

mer they were to build a water-mill, concern-
ing which the advice of the Governor and other
gentlemen was requested.
It was a plan, which Mr. Eliot had much at
heart, to qualify the natives to instruct one an-
other. I have already mentioned the Indian
schoolmaster at Natick. Endicot and Wilson
state, that this man could read, spell, and write
English correctly, and that his success with
his pupils gave good promise. Mr. Eliot's ob-
ject was to prepare some of the most gifted,
intelligent, and serious of the Indians to be-
come the religious instructors of their own
people. He wished to form a kind of seminary
from which young natives, well taught and well
disciplined, should go forth as missionaries to
distant places. “There be several providences
of God,” says he, “appearing to work, which
make me think, that the most effectual and gen-

was directed towards it by a broad beaten way; following
this road, he demands of the next man he met, what the
signal of the drum meant; the reply was made, they had
as yet no bell to call men to meeting, and therefore made
use of a drum.” -- Wonder-working Providence, B. I. ch. 43.
Dr. Holmes, however, says there is evidence, that “the
church had a bell at first,”' and then adds, “A drum, for
what reason does not now appear, was afterwards substi-
tuted in its place.” -- History of Cambridge, I M. H. Coll.
VII. 18. If the use of the drum was a matter of choice,
and did not arise from the want of a bell, the fact is one of
curious, however trivial, interest.

VOL. V. 12

178 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

eral way of spreading the Gospel will be
by themselves, when so instructed as I
have above mentioned. As for my preaching,
though such whose hearts God hath
bowed to attend can pick up some knowledge
by my broken expressions, yet I see that it
is not so taking and effectual to strangers,
as their own expressions be, who naturally
speak unto them in their own tongue.”
Accordingly he was accustomed to select
two of them each Sabbath “to exercise,” as
he termed it, intending thereby to habituate
them to a clear and forcible manner of
conveying their thoughts. They were required
to rehearse such portions of Scripture as he
read to them, and to attend carefully to his
expositions as a model. The ability they
manifested in these attempts was encouraging,
and in prayer they exceeded his expectation.
He left to the schoolmaster the task of catechizing
the children, and reserved to himself that of
catechizing the adults, in doing which he was
cautious and tender, lest he should “damp and
discourage the weak.”
On one occasion he mentions having tried
the experiment of these Indian missionaries
among their brethren. Mr. Winthrop, son of
the Massachusetts governor, advised him to
send two discreet men to the roost powerful
sachem among the Narragansets. He thought

JOHN ELIOT. 179

the Indians in those parts might be stirred
up to attend to religion, and would have
questions to propose, which might furnish
occasion for spreading the truth among them.
Mr. Eliot followed the advice. He sent a
present by his missionaries to conciliate good
will. The sachem accepted the present, but
treated with contempt the offer of religious
instruction. The mission at first seemed likely
to prove a failure. But when Eliot's two Indians
went among the people, especially such as
were somewhat remote from the influence of
the leading men, they found more willing
hearers, who asked many questions, and
expressed a strong desire for instruction in
the Gospel. The particulars of the interview
are not stated. Many of the Indians scattered
through the Nipnet country sent a request to
the “praying Indians” for religious teachers.
Occasionally Mr. Eliot despatched some of
the best and most skilful to different places
on short missions; and they returned not
without success.
The territory of Natick was granted to
the “praying Indians” by the inhabitants of
Dedham, at the intercession of Mr. Eliot.
The Indians gave the people of Dedham, in
exchange, the township which is now called
Deerfield. The grant from Dedham was con-
firmed by the General Court. The original

180 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

extent of Natick township was about six thou-
sand acres.*
A large part of this land was “the inheri-
tance of John Speene, and his brethren and
kindred.” It was desirable, that they should,
by a formal act, resign their right in it, before
the settlement was. finally organized. To this
proposal they willingly consented. According-
ly on a lecture-day in 1650, they, in a pub-
lic and solemn manner, “gave away all the
right and interest, which they formerly had in
the land in and about Natick, unto the publick
interest of the town,” reserving nothing to
themselves but the wears on the river for
catching fish.† Of the land, they only took
house-lots as others did. For this quitclaim
“they received a gratuity unto their good con-
tentment.” Another family made a similar
surrender of their property.
It was Eliot's original intention to collect
all the “praying Indians” into one community
at Natick. But the Cohanit‡ Indians had re-

   * So it is stated in BIGLOW'S History of Natick. Dr.
Homer, in his History of Newton, says it was a “fertile and
beautiful tract of about three thousand acres.” -1 M. H.
Coll.,V. 263.
   † This appears from a record, in the handwriting of Eliot,
among the archives of Natick, quoted by Biglow in his
History of that town, p. 23.
   ‡ This was the Indian name for the territory now con-
stituting Taunton and Raynham.

JOHN ELIOT. 181

served a spot for themselves, where they wished
to fix their settlement. Mr. Eliot found, that
he could not take that place for the site of his
town, without opposition from the English.
He therefore rejected it, and pitched upon Na-
tick. This preference created among the Co-
hanit Indians a suspicion, that the apostle had
more affection for his other converts than for
them. The influence of this circumstance, to-
gether with the death of Cutshamakin,* and
the succession of Josias as sachem, so alien-
ated their feelings, that they would take no
part in the Natick establishment. They did
not, however, relinquish the design of a settle-
ment, but determined to effect it at Punkapog,†
the place of their first choice.
Mr. Eliot says, that three towns more were
in preparation. He came to the conclusion,
that separate settlements would be better for
the Indians, than his first plan of bringing them
into one. He found, that Natick would not have
afforded convenient accommodation for them
all, and that, had he. gathered the whole body
of his disciples there, they would probably soon
have been compelled to separate and scatter,

* I have found no notice of the time of this sachem's
death. Mr. Eliot's tract, in which the above facts are men-
tioned, was published in 1655., Cutshamakin's death was
then probably recent.
† Now celled Stoughton.

JOHN ELIOT. 183

CHAPTER XI.

Proposed Organization of a Church at Natick. --
   Examination and Confessions of the Indians.--
   Delays.--Intemperance among the Indians.--
   Further Examination. -- A. Church established.
   -- Affectionate Regards and Kind Services of
   the Christian Natives. -- Misrepresentations as
   to Eliot and his Work.--Appointment of Eng-
   lish Magistrate, for the “Praying Indians.”

THE principles of civil order and social in-
dustry had now taken root in the wilderness.
The solitary place was made glad. The pleas-
ant sounds of the axe and the hammer were
heard in the woods, as well as the cry of the
wild hunter. The habitations of order and
peace sprung up by the river-side, where men
either had not been, or had been only as those
who roam in idle vacancy or in pursuit of
blood. The germ. of spiritual life was devel-
oped, where the animal man alone had ruled,
and all had been dark and cold. When the
apostle visited the spot, his heart was filled
with that grateful gladness, which the achieve-
ment of a benevolent work kindles in the good
man's soul. But he had a still further object
in view, to which what he had hitherto done

184 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

was meant to be subservient. He wished now
to gather his Indians into a Christian church.
The civil organization was to be followed by
the ecclesiastical.
He approached this point in the progress of
his plans with deliberate caution. To form his
converts into “a church estate” was a pro-
ceeding, into which he would admit nothing
that even appeared like haste or carelessness.
Perhaps he ascribed a disproportionate impor-
tance to this outward act, considered in itself.
He may have been too much disposed, as is
frequently the case, to regard it as the end,
rather than as one of the means, of the Chris-
tian life. But when we remember that, in
point of fact, this step was looked upon as the
crowning evidence of piety, we shall applaud
the cautious reverence, with which he guarded
against precipitation, in respect to men like his
catechumens, of whose religious proficiency or
soundness it was so difficult to have satisfac-
tory assurance.
His contemporaries observed and praised his
Christian prudence on this subject. It was re-
marked, that, if he had been disposed to hurry
the Indians to baptism, as the Catholics in
South America had done; or had bribed them
to a profession by giving them coats and shirts,
he could long ago have collected hundreds or
thousands under the name of churches. “But,”

JOHN ELIOT. 185

it was added, “we have not learnt as yet, that
art of coining Christians, or of putting Christ's
name and image upon copper metal.”* When,
therefore, Mr. Eliot at length believed there
was good ground for proceeding to constitute
a church of “praying Indians,” we may be
sure it was, at least, no decision of hasty
enthusiasm.
He was persuaded, that it was time to take
this step. As a preparation for it, in the summer
of 1652, on the Sabbaths and lecture-days, he
was accustomed to require from many of them
statements of their religious knowledge and
experience. These they gave with much so-
lemnity, and he wrote down their sayings and
confessions. He then requested the elders of
neighboring churches to hear them, that he
might have their advice. His brethren were so
much pleased with these confessions, that they
deemed it expedient to hold a solemn meeting
on the subject at Natick. A day of fasting
and prayer was appointed; the names of the
Indians, who were to present their confessions,
were sent to the churches in the vicinity; and
a large assembly came together to witness their
qualifications for church fellowship.
This was on the 13th of October, 1652. The
morning, until eleven o'clock, was spent in

* The Day-Breaking of the Gospel, &c., p. 15

186 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

prayer and in discourses by Mr. Eliot and two
of the Indians. The elders were then request-
ed to ask such questions, as might put to the
test the religious knowledge and feelings of
the catechumens. But it was thought best to
hear their confessions, both such as they had
formerly made and such as they might now
make before the assembly, and then to pro-
pose questions, if it should seem necessary.
Five of them were called forth in succession,
and gave statements of their religious views
and feelings. Many more were ready; but,
when these had finished their confessions, the
time was so far spent, that it became necessary
to close the exercise.
The Indians were slow of speech; and they
spoke the more slowly, because Mr. Eliot
wished to write down all they said. He some-
times found it difficult to understand fully
every sentence, and intimates, with all Chris-
tian gentleness, that they were disposed to be
tediously prolix. These circumstances, he says,
“did make the work longsome, considering
the enlargement of spirit God gave some of
them.” This is not the only case, in which
verbosity has been considered as the result of
spiritual influence. Of the confession of the
Indian schoolmaster, who had probably ac-
quired a greater facility of speaking than the
rest, it is particularly recorded, that it was

JOHN ELIOT. 187

growing very long and wordy, when the audi-
ence began to tire and go out, and there was
great confusion both within and around the
house. Mr. Eliot was obliged to cut short the
schoolmaster's speech, or, as he expresses it,
“took him off,” and called another.
The assembly found, that, if they heard all,
sunset would overtake them, and leave them to
find their way home, in a dark, cold night,
through the woods. The elders, therefore, ad-
vised Mr. Eliot to proceed no farther at pres-
ent, but to assure the Indians, that nothing but
want of time prevented them from listening to
all the speeches. This. was said, that they
might not be discouraged by an appearance of
neglect, or by the present disappointment of
their wishes respecting a church organization.
Eliot had expected the assistance of Mr. May-
hew from Martha's Vineyard, and Mr. Lever-
idge* from Sandwich on this occasion; but
they failed to attend. The interpreters also,
whom he had sent for to facilitate the work, did
not appear. The whole burden; therefore,
came on him. “I was alone,” says he, “as I
have been wont to be.” This was another of

* Mr. Leveridge was noted for his pious labors among
the Indians in and about Sandwich. A letter from him
may be found in 3 M. H. Coll., IV. 180. A brief notice of
him is given by Mr. Savage in a note on Winthrop, Vol. I.
p.115.

188 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the circumstances, which retarded the business
of the day. He gave his converts a word of
encouragement, and promised them a second
similar meeting. The elders expressed to the
apostle a warm approbation of his labors, and
strengthened his heart by their kind sympathy.
Our faithful evangelist prepared an account
of the transactions at this meeting, containing
a report of all the Indian confessions. This
was published in London for the information
of the Society for Propagating the Gospel.*

* See the tract entitled Tears of Repentance, &c., pub-
lished in 1653; Among the prefatory matter is an ad-
dress from the pen of Mr. Eliot to “His Excellency, the
Lord General Cromwell,” which is full of such warm praise
of that extraordinary man, as might be called flattery, were
it not evidently the offspring of religious conviction. “The
Lord,” says Eliot to the Protector, “hath not only kept
your honor unstained, but also caused the lustre of those
precious graces of humility, faith, love of truth, and love
to the saints, &c., with which through his free grace he
hath enriched you, to shine forth abundantly, beyond all
exception of any that are or have been adversaries to your
proceedings.” This eminently able Leader of the Saints
received as much adulation, under the guise of pious
speeches, and loved it as well, as the proudest of the line
of Stuarts. Eliot compliments Cromwell for “the favora-
ble respect he hath always showed to poor New England,”
and says, “In your great services unto the name of Christ,
I doubt not but it will be some comfort to your heart to see
the kingdom of Christ rising up in these western parts of
the world.” Mr. Carne gives us a beautifully sketched
conception of what he imagines must have been the Pro-

JOHN ELIOT. 189

Eliot averred, that be had been conscientiously
scrupulous in giving the true substance of the
Indian speeches; indeed, that, instead of mak-
ing them better than the reality, be feared he
had weakened them by omissions and abridge-
ment. There is no reason to doubt the rigor-
ous truth of his affirmation. The ministers,
and others present on the occasion, were highly
pleased with the confessions. Richard Mather,
particularly, spoke of them, and of the whole
scene, with the warmest satisfaction.
These confessions are certainly valuable, as
honest specimens of the manner, in which the
inward life of the soul struggled forth in these
rude but sincere children of nature. They are,
as we should expect, incoherent and broken,
full of repetitions and wordy sentences, some-
times extravagant, and sometimes without

tector's feelings, when thus addressed by the Apostle to
the Indians. (Lives of Eminent Missionaries, Vol. I. pp.
41, 42.) But the reader's judgment of the fidelity of the
picture will depend very much on his opinion of Cromwell.
Mr. Carne makes a statement, for which one would be glad
to know his authority. He represents it as an instance of
the delusions of the heart, that the Protector “should write
to the man of God with earnest concern and affection for
the perishing heathen, while the blood of his King was
scarcely washed from his hand.” If Cromwell ever wrote
to Eliot, it is a fact of which ·my inquiries have furnished
no evidence. It is to be regretted, that Mr. Carne has not
given the letter, or at least his authority for the assertion.

190   AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

much meaning. But no serious person can
read them without feeling a conviction, that
the crude minds, from which they came, were
awakened to some apprehension of the truths
of salvation, and were earnest seekers after
the way of God, however confused their con-
ceptions of it might be.
     There are some expressions, which seem
rather like the mechanical repetition of what
they had heard, than the spontaneous outpour-
ings of their own hearts. This was naturally
to be expected, and may easily be excused.
But there is enough of another kind to show
us that divine truth was breaking into their
souls, that some of its rays had struck through
the darkness of barbarity. A seed was cast
into the ground; and, though it might be the
least of all seeds, still it contained a vital
principle, from which the tree of life might
spring.
     In some of the confessions there is a pecu-
liar air of honesty. One acknowledged, that
he first became a praying Indian, not because
he understood or cared for religion, but be-
cause he loved the English, and wished them
to love him. This impulse of feeling brought
him into a state of mind, which resulted in
deep and abiding convictions. Another said,
in a spirit of sadness, “My heart is foolish,
and a great part of the word stayeth not in it
strongly.”

JOHN ELIOT. 191

Mr. Eliot closes his account with the story
of two little children, under three years of age,
who died showing, as he believed, great “man-
ifestation of faith.” While we may regret, that
the good man should have been carried so far
by his kind interest in these lambs of his flock,
as to attach much religious value to such infan-
tile expressions, we cannot but feel, that there
is some power of simple pathos in one of the
anecdotes. The mother had made for the
amusement of the child a little basket, a spoon,
and a tray. The child had been much pleased
with these toys when in health; but in the
extremity of his sickness, when the mother
brought them to divert his attention from suf-
fering, he pushed them away, and said, “I will
leave my basket behind me, for I am going to
God; I will leave my spoon and tray behind
me, for I am going to God.”
The next year nothing was done towards
the formation of an Indian church at Natick.
Before Mr. Eliot proceeded further, he wished
to receive some answer or information from
England respecting the account, which he had
transmitted thither, of the doings of the pre-
ceding year. No such communication, nor
the printed account itself, which he wanted for
distribution at home, had reached him in sea-
son. Another reason for the delay was, that
the “praying Indians” had, in the mean time,

192 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

incurred an unjust obloquy, which threw a tem-
porary check and discouragement on Mr. Eli-
ot's proceedings.
Hostilities had commenced between the
mother country and the Dutch, which affected
the relations of the respective colonies of those
countries. In 1653 much alarm was excited
by information, received by the Massachusetts
government from the Indians, that the Dutch
governor of the colony at Manhadoes had been
attempting to draw them into a confederacy for
the destruction of the English settlements.*
It was believed, that such a conspiracy was on
foot, and a groundless rumor was spread, that
the “praying Indians” were among the num-
ber engaged in the confederacy.
The government of Massachusetts gave no
credit to the report; but it was sufficiently be-
lieved in the community to create a strong feel-
ing of jealousy, and some ill will, towards the
Christian natives. Eliot deemed it inexpedient
to make any movement about their church af-
fairs, while “the waters were so troubled”;
for, perhaps, the minds even of many serious
persons might be alienated by the force of pop-
ular opinion. We shall find subsequently, in the
transactions connected with Philip's war, an-
other more strong manifestation of this dispo-

* Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 165 et seq.

JOHN ELIOT. 193

sition among the people to cherish suspicions
of perfidy on the part of the Christian Indians.
It happened, that after the published account
before mentioned, entitled Tears of Repent-
ance, &c., had been received from England,
there was a great meeting at Boston, at which
the Commissioners of the United Colonies were
present. Our apostle, ever watchful for the
Indian interest, availed himself of this opportu-
nity to prepare the way for further proceed-
ings at Natick. He proposed to the assembly,
that, as they had now seen the confessions of
his catechumens, there should be another ex-
amination as to their knowledge in the funda-
mental points of religion. If the result should
be satisfactory, and if trustworthy testimony
should be received as to their Christian walk
and conversation, he inquired whether the or-
ganization of a church among them would be a
transaction acceptable to Christians. He re-
ceived an answer expressive of general ap-
probation.
Accordingly, in 1654, Eliot requested the
advice and assistance of the elders of the
churches in this matter. He proposed, that
they should, at a convenient season, take ample
time by the aid of interpreters to examine into
the knowledge which the Indians bad of reli-
gion, that they might by personal inspection
be prepared to judge and testify, as to their

VOL. V. 13

194 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

qualifications to be gathered into a church.
The elders consented to· the proposal; and it
was resolved, that the time should be fixed for
a deliberate investigation. Meanwhile a fast
was ordered, on some other account, in the
churches; and the Indians also observed the
day with reference to the appointed meeting.
But, about ten days before the examination
took place, an incident occurred, which had
well nigh occasioned much scandal and dis-
couragement. By means, however, of strict
discipline, its bad effects were obviated. Three
of the loose and unsound part of the “praying
Indians,” who were perpetually bringing re-
proach on the rest, had procured several quarts
of “strong water” from those among the
English who were ready to furnish them with
the fiery poison, and had made themselves
drunk,* There was at Natick a ruler by the
name of Toteswamp, a man of gravity and
authority. It happened, that he had sent his
child, a boy eleven years old, to get some corn
and fish at the place where these drunken In-
dians were holding their revel. One of them
gave the boy two spoonfuls of rum, which
turned his head. Another put a bottle to his
mouth, and made him drink till he was entirely
intoxicated. When they had done this, they

* See APPENDIX, No. II.

JOHN ELIOT. 196

cried out jeeringly, “Now we shall see whether
your father will punish us for drunkenness,
since you are drunk as well as we.” The In-
dians soon began to fight, and the boy in this
situation lay abroad all night.
When this was reported at Natick, Tote-
swamp and the rest were deeply grieved. He
called the other rulers together to determine
what should be done in consequence of this
scandal. They sat as a court of judgment on
the case, and found that four transgressions
had been committed, namely, drunkenness,
making the child drunk, reproachful contempt
of rulers, and fighting.
In the mean time, intelligence of this shame-
ful business reached Mr. Eliot at Roxbury, just
as he was taking his horse on Saturday to go
to Natick for the Sabbath. The good apostle
was sorely afflicted by it, and said he judged it
“to be the greatest frown of God he had ever
met in his work.” He thought of the scandal
it might bring' on the cause nearest to his
heart, at the moment when he was looking for
the consummation of his religious establish-
ment, and his spirit sunk within him. He was
the more grieved, because one of the offenders
was an Indian, who had served him as an inter-
preter, and whose aid he had used in translating
a large part of the Scriptures. The sin of this
man was a hard trial to the evangelist; but he

196 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

hoped God would humble him, and he deter-
mined that he should not act as interpreter on
the day of examination.
Eliot proceeded to Natick, and there found
the court of Indian rulers in session. As soon
as he arrived, they told him the story of the
shame that had been brought upon them, and
asked his advice. Toteswamp spoke with deep
feeling. He considered, that it was now put to
the test, whether he loved the religion of Christ
better than his child. He then referred to
some Scriptural precepts and examples, and
said, “God requires me to punish my child;
how can I love God, if I should refuse to do
it?” When reminded, that not the boy, but
those who had intoxicated him, were to be
blamed, he replied, that the child was guilty in
not giving heed to the counsel he had often
heard to beware of evil company, that, if he
had avoided sinners, he would not have been
betrayed into drunkenness, and that he de-
served punishment.
After some conversation, the rulers retired
to deliberate again. At length they gave sen-
tence, that the three offenders should sit in the
stocks a long time, be taken thence to the
whipping-post, and receive each twenty lashes;
and that the boy should sit in the stocks a
little while, and then be whipped by his father
at school before all the children. These judg-

JOHN ELIOT. 197

ments were faithfully executed. The men
were brought one after another, by the consta-
ble, to the tree used for a whipping-post, and
received their punishment. When this was
done, each of the rulers addressed the culprits
and the by-standers, telling them that the pun-
ishment was designed for the good of the of-
fenders, that here they might see the wages of
sin, and take warning not to disgrace religion
and incur such shameful punishment.
Mr. Eliot appears to have left the Indians to
take their own course on this trying occasion,
in order that the discipline might have the
better effect by being the expression of their
own spontaneous indignation at the sin. He
returned to Roxbury, and gave an account of
the result at Natick to one of the elders of his
church. The elder remarked, that the effect
of this affair, scandalous as it was, would on
the whole be beneficial, since the signal pun-
ishment would be long remembered, and do
more good than the offence could do harm; a
mode of educing good from evil, with which
his minister was much consoled for the tempo-
rary shame that might fall upon his favorite
cause.
It was deemed advisable for several reasons
to have the proposed examination at Roxbury,
rather than at Natick. It was accordingly held
at the former place, probably in Mr. Eliot's

198 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

meetinghouse, on the 13th of July, 1654. Eliot
despatched letters to such as were acquainted
with the Indian language, requesting their
presence and aid on the occasion. Of these it
does not appear that any attended, except Mr.
Mayhew of Martha's Vineyard, who took an
interpreter with him. Eliot had given the In-
dians notice of what would be expected of
them at the time,* and advised them to pre-
pare for it with devout diligence. The Natick
schoolmaster, who was much wanted on the
occasion, was unfortunately detained by ill-
ness; and, his disease being pulmonary, it was
feared he would not long survive.†

* They called it Nateotomuhteae kesuk, i. e. "A day
of asking questions.” Neal incorrectly gives this as the
name, which the Indians applied to the day of the former
assembly on the 13th of October, 1652. (History of New
England, Vol. I. p. 255.) In this mistake is followed by
Mr. Moore. (Memoirs of Eliot, p. 69).
† Consumption seems to have been a common mala-
dy among the New England natives. Gookin remarks;
“Of this disease of the consumption sundry of those In-
dian youths died, that were bred up to school among the
English. The truth is, this disease is frequent among the
Indians; and sundry die of it, that live not with the Eng-
lish. A hectic fever, issuing in a consumption, is a com-
mon and mortal disease among them.” --1 M. H. Coll.,
I. 173. And General Lincoln, in his Observations on the
Indians of North America, says, “Their tender lungs are
greatly affected by colds, which bring on consumptive hab-
its; from which disorder, if my information is right, a large
proportion of them die.” --1 M. H. Coll., V. 7.

JOHN ELIOT. 199

   When the assembly had come to order, Mr.
Eliot introduced the business by stating the
object of the meeting. Liberty was given to
every one, in due order, to propose such ques-
tions as he pleased. If any doubts respecting
the interpretation of the answers should be
entertained, it was desired Hutt the words
might be reexamined and thoroughly sifted by
the interpreters, so as to leave nothing ambig-
uous or unsatisfactory.
    In one case, and probably in more, this pro-
cess took place. The question proposed to
the Indians was, How they knew the Scripture
to be the word of God? They replied, “Be-
cause they did find, that it did change their
hearts, and wrought in them wisdom and hu-
mility.” Mr. Mayhew doubted the correctness
of the word humility* in the translation of this
answer. It was examined again by the inter-
preters, and, their version being proved to be
correct, Mayhew was satisfied. This beautiful
reply, so striking from the mouth of a savage,
expresses the principle of that powerful branch
of evidence, which arises from the admirable
adaptation of Christianity to the moral wants
and moral nature of man.
   Eliot intended to write a precise record of
all the questions and answers, but was too

* The Indian word was hohpoóonk.

200 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

much engaged in carrying on the business of
the examination to attend to it, unless he had
interposed great delay. Mr. Walton, one of
the assembly, wrote an exact report of them,
which, together with Eliot's narrative of the
whole proceeding, was published by the corpo-
ration in London. It is a valuable tract.* The
questions concern all the most prominent topics
of religious knowledge, faith, and character.
The Indians, according to this report, certainly
sustained the catechetical process with much
credit to themselves. Their answers generally
indicate not only a good understanding of the
main points of religion, but sometimes more
quickness and clearness of thought, than one
would have expected from them on such sub-
jects. To the question, “What is sin?” the
comprehensive and discriminating answer was
given, “There is the root sin, an evil heart;
and there is actual sin, a breaking of the law
of God.”
We cannot but observe the discretion and
fairness, with which Eliot conducted this whole
transaction. He seems to have feared his own
partiality for the Indians, and to have suspected

* The title is, A Late and Further manifestation of the
Progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New Eng-
land, &.c. London, 1655. This is followed by The Ex-
amination of the Indians at Roxbury, the 13th day of the
4th month, 1654.

JOHN ELIOT. 201

himself of a disposition to proceed too fast.
He therefore insisted, with the more cautious
rigor, upon a strict inquest into their qualifica-
tions, and upon the utmost deliberation in the
movement. Two meetings bad now been held,
at each of which the Indian catechumens had
undergone no light scrutiny. Still the step, by
which they were to be gathered into a church,
was yet longer delayed. For this delay Mr.
Eliot assigned several reasons. He and some
others had much confidence in the sincerity of
the Indian professions. “Yet,” said he, “be-
cause I may be in a temptation on that hand, I
am well content to make slow haste in this
matter.” He felt strongly the necessity of
guarding against delusion as to appearances of
piety in men, who had so lately been brought
from the darkness and barbarity of savage life.
Their steadfastness needed to be yet further
tried.
In addition to this, there was much of jeal-
ousy and doubt, and something of unkindness,
among the people of the colony towards the
“praying Indians,” as well as towards the
other natives; and time, it was thought, might
efface these unfavorable impressions. Imme-
diate attention to the affairs of the Indians
was prevented by a press of other ecclesiasti-
cal business among the churches. Moreover, a
more urgent want than any other, as Eliot be-

202 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

lieved, was the want of native preachers and
instructers to go forth among the tribes, speak-
ing to them from their own hearts, and in their
own way, and meeting them at those numerous
points of sympathy, which, the world over, man
has with his brother of the same nation. This
was an object to which, for the present, the
evangelist wished to devote his most energetic
labor. He was willing, under existing circum-
stances, to defer the ecclesiastical organization,
which he nevertheless longed to see.
It was not till 1660, that the Indian church
was formed at Natick, the first among the na-
tives of North America. I have found no par-
ticular account of the proceedings on that oc-
casion. We only learn, that Mr. Eliot baptized
the catechumens, and then administered the
Lord's supper. Of how many this church at
first consisted, I believe it cannot now be
ascertained. In a postscript to Narration
of Indian Proceedings, &c., it is stated, that
“the number examined (at that time) was
about eight, namely, so many as might be first
called forth to enter into church covenant, if
the Lord give opportunity.” But this was six
years before the church was organized; and
during that time, we may suppose, additions
were made to the number.
Thus were laid at Natick the foundations of
the first civil and ecclesiastical community of

JOHN ELIOT. 203

Christian Indians. I have given a somewhat
minute account of these circumstances, because
this establishment may be regarded as the most
ample specimen of the manner, in which Eliot
designed to impart the blessings of social or-
der and of the Christian faith to that wild race,
whom our fathers found on these shores, when
they

           “passed the sea, to keep
   Their Sabbaths in the eye of God alone,
   In his wide temple of the wilderness.”

That the general principles of his plan were
the result of good sense and of enlightened
views, and that the pure spirit of Christian be-
nevolence pervaded his undertaking, no candid
inquirer, I think, will question. We may con-
fidently ask, whether the history of missions at
that period, perhaps at any period, presents an
instance of a similar work, in which was mani-
fested more true wisdom, or more affectionate
diligence.
It is no dubious evidence of the excellent
spirit, in which Eliot conducted this Christian
enterprise, that he secured the hearty affection,
and the profound respect of the Indians. They
loved and venerated him as a father; they
consulted him as an oracle; they gathered
around him as their best friend. They would
make any sacrifice to serve him, and run any
risk to defend him.

204 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Such feelings do not take root and last in
the bosom of the savage without good cause.
The presence of Mr. Eliot, whenever he was
among them, spoke to them in that strong nat-
ural language, by which a kind and faithful
spirit makes itself understood and felt, even
by the most untutored heart. They saw him
continually laboring, with that self-forgetting
charity which was always a bright grace in his
character, to make them wiser, better, and
happier; and God has written it in the human
constitution, that man cannot see this without
some grateful returns of affection. He too
loved them as man loves those to whom he
wishes to do good. He looked through all the
outward circumstances of barbarous manners
and wild habits of life, and rejoiced to find un-
der them the elements of a capacity for im-
provement, the germ of the higher life. And
he would not despair; for he believed, that no
spirit can grovel so low, or be so shut up in
darkness, but the labor of faith and patience
can do much to raise and redeem it into light
and liberty.
In this place may be stated the delight, with
which he relates, that when the small-pox
raged fatally among the Indians, in the winter
of 1650-51, many of his converts hazard-
ed their lives in unwearied attention to the
sick. There was an aged paralytic in a loath-

JOHN ELIOT. 205

some condition, which rendered him extremely
troublesome. His own children became tired
of the burden and forsook him. Mr. Eliot of-
fered six shillings a week to any one who would
take care of him. None would undertake the
office for hire; but some of the families of the
Christian Indians offered their services gratui-
tously, and took charge of him in this way for a
long time. Others, who continued the irksome
task, were paid a small sum from a fund col-
lected among themselves.
    Eliot says, that by speaking a word he could
have raised an abundance from his church and
other churches for the relief of the paralytic;
but he did not choose to check the action of
the free charity of the Indians. He wished
them to learn, by exertion and sacrifice, in a
work of benevolence, how much more blessed
it is to give than to receive.
    The work, in which Mr. Eliot was engaged,
did not proceed without opposition and oblo-
quy from his own countrymen; nor did he per-
sonally escape censure. At the close of his
account of the examination of the Indians, he
observes that his faith in God was a strong
support to him against the suspicions, the hard
speeches, and the unkindness of some men,
who denied the reality of his success, and
blamed his management of affairs.
   Of the nature of the accusations, to which he
here alludes, we are not specifically informed.

206 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

We learn that in England many objections and
cavils were started, and many false reports
circulated, to prejudice the nation against the
alleged attempt to convert the Indians to the
Christian faith. Some affirmed, that, after all,
there was in reality no such work on foot, or
that at the best it amounted to nothing more
than to bring some half-dozen of the natives to
profess the Gospel by motives of interest.
Of these and other reproaches notice was taken
by the corporation in England, with an indig-
nant denial of their truth. Richard Mather
observes, that both in Old and New England
men were found, who declared the whole plan
to be only a device for getting money, and the
reported conversion of the Indians to be a
mere fable. Upon this calumny he remarks,
that, if such mercenary motives were at the
bottom of the affair, he wonders that the magis-
trates and elders should have advised the
delay of the Indian· church at Natick, and not
rather have hastened the business with all
speed; regardless of any principles, since the
report of an organized church among the na-
tives would have done more to win money from
pious Christians, than any thing else.
The truth is, doubtless, that the accusations
proceeded from those enemies to the colonies,
who labored in various modes to prejudice the
mother country against the rising settlements

JOHN ELIOT. 207

in the western world. I do not find that any
definite facts, or specific charges, were alleged.
The objections seem to have consisted of those
general and random assertions, which are easi-
ly made, but have little weight in the mind of
an impartial inquirer.
Soon after the establishment of the Indian
town at Natick, the General Court of Massa-
chusetts again legislated for the protection and
improvement of the Christian natives. The
system of judicature instituted at Nonantum
appears now to have been renewed and en-
larged. It was enacted, that one of the magis-
trates of the colony, acting in conjunction
with the Indian rulers, should hold a higher
court, the powers of which should be of the
same latitude as those of a county court among
the English. The laws passed for the regula-
tion of affairs among the Indians were to be
made known to them once a year. These laws
related chiefly to the security of the property
of the Indians, and to the various ways in
which the objects of education, morals, and
religion might be promoted.
The first magistrate, who was appointed to
the abovenamed jurisdiction, was Daniel Gook-
in, a gentleman distinguished for piety and
intelligence, and whose name is honorably con-
nected with many important transactions in
Indian history by his valuable writings; as well

208 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

as by his wise and kind conduct.* He was
the intimate friend of Mr. Eliot, who found
him a very valuable associate and counsellor in
his labors. Mr. Gookin received this appoint-
ment in 1656. Not long after this, he was ab-
sent on a visit to England two or three years.
During that interval the Indian affairs were
administered by Major Humphrey Atherton.
Gookin was reappointed to that agency in
1661, after the death of Atherton, and uni-
formly sustained the character of a faithful,
benevolent, and judicious magistrate, respected
and beloved by the Indians. One part of his
care was to provide for public worship and the
observance of the Sabbath, and for schools
and other means of improvement, among the
natives.
The Indian rulers and teachers received a
small stipend by tithes from their people, who,
when they gathered or threshed their grain,
set apart a tenth for this purpose, which was
carried to some general depository in the town.
This practice of paying tithes was introduced,

* A short account and candid estimate of Gookin may
be found in 1 M. H. Coll., I. 228-230, written by the late
venerable Dr. Freeman, one of whose numerous claims on
the grateful respect of the community is the discriminating
interest he took in the early history of New England. The
Biographical Dictionaries of Eliot and Allen may also be
consulted for information about Gookin.

210 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER XII.

Eliot's “Christian Commonwealth.” -- His Tran-
    slation of the Sriptures into the Indian Lan-
    guage. -- Second Edition of the Translation.
    -- Remarks on the Work.

To the year 1660 belongs the notice of a
book, of which we know little, but by which
Mr. Eliot drew upon himself a public censure.
It was entitled, “The Christian Common-
wealth.” We gather from Eliot's statement,
that it was written by him nine or ten years
before this time, and that the manuscript, being
sent to England, was there published, whether
by his direction or consent we cannot certainly
ascertain.
How long the book had been received in
New England before it was condemned, we are
not informed. But on the 18th of March, 1660,
the Governor and Council took it up, and
passed upon it a formal judgment. They de-
clared that on a perusal of the book called
The Christian Commonwealth, they found it
“full of seditious principles and notions in re-
lation to all established governments in the
Christian world, especially against the govern-
ment established in their native country.”

JOHN ELIOT. 211

They were prepared to inflict censure on the
author; but, having consulted with the elders
of the churches, they deferred it till the Gen-
eral Court should meet, that Mr. Eliot might
have time to consider the matter, and retract
the offensive publication.
In May, when the Court met, Mr. Eliot pre-
sented a paper containing a recantation given
under his haw. He owned himself the author
of the book; but his expressions intimate, that
it was published without his knowledge or con-
sent. He attempted no defence of it; and, in
order to make public satisfaction for its errors,
he bore his testimony against all those expres-
sions in the work, which treated the govern-
ment of England by King, Lords, and Com-
mons as anti-christian, and which justified the
proceedings of “the late innovators.” The
restored government of England he acknowl-
edged to be “not only a lawful, but eminent
form of government.” He then declared his
readiness to subject himself, for conscience'
sake, to any form of civil polity, which could
be deduced from Scripture, as being of God,
and abjured every thing in the book inconsist-
ent with this declaration.
The retraction was ample enough to satisfy
the Court. They took measures to suppress
the book, and ordered Mr. Eliot's acknowl-

212 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

edgment to be posted in the public places of
all the chief towns in the colony.
Such are the facts in the case, as stated by
Hutchinson, who adds the sarcastic remark,
that, “when times change, men generally suffer
their opinions to change with them, so far at
least as is necessary to avoid danger.” If
this transaction be judged without any regard
to circumstances, it certainly bears no favor-
able testimony to Eliot's firmness or consist-
ency. It seems the conduct of a man, who has
the weakness to renounce declared opinions
for the sake of escaping present peril. But
candor requires us at least to remember, that
this occurred at a peculiar crisis in the political
condition of the colony. The restoration of
Charles had just taken place, and been an-
nounced in New England. The enemies of
the colony were already busy. Complaints had
been made against Massachusetts to the King
in council and to the Parliament by Mason,
Gorges, and others. During the preceding
subversion of the monarchy and church, the
sympathies of the New England Puritans had
of course been on the side of the Republicans.
Under these circumstances, the magistrates
of Massachusetts might well be apprehensive
of unfavorable suspicions on the part of the
English government. They would naturally
watch with anxious care against every move-

JOHN ELIOT. 213

ment, that might swell the obloquy already so
perilous. They had presented an address to
the King, and another to the Parliament, full
of loyalty and allegiance.
At this juncture of affairs Mr. Eliot's book
arrested their attention. To permit such a
work to pass unnoticed and unreproved might
be represented to their disadvantage, as imply-
ing a disposition to sanction the sentiments it
defended. To pronounce upon it a sentence
of condemnation might, when reported in Eng-
land, tend to allay unfavorable suspicions, and
to defend them against the injurious charges
urged by their enemies. It is probable, there-
fore, that, as a matter of state policy and from
a regard to the present public good, the magis-
trates of Massachusetts required Eliot to re-
tract the opinions given in his book. Had it
been received in New England during the as-
cendency of the Republicans, it would probably
have incurred no censure.
The same motive may have been considered
by Mr. Eliot sufficiently imperious to require
of him a compliance with the demand of the
magistrates. The safety of the state, which, in
a crisis of danger, is deemed the supreme law,
might induce him to recant offensive opinions
with a facility, which seems like timidity, and
certainly was a weakness. If his brethren in
the ministry urged him to make the desired

214 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

acknowledgment, he would not be likely to
treat their opinion with indifference. Might
he not, moreover, be biassed by the apprehen-
sion, that his political sentiments, if left un-
explained, would in the change of affairs in
England, bring odium upon his beloved work
among the Indians?
    Considerations like these afford no apology
for renouncing opinions sincerely and consci-
entiously believed to be true. But they show,
that, in a regard to the public good, which was
supposed to be at stake, he had a weighty
reason for reconsidering those opinions. It
is deeply to be regretted that the book itself
is not to be found.* Without it, we can

   * It is not known that there is a copy in America, but
I find The Christian Commonwealth, in a catalogue of
books relating to America, which constitute the COLLEC-
TION of Colonel Aspinwall, Consul of the United States
at London; whose indefatigable zeal and efforts for many
years, in collecting books illustrative of American his-
tory, deserve the gratitude of his countrymen. On this
subject his library is by far the most copious and val-
uable private collection in existence. It will be a serious
misfortune, should not this library be ultimately procured
and deposited in some public institution in the United
States.
   Nor ought we here to forget, or pass over, the labors of
Mr. Rich in a similar walk. His B1BLIOTHECA AMERI-
CANA. NOVA, or Catalogue of Books in various Languages,
relating to America, from the year 1700 to 1800, recently
printed in London, and forming a beautiful volume of more

JOHN ELIOT. 216

scarcely form a fair estimate of Mr. Eliot's
conduct in this affair. A copy of The Christian
Commonwealth, could we obtain it, would en-
able us to judge whether it deserved the sen-
tence passed upon it, and would probably give
us a better insight, than we now have, into
Eliot's political views. If it was indeed “full
of seditious principles,” he did well to retract
it. But we may reasonably doubt, whether the
book deserved the sweeping censure passed
upon it. It may have been written with warmth,
and in a spirit of extravagance; for Eliot not
only, as we may suppose, adopted the distin-
guishing political principles of the Puritans,
but, as we have seen on another occasion, had
certain visionary notions about a form of gov-
ernment to be derived from Scriptural authori-
ty, before which all human institutions must
fall to the dust. Upon cooler reflection, he
doubtless found some, perhaps many, of his
positions untenable. But the man, who had
recently flattered Cromwell and his adherents
in no stinted terms for “endeavoring to put
government into the hands of the saints,”
should not have allowed himself, in a change
of power, to designate them contemptuously

than four hundred pages, is a curious and important con-
tribution to American literature, and the most interesting
bibliographical work that has ever appeared in relation to
America.

216 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

as “the late innovators.” The Christian Com-
monwealth was printed in London without date.
    Mr. Eliot continued to visit the Christian
stations among the natives with unabated
industry. At Natick, Concord, Neponset, the
region of Merrimac River, and other places, he
devoted himself to the oversight and instruct-
tion of the “praying Indians,” and to the fur-
ther diffusion of the word of life where it had
not been received.*
    The course of this narrative has brought us
to that period of Eliot's life, when he accom-
plished a task, which, as a monument of pious
zeal and indefatigable industry, has always
been regarded with admiration. I refer to his
translation of the Scriptures into the Indian
language.
    On this work he had long set his heart with
earnest desire, believing, that, until God's truth
could reach his Indian disciples in the written
as well as spoken word, the means of making
its power permanent and complete would be
wanting. If the schools, which in his plan
were to be the never-failing attendants of
Christian instruction, should effect their pur-

   * Hutchinson mentions the notice, which Colonel Goffe,
the regicide judge, took of the questions at an Indian lec-
ture, which he attended in 1660.—History of Massachu-
setts, Vol. I. p. 152.

JOHN ELIOT. 217

pose among his converts and their children;
and if he could then place the Bible, in their
own tongue, under their eyes in every wigwam
or house, he might justly feel that a strong
foundation would be laid for those great re-
sults, which were embraced in the anticipations
of his far-reaching benevolence. He had as
yet been able to communicate to his hearers in
the wilderness only fragments and insulated
portions of the Scriptures, by translating for
immediate use such passages or chapters, as
were required by the discourse, exposition, or
conversation at the time.
In this way the Indians had, indeed, acquired
a very considerable acquaintance with many
important parts of the Bible. Their questions,
their confessions, and their examinations evince
a better knowledge of the main points of Scrip-
tural instruction, than one would expect under
such unfavorable circumstances. Their teacher
must have been a man of no ordinary sagacity
and zeal, to have been able, under so many
difficulties, to make them comprehend and re-
member so much of the Bible.
But the best, that could be effected by such
means, was necessarily defective and slow.
It was of great importance that the Scriptures
in a body should be by their side as a per-
petual though silent instructer; that they
should have the inspiration of Heaven in words

218 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

familiar to their ears, to which they and their
apostle might always appeal.
From the commencement of his Indian la-
bors, Eliot had evidently kept this great ob-
ject in view. He-had been intent upon obtain-
ing the best assistance he could command in
acquiring an accurate knowledge of the lan-
guage; and his perseverance, under every dis-
couragement, in a pursuit so unattractive, is
truly wonderful. In a letter to Winslow, dated
the 8th of July, 1649, he expressed his intense
desire “to translate some parts of the Scrip-
tures” for the Indians. He considered it as an
undertaking demanding the most scrupu-
lous and conscientious care. “I look at it,”
he said, “as a sacred and holy work, to be
regarded with much fear, care, and reverence.”
His duties in the ministry among his own flock
had prevented his bestowing on the language
all the thorough .and constant attention he
could have wished. It would be necessary,
therefore, he thought, to have assistants, In-
dians and others, continually at hand to exam-
ine and put to the test his translations. These
must be paid. Other expenses also must be
incurred. He could not undertake the work
with his own means, which were slender. He
had a numerous family to be educated; and
his labors among the natives at that time were
gratuitous. His only regular source of main-

JOHN ELIOT. 219

tenance was his salary at Roxbury; and he
could not give up his ministry there to devote
himself exclusively to the business of translat-
ing and preaching for the Indians.
    Thus the work, which he had so much at
heart, was retarded, as he said, only by “want
of money.” In 1651 he mentioned, in a letter
sent to England, the improvement he had been
gratified to find in the ability of the Indian,
who was assisting him in his version of the
Scriptures; but soon after he said in a tone
of despondence, “I have no hope to see the
Bible translated, much less printed, in my
days.”* We may infer that, for several years,
the project of the Indian translation was float-
ing in his mind, without any distinct expec-
tation of seeing it realized. Meanwhile he
labored at the task from time to time, trusting
that the providence of God would at length
send the aid necessary to bring it to the de-
sired result.
    Nor was his trust in vain. When the funds
of the corporation in England became availa-
ble, here was an object, which was at once
seen to be the most important, to which assist-
ance could he appropriated. Their patronage
removed the only hindrance; and at their ex-
pense the New Testament in the Indian Ian-

   * Further Progresse of the Gospel, &c. p. 7.

220 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

guage was published in September, 1661, soon
after the restoration of Charles the Second.*
It happened that the printing was com-
pleted, while the question concerning the con-
firmation of the Society's charter in England
was pending. The friends of the Society
thought this a favorable opportunity to con-
ciliate the good will of the King. The Com-
missioners of the United Colonies accordingly
prefixed to the Testament a Dedication to his
Majesty, written without adulation, but in a
tone adapted to win the favorable notice of
the sovereign. It was believed to have had
some influence in deciding his mind for the
confirmation of the charter. But we may be
permitted to suspect, that a monarch like
Charles was scarcely so much moved by a
pious dedication, as by the powerful agency
of Clarendon, to whose decision he was doubt-

* It has two title-pages, one in English, the other in
Indian. The first is, “The New Testament of our Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ. Translated into the Indian Lan-
guage, and ordered to be printed by the Commissioners of
the United Colonies in New England. At the Charge and
with the Consent of the Corporation in England for the Pro-
pagation of the Gospel among the Indians in New England.
Cambridge. Printed by Samuel Green and Marmaduke
Johnson. MDCLXI.” The other is, “Wusku Wuttestamentum
Nul-Lordumun Jesus, Christ Nuppoquohwussuaeneumun.”
There is a copy of this New Testament in the library of
Harvard College. It has the Address or Dedication to the
King, which was not inserted in all the copies.

JOHN ELIOT. 221

less. glad to leave the troublesome question.
Twenty copies of the Testament were sent to
England, each of which contained the dedi-
cation; one for the King, the rest for other
distinguished persons.” In the Dedication the
Commissioners say to the King; “The Old
Testament is now under the press, wanting
and craving your royal favor and assistance
for the perfecting thereof.”
In 1663 the Old Testament, thus promised,
was published, after having been three years
in the press. Copies of the New Testament,
already printed, were bound with it; and thus
was furnished a complete Bible in the Indian
language.† To this Bible were added a Cate-
chum, and the Psalm, of David in Indian verse,
which were a translation of the New England
version of the Psalms prepared for the churches
some years before, as has been mentioned, by

* In a letter of the Commissioners accompanying the
copies sent to England, they request, “that, two of the
special being very well bound up, the one may be present-
ed to his Majesty in the first place, the other to the Lord
Chancellor; and that five more may be presented to
Dr. Reynolds, Mr. Carrill, Mr. Baxter, and the two vice-
chancellors of the Universities, who we understand have
greatly encouraged the work; the rest to be disposed of
as you shall see cause.”
† According to Thomas (History of Printing, Vol. L
p. 255) it had two title-pages, the one English and the
other Indian. The copy of this edition in Harvard College
library has only an Indian title-page.

222 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Eliot and others. The natives were much
pleased with singing; to gratify and improve
their taste, these Psalms in metre were affixed
to the sacred books.
   The Commissioners, in a letter to Robert
Boyle, dated September 10th, 1662, speak of
the Bible as “about half done.” This letter
was accompanied by an account rendered to
the corporation of the disbursements of the
moneys received from them. One item is, “To
sundry disbursements for printing the Bible,
two hundred and thirty-seven pounds five shil-
lings.” The Commissioners say, that the fur-
ther requisite expense would be uncertain, but
could not be estimated at less than two hun-
dred pounds. I know not that we have any
means of ascertaining what was the whole cost
of this first edition.
    When the Indian Bible was thus completed,
a copy in elegant binding was sent to Charles
the Second. “Such a work and fruit of a plan-
tation,” observes Baxter, “as was never before
presented to a king.”* Another Dedication to
the monarch, in addition to that of the New
Testament, was prepared by the Commission-
ers; and both the dedications were inserted in
the presentation copies sent to England, but
in very few of those circulated in the colonies.
The additional Dedication, as prefixed to the

   * Reliquiae Baxterianae, &c., p. 290.

JOHN JORN ELIOT. 223

whole Bible, is consequently very rare in this
country. Indeed a Bible containing it is scarce-
ly to be found. But a copy of it was fortunate-
ly rescued from destruction by the Rev. Dr.
Harris of Dorchester. He discovered in a bar-
ber's shop Eliot's Indian Bible of the first edi-
tion, in a mutilated state, which was in the
process of being used for waste paper. It was
found to contain both the dedications to the
King; and Dr. Harris seized upon it with all
the interest belonging to, the discovery of a
long-lost treasure. He transcribed the ad-
dresses, and published them in the Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society.* One
of these valuable antiquarian relics thus incur-
red the risk of meeting a fate as disastrous
as that, which the manuscripts of Cardinal
Ximenes's Polyglot experienced at the hands
of the rocket-maker of Alcala; but both are
now preserved beyond the reach of danger.
The second Address, or Dedication to his
Majesty, is an interesting document. It is writ-
ten with ability and with graceful propriety.
The Commissioners present their thanks to the
King for his royal favor in renewing the char-
ter of the corporation, and thus defeating the
attempts of its enemies. They assure his
Majesty that though New England has not,
like the Spanish colonies of South America,

* 1st Series, Vol. VII. p. 222.

224 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

gold and silver, with which to enrich the
mother country, yet they rejoice to send to
the land of their fathers the Bible in the lan-
guage of the natives, among whom the Gospel
had been planted and propagated, believing
this to be “as much better than gold, as the
sou1s of men are worth more than the whole
world.”
One cannot but contrast with this the dif-
ferent estimate, which the voluptuous and
profligate monarch would be likely to make.
If the address found its way to the King, and
he paused from his career of sensuality long
enough to read it, we can almost imagine that
we see the sneering look and hear the merry
jests it would call forth, as he sat surrounded
by courtiers, who gained his favor in proportion
as they relieved him from the cares of state, and
ministered to his corrupt pleasures. The
pious exultation, with which the poor colonists
in the wilderness presented this laborious re-
sult of their Christian zeal, could hardly have
been addressed to one less likely to appreciate
its meaning or value. The mere act of legal
justice, which Charles permitted, by reestab-
lishing the rights of the Society for Propagat-
ing the Gospel, seems to have been the whole
amount of aid, which he bestowed upon Eliot
and his fellow-laborers, in any part of their
enterprise.

JOHN ELIOT. 226

Thus was the apostle's toil at last crowned
with a result, which must have gladdened the
good man's heart. The Indians had now the
whole Bible in their own language; and when
he visited their abodes he could, with such joy
as none but the Christian knows, hold it forth,
and say, “This word of life is now your own.”
I do not know, that it can be ascertained
precisely of what number of copies this edition
of the Bible consisted. Different statements
are made.* But the corporation observe, in a
letter to the Commissioners, while the New
Testament was in the press, that in their judg-
ment “it is better to print fifteen hundred,
than but a thousand, hoping that by encourage-
ment from Sion College, with whom we have
late conference, you may be enabled to print
fifteen hundred of the Old Testament like-
wise.”† It is fair to presume, that the judg-
ment of the corporation, who defrayed the ex-
pense of the work, would be followed on this
subject, and that consequently the edition con-
sisted of the number stated in their letter.
Two hundred copies of the New Testament
were bound strongly in leather for the imme-
diate use of the Indians.

* Mr. Moore (Memoirs of Eliot, p. 83) says, “two thou-
sand.” Mr. Thomas (History of Printing, Vol. I. p. 245)
mentions “one thousand” as the number.
† THOMAS'S History of Printing, Vol. I. p. 242.

VOL. V. 15

226 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

    Of the printers of this edition of the Indian
Bible, Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson,
the former had for several years superintended
a press. The latter was sent over from Eng-
land by the corporation, in 1660, for the ex-
press purpose of assisting in the enterprise of
printing the Indian Bible. Johnson seems to
have been anxious to secure his share of honor
in publishing such a work; for, “at his earnest
request and for his encouragement,” the corpo-
ration desired, that his name might appear as
one of the printers on the title-page.
    They also sent from England a press and
types, and furnished all the materials neces-
sary for the printing. Johnson was a good
workman, but behaved ill and exposed himself
to much censure. He was loose in his conduct,
and so idle that he absented himself from the
labors of the press more than six months at
one time. His unfaithfulness retarded the
work, which at best could proceed but slowly;
and he was dismissed as soon as the time of
his engagement had expired.
    This Indian version of the Scriptures was
the first Bible ever printed on the continent of
America. It was not till about the middle of
the next century, that the Scriptures in the
English language were printed in this country.
This was done as privately as possible. The
book bore on its title-page the London imprint,

JOHN ELIOT. 227

and the name of the King's printer. This dec-
eption was practised to escape prosecution
from those in England who had the exclusive
right of. publishing the Bible, either by a pa-
tent from the King, or cum privilegio, as was
the case with the Universities.
Cotton Mather, who commonly has something
marvellous to tell, affirms, that Mr. Eliot wrote
“his whole translation with but one pen.”
Mather is sometimes so loose in his state-
ments, that one scarcely knows how much they
mean. In this instance, however, his story
seems more precise than credible. If he meant
the translation of the New Testament, which
was published first, the anecdote may be cred-
ited, though this would be a great task for
one pen to perform. But it is hard to be-
lieve the statement, if applied to the whole
Bible. In either case, “we may presume,” as
has been remarked, if the story be true, “that
the pen was not made of goose-quill, but of
metal.” It has been reported of Gibbon, that he
wrote the twelve volumes of the “Decline and
Fall” with one pen, which he afterwards gave to
the Duchess of Devonshire, who enshrined it
in a silver case. Stories of this sort commonly
originate in some mistake, or some mere jest,
and float about in rumor for a while, till the
disposition to attach to a great work every

228 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

possible circumstance of a surprising nature
receives them for accredited facts.
The first impression of the Indian Bible suf-
ficed for about twenty years. In 1680 another
edition of the New Testament was published.
Mr. Eliot, in a letter written during that year
to the Honorable Mr. Boyle, alludes to it when
he says, “We are at the nineteenth chapter of
the Acts; and when we have impressed the
New Testament, our Commissioners approve
of my preparing and impressing the Old.”*
In addition to the Psalms, a Catechism was
annexed, as in the first impression, This New
Testament has the imprint of Cambridge, but
no printer's name.
In 1685, a second edition of the Old Testa-
ment appeared, printed at Cambridge by Sam-
uel Green. This was bound with the last im-
pression of the New Testament; and the two
parts, thus taken together, constitute the second
edition of the whole Bible, though there was
an interval of five years between the times
at which the two Testaments respectively
appeared.† Each part has but one title-

* Letter III., in 1 M. H. Coll. 180.
† Mr. Thomas says, (History of Printing, Vol. I. p. 262,)
that the second edition “was six years in the press.” This
assertion, however, supposes that the printing of the Old
Testament followed that of the New continuously, without
any delay, which was probably the case, though we are
not certain of it.

JOHN ELIOT. 229

page, which is in Indian, and the same
as before.*
We learn some facts respecting this second
edition of the Indian version from Eliot's cor-
respondence with Mr. Boyle. The whole im-
pression was two thousand copies.† It was
superintended by Mr. Eliot, who gave a part
of his salary towards defraying the expense,
and received for the same purpose from the
corporation in England, through Mr. Boyle,
nine hundred pounds at different times, namely,
forty pounds at one time, four hundred and
sixty at another, and four hundred at a third.
If some collateral expenses be included, the
whole cost of the impression must have been
little, if any, short of a thousand pounds. Mr.
Eliot's remarks lead us to suppose, that the
first edition was nearly or quite exhausted.
If so, and if the number of its copies was what
I have supposed, this fact will furnish us with a
measure by which we may estimate the demand
for the Scriptures among the Indians for twenty
years after the translation was first printed.
We may presume, that the number of copies,
which curiosity might lead people in the colony

* The Indian title of the New Testament has been al
ready given. That of the whole Bible is as follows; “Ma
mussee Wunneetupanatamwe Up-Biblum God Naneeswe
Nukkone Testament kah wonk Wusku Testament.''
† Letter VII.

230 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

to purchase, or which courtesy might send to
England, could not be large.
Eliot apologized to Mr. Boyle for the slow
progress of the printing, by alleging the want
of an adequate number of workmen, and the
interruption of labor among those whom they
had, by sickness, which prevailed fatally in the
winter of 1683 and the spring of 1684. His
heart was saddened by these and other events,
which seemed to throw discouragement on the
work; for he was then bending beneath the
weight of years, and, with the feelings of an
old and faithful servant, his soul yearned to
witness, as his last labor, the completion of the
new edition of his translation.
The affectionate earnestness, with which he
dwells on the subject in his correspondence
with the English philosopher, has a touching
interest. “My age,” says he, “makes me im-
portunate. I shall depart joyfully, may I but
leave the Bible among them; for it is the word
of life.” Again he writes, “I desire to see it
done before I die, and I am so deep in years,
that I cannot expect to live long; and sundry
say, if I do not procure it printed while I live,
it is not within the prospect of human reason,
whether ever, or when, or how, it may be ac-
complished.” He bore it on his heart to God
in his devotions, and the anxious earnestness
of his soul seemed to be fixed on this point.

JOHN ELIOT. 231

The prayer of the good old man was answered.
He lived to see a new impression of his Bible;
and when he took the precious volume in his
hands, we can easily imagine, that with up-
lifted eyes he may have uttered the Nunc dimit-
tas of the aged Simeon.
In preparing this second edition Mr. Eliot
received valuable assistance from the Reverend
John Cotton of Plymouth, who had spent much
of his time for several years in forming a
thorough acquaintance with the Indian Ian-
guage.* This obligation Eliot acknowledged
in a letter to Boyle in 1688.† Several years
before that time, Boyle had intrusted to Eliot
thirty pounds for the promotion of religion
among the Indians. The money had not been
expended, perhaps because no opportunity
had occurred for the particular mode of using
it which Boyle designed. Of this sum, Eliot
requested that ten pounds might be given to
Major Gookin's widow, who was poor; ten
pounds to Gookin's son, who lectured among
the Indians; and ten pounds to Mr. John Cot-
ton, “who,” says he, “helped me much in the
second edition of the Bible.” Probably Mr.

* He had a son, Josiah Cotton, who compiled a “Voca-
bulary of the Massachusetts (or Natick) Indian Language,”
which was published, with a prefatory notice, by Judge
Davis, in 3 M. H. Coll., II
† Letter IX.

232 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Cotton revised the whole version with him,
that by their joint labors a more exact and
faithful translation might be exhibited in the
new impression.*
One of the Christian natives was concerned
in the process of publishing the Indian Bible,
who deserves to be specially mentioned. This
was James the printer, or, as he was called by
applying the name of his occupation to the man,
James Printer. He was born at Hassanamesitt
(Grafton), an Indian settlement, where his
father and brothers held civil and ecclesiastical
offices among their brethren. James received
so much instruction at the Indian charity
school in Cambridge, as to enable him to read
and write English correctly. He then served
an apprenticeship with Green, the printer, in
whose office he assisted as a pressman in work-
ing off the first edition of Eliot's Bible.
When Philip's war broke out, the smothered
embers of national feeling were rekindled in
his breast. He absconded from his employer,
and joined the forces of his countrymen against
the English. Hubbard† and Increase Mather,‡

* It has been incorrectly said by some writers, that the
second edition of the Indian Bible was not published till
after the death of the translator, and that it was then rev-
ised and corrected by Mr. Cotton.
† Narrative or the Troubles with the Indians, p. 96.
‡ Brief History of the War with the Indians in New
England, p. 39.

JOHN ELIOT. 233

who speak of him with severity as an apostate,
relate, that he availed himself of the opportu-
nity to return to his English friends afforded
by the declaration published by the Council at
Boston in 1676, which proclaimed, that all In-
dians who should come in within fourteen days
might hope for mercy. James, after his return,
probably lived in or about Boston till 1680.
He was then employed by Green at Cambridge,
on the second edition of the Indian Bible.
Mr. Eliot alludes to this man in his corre-
spondence with Boyle. In 1682 he says, “We
have but one man, the Indian printer, that is
able to compose the sheets and correct the
press with understanding;” and in 1684 he
remarks, “We have but few hands, one Eng-
lishman, a boy, and one Indian.” As late as
1709, James's name appears in connexion with
that of Bartholomew Green, as printer, on the
title-page of the Psalter in Indian and English.
From Mr. Eliot's notice of him, we are led to
suppose, that he must have been an efficient
and valuable workman in printing the Indian
version. His acquaintance with both lan-
guages would of course enable him to work
with the more rapidity and accuracy.
Such is the history of the two editions of the
Indian Bible, which issued from the Cambridge
press. Mr. Eliot doubtless looked forward
with delightful anticipations to the time, when

234 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the multiplied converts to Christianity among
the natives would require impression after im-
pression of the volume, on which he had spent
so much exhausting but happy toil. One of
the hopes, we may suppose, which solaced the
evening of his days was, that ages after his
grey hairs should have gone down to the grave,
this sacred book would continue to be read in
the dwellings and heard in the churches of the
Indian settlements, far and wide, through New
England.
But these cheering expectations were des-
tined never to be realized. The second edi-
tion of his Translation of the Scriptures was
the last. The printer never was, and never
will be, again called to set his types for those
words, so strange and uncouth to our ears. A
century and a half has elapsed since the last
impression of the volume appeared; and it is
a thought full of melancholy interest, that the
people for whom it was designed may be con-
sidered as no longer on the roll of living men,
and that probably not an individual in the wide
world can read the Indian Bible. It is a re-
markable fact, that the language of a version
of the Scriptures made so late as in the latter
half of the seventeenth century should now be
entirely extinct.
Of the correctness and fidelity of Mr. Eliot's
version no one has now the means of forming

JOHN ELIOT. 236

an exact judgment. It would seem, indeed,
from the circumstances under which he learned
the language, that his knowledge of it for a
considerable time must have been limited and
imperfect. Many cases would occur, in which
the rude teaching of the natives on a subject
requiring so much precision would, we may
suppose, fail to satisfy his inquiries; and his
own patient observation, skilful comparison,
and gradual discovery must have supplied, as
they could, the deficiency of the usual helps in
learning the structure and power of a new or-
gan of thought.
He felt for some time the embarrassment
arising from a defective acquaintance with the
language. “My brother Eliot,” said Shepard
in 1648, “professes he can as yet but stammer
out some pieces of the word of God unto them
in their own tongue;” and Eliot himself, in a
letter to Winslow in 1649, remarked, “I have
yet but little skill in their language, having
little leisure to attend to it by reason of my
continual attendance on my ministry in our
own church.” But this was said fourteen years
before the first edition of the Indian Bible was
published, and thirty-six years before the second
was completed. During that time his mind had
been industriously engaged on the language.
By preaching and conversation his knowledge
of its construction, and skill in its use, must

236 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

have been perpetually enlarged with acceler-
ated progress.
When his version of the Scriptures appeared,
he was, therefore, undoubtedly as well qualified
for the work as any man could hope to be.*
The Indians could not have profited so much
as they evidently did by his instructions, had
he not been able to use their language with
propriety and force in spoken communications;
and there is no good reason why he should
have been less successful in writing. The
greatest difficulty must have occurred in the

* Mr. Eliot would, of course, often be obliged, in the
process of his translation, to apply to the Indians for a spe-
cific term to designate an object, the name of which in
their language he had not learned. Tradition has reported
a curious mistake, incurred in this way. The story is, that
when he came to the passage in the book of Judges (v. 28)
where the mother of Sisera is said to have “cried through
the lattice,” he knew no Indian word which signified lattice.
In this perplexity he applied to some of the natives for a
suitable term. They had never seen a lattice; but he en-
deavored by description to make them understand what it
was, illustrating it by wicker-work, netting, &c. Upon this
they soon gave him a word, which he used; but some time
after, when he had acquired further knowledge of the lan-
guage, he was surprised and amused to find, that the word
which the Indians had given him for lattice, signified an
eel-pot. Such is the anecdote. That a mistake like this
may have happened in his inquiries of the natives, is not
improbable. But that the error did not find its way into
the printed Translation, I think, is evident; for, on turning
to the passage in the Indian Bible, I find that the word, by

JOHN ELIOT. 237

endeavor to represent the purely spiritual parts
of the Bible in words used by men unaccus-
tomed to spiritual modes of thought. But the
language itself is believed not to have been so
barren and poor in this respect, as one would
naturally suppose; and perhaps few men could
have been better prepared to meet the diffi
culty, than Mr. Eliot. On the whole, his ver
sion, we may fairly presume, was such as to
give the Indians, in all important respects,
about as correct and competent a knowledge of
the Scriptures, as translations are generally
found to give.
The Indian Bible has become one of those
rare books, which the antiquarian deems it a
triumph to possess.* The copies in private

which lattice is translated, is latticeut, a term which un
doubtedly is nothing but the English word with an Indian
termination to accommodate it to the structure of that lan
guage. To this expedient Mr. Eliot would naturally resort,
when he found no Indian word, that could be used to ex
press the object. Besides, in the passage in question, the
same word is used in both editions of the Translation. Had
the mistake described in the story been committed in the
first edition, Eliot must certainly have discovered and cor
rected it during the many years which passed before the
second appeared.
* Ebeling, whose books form so valuable an addition to
the library of Harvard College, wrote in his copy of the
Indian Bible, “Liber summae raritatis.” The following
descriptive title-page of the book, also written by Ebeling,
may be not without interest to the curious; “Biblia Sacra,

238 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

or public libraries are very few. It has acquired
the venerable appearance of an ancient and
sealed book; and, when we turn over its pages,
those long and harsh words seem like the mys-
terious hieroglyphics in some time-hallowed
temple of old Egypt. It failed to answer the
pious purpose, for which the translator labored
in preparing it. But it has answered another
purpose, which was perhaps never in his mind,
or, if it were, was doubtless regarded as an
inferior consideration. In connexion with his
Indian Grammar, it has afforded important aid
as a valuable document, in the study of com-
parative philology. Though the language, in
which it is printed, is no longer read, yet this
book is prized as one of the means of gaining
an insight into the structure and character of
“unwritten dialects of barbarous nations,” a
subject which, of late years, has attracted the
attention of learned men, and the study of
which, it is believed, will furnish new facts to
modify the hitherto received principles of uni-
versal grammar.
On this account scholars of the highest name
in modern times have had reason to thank
Eliot for labors, which the Indians are not left

in linguam Indorum Americanae gentis τῶν Natick trans
lata a Johanne Eliot, Missionario Anglicano. Impress
Cantabrigiae,” etc.

JOHN ELIOT. 239

to thank him for. While the cause of religion
missed, in a great degree, the benefit designed
for it, the science of language acknowledges
a contribution to its stores. Mr. Eliot trans-
lated the Bible into a dialect of what is called
the Mohegan tongue, a language spoken by all
the New England Indians, essentially the same,
but varied by different dialects among the sev-
eral tribes.” By Eliot and others it was called
the Massachusetts language.†
There is, besides, a moral aspect, in which
this translation of the Scriptures should be
viewed. It must be regarded as a monument
of laborious piety, of painstaking love to the
soul of man. Would the translator have had
the spirit to undertake, still more the persever-
ance to carry through, a work so wearisome

* EDWARD’S Observations on the Language of the Muh-
hekaneew Indians, 2 M. H. Coll., X. 86. But Heckewelder
makes the Delaware, or the Lenape, the common stock of
these dialects; see Transactions of the Historical and Lit-
erary Committee, &c., p. 106.
† The Indian Bible has been an object of much interest
among the literary collectors of Europe. See Bibliotheque
Curiese Historique et Critique, ou Catalogue raisonne de
Livres difficies a trouver, par David Clement, Tome IV. p.
204. It is there registered as Bible Virginienne. Virginia
was once a common designation of New England. Mr.
Eliot, and his labors in general, are mentioned with great
honor by Hoombeeck, De Converaione Indorum et Genti-
lium, Lib. II. cap. xv., and by Fabricius, Lux Evangelii,
p.589.

240 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and discouraging, had he not been animated
by the deep, steady, strong principle of devot-
edness to God and to the highest good of his
fellow-men? The theological scholar, who
translates the Bible, or even one of the Testa-
ments, from the original into his vernacular
tongue, is considered as having achieved a
great task, and as giving ample proof of his
diligence. Yet such a work is easy compared
with the labor which Eliot undertook and fin-
ished amidst a press of other employments,
which alone might have been deemed sufficient
to satisfy the demands of Christian industry.
Among the many remarkable doings of the
Apostle to the Indians, this bears the most
striking testimony to his capacity of resolute
endurance in the cause of man's spiritual wel-
fare. We justly admire the moral courage, the
spirit of self-sacrifice, which sustained him in
the tasks of preaching, visiting, and instruc-
tion, never deterred by the dark squalidness
of barbarity, never daunted by the fierce
threats of men who knew no law but their pas-
sions, never moved by exposure to storms,
cold, and the various forms of physical suffer-
ing. But, when we represent him to our minds,
as laboring at his translation of the Scriptures
in the silence of his study, year after year, in
the freshness of the morning hour and by the

JOHN ELIOT. 241

taper of midnight, wearied but not disheart-
ened; continually perplexed with the almost
unmanageable phraseology of the dialect of
the barbarians, yet always patient to discover
how it might be made to represent truly the
meaning of the sacred books; doing this chap-
ter by chapter, verse by verse, without a wish
to give over the toil; cherishing for a long time
only a faint hope of publication, yet still wil-
ling to believe, that God in his good provi-
dence would finally send the means of giving
the printed word of life to those for whom he
toiled and prayed, --we cannot but feel that
we witness a more trying task, a more surprise-
ing labor, than any presented by the stirring
and active duties of his ministry among the
natives.
It was a long, heavy, hard work, wrought
out by the silent but wasting efforts of mental
toil, and relieved by no immediately animating
excitement. It was truly a labor of love.
When we take that old dark volume into our
hands, we understand not the words in which
it is written; but it has another and beautiful
meaning which we do understand. It is a
symbol of the affection, which a devoted man
cherished for the soul of his fellow-man; it is
the expression of a benevolence, which fainted
in no effort to give light to those who sat in

VOL. V. 16

JOHN ELIOT. 243

CHAPTER XIII.

Further Translation, and other Book, for the
Christian Indians by Mr. Eliot. - His Indian
Grammar. -- His “Communion of Churches,”
&c. -- Indians at Harvard University. – In
dian College. -- Towns of Praying Indians.

Mr. Eliot did not confine his labors of trans-
lation to the Scriptures. He prepared by the
same process other books for the use of his
converts. In 1664 he published in the Indian
language Baxter's Call to the Unconverted. It
was a small octavo of one hundred and thirty
pages. A thousand copies were printed by
Green at Cambridge. Eliot thought this work
peculiarly fitted to be useful among the natives
by “the keenness of its edge and the liveliness
of its spirit.” In his correspondence with
Baxter he mentioned his intention of clothing
this book in an Indian dress. The letter was
written in July, 1663; and he had then begun
the translation.
He allowed himself a liberty with regard to
this volume, which he did not dare to take with
the Scriptures. When the phraseology might,
if put into another form, be better and more
clearly translated, he hesitated not to make

244 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the necessary change; and those parts of the
book, which were peculiarly adapted to the
condition of the people of England he so
altered as to suit them to the wants of his
Christian Indians. Of the liberties, which he
had thus taken, he gave Baxter notice; “but,”
he added, “I do little that way, knowing
how much beneath wisdom it is, to show a
man's self witty in mending another man's
work.” In the same letter he observed, that
he intended to translate for the Indians The
Practice of Piety, or some similar book, which
might serve as a manual for their direction in
public and private worship, in days of fasting
and feasting, and generally in Christian life
and conduct.”
More than twenty years elapsed before this
last-mentioned work appeared. In 1685. Mr.
Eliot published a translation of The Practice of
Piety, of which in a letter to Boyle, written in
August of that year, he remarks, “It is finished
and beginneth to be bound up.”† A third

* Reliquie Baxterianae, &c., p. 293. Baxter himself,
having mentioned Eliot's Bible (p. 290) proceeds to ob-
serve,-- “He sent word that next he would print my Call
to the Unconverted, and then The Practice of Piety; but
Mr. Boyle sent him word, it would be better taken here,
if The Practice of Piety were printed before any thing of
mine.” Eliot seems not to have followed Mr. Boyle's ad-
vice in this particular.
† A copy of this translation, one of the Ebeling books, is

JOHN ELIOT. 245

edition, we are told, was printed by Green in
1687.* If there be no mistake in this state-
ment, there must have been such a demand for
the book, as would indicate, that it shared in
its Indian form much of the popularity of its
English original.†
In 1688 Mr. Eliot informed Sir Robert Boyle,
that, many years before, he had translated into
Indian two small treatises by Mr. Shepard,
one entitled The Sincere Convert, the other,
The Sound Believer. These translations had
not been published; and he requested his
honored correspondent to countenance the
project of printing them at the expense of the
Society for Propagating the Gospel. He ob-
served that they must be carefully revised, be-
fore they could be committed to the press.
He depended on the assistance of his friend,

in the library of Harvard College. Its Indian title is,
“Manitowompae Pomantamoonk sampwshanau Christianoh
uttoh woh an Pomantog wussikkitteahonat God.”
* THOMAS’S History of Printing, Vol. I. p. 262.
† The Practice of Piety was remarkable for the exten-
sive and long-continued popular favor, in which it was
held. Perhaps no book of practical religion, except The
Imitation of Christ, has passed through so many editions.
In 1792 it was in its seventy-first edition. The author of
the book was Lewis Bayly, at one time chaplain to James
the First. He was promoted to the see of Bangor in 1616,
and died in 1632. See BIOGRAPHIA BRITANNICA, Art.
BALY, and Bishop KENNETT'S Register and Chronicle,
Ecclesiastical and Civil, p. 530.

246 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Mr. Cotton of Plymouth, in the task of revisal,
“which,” he remarks, “none but Mr. Cotton
is able to help me to perform.” A translation,
in a, duodecimo volume of one hundred and
sixty-four pages, was printed by Green at
Cambridge in 1689, which Mr. Thomas says
was Shepard's Sincere Convert.* This I have
never seen; but I am inclined to think, that
The Sound Believer was also included in the
volume. At any rate, as Eliot made the same
request of Mr. Boyle with regard to each of
the works, it is likely that they were both
printed.
    Cotton Mather tells us, that Mr. Eliot
“translated some of Mr. Shepard's compo-
sures,” but does not inform us which of them
were published. In selecting these books to
be put into the hands of the Christian natives,
we may presume that the translator was in-
fluenced, not only by their merit, but by affect-
tionate respect for the memory of their author,
who had taken a deep interest in the Indian
work, but was cut off before that progress had
been made, which would so much have gratified
his pious feelings.
    In 1664 Eliot published the Indian Psalter at
Green's press. It was a small octavo of one
hundred and fifty pages, and the edition con-
sisted of five hundred copies. I suppose this

   * History of Printing, Vol. I. p. 263.

JOHN ELIOT. 247

to have been a separate publication of the
Book of Psalms, taken from the Indian transla-
tion of the Old Testament.
Having given an account of Eliot's transla-
tions, I shall now take notice of other produc-
tions of his pen, which belong to nearly the
same period. As early as 1663 he had pub-
lished a Catechism in the Indian language, at
the charge of the corporation. In 1661 a
second edition was printed, consisting of a
thousand copies; and in 1687 a third or fourth
edition appeared. These were all from Green's
press. Mr. Eliot more than once, in the course
of his correspondence with his English friends,
mentions his Catechum; and we have seen
what use was made of it in teaching the Indian
children to write.
He prepared and published an Indian Prim-
er, perhaps more than one. The date of its
first publication does not appear. It was
printed in 1687, when it had already passed
through several editions at the expense of the
corporation. This little book has found a use
beyond that anticipated in its preparation. It
has assisted the philological inquirers of the
present day to gain a better knowledge, than
they could otherwise have had, of the syllabic
divisions of Indian words.* It was printed by
Green.

* 3 M. H. Coll., II. 244.

248 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

The book, which next claims our notice, is
Eliot's Indian Grammar. Mr. Thomas classes
this among the works printed by Green. He
describes it as containing about sixty pages
quarto, and adds, “No year is mentioned, as
I find is often the case with other printers be-
sides Green; but it must have been printed
about 1664.”* Unless there was more than one
edition of the Grammar, which does not appear
to have been the case, there must be a singular
mistake in Thomas's statement; for in the
modern republication of the book, the title-
page of which, being an exact reprint of the
original one, must give correct information, it
appears to have been printed by Marmaduke
Johnson, and bears the date of 1666.
Mr. Eliot prepared this Grammar for the as-
sistance of those, who might be disposed to
learn the Indian language, as an instrument of
teaching religion to the natives, whom he de-
scribes as “those ruins of mankind,† among
whom the Lord is now about a resurrection-
work, to call them into his holy kingdom.”
The book is prefaced with a dedicatory ad-
dress to Robert Boyle, and to the rest of the
corporation of which he was governor. Eliot

* History of Printing, Vol. I. p. 257.
† This strong expression was used, as descriptive of the
Indians, by Mr. Hooker. They are also called “the very
ruins of mankind” in New England's First Fruits, &c. p. 1.

JOHN ELIOT. 249

speaks of it with much modesty, as “not wor-
thy the name of a grammar.” He says that he
had merely “laid together some bones and
ribs preparatory at least for such a work.”
At the close he gives a brief account of the
manner, in which he had acquired his knowl-
edge of the construction and peculiarities of
this language.
The Grammar was not destined to become
so extensively or permanently useful, as its
author hoped. But, as Governor Endicot said,
in 1651, “There are some scholars among us,
who addict themselves to the study of the In-
dian tongue,”* it may be presumed that the
book was received with approbation and used
with profit by a few of the students of that
day. When the interest in the Indian cause
declined, the Grammar went out of notice, and
its leaves were seldom disturbed. But atten-
tion has been recalled to it in our own times
by a reprint, enriched with the philosophical

* Endicot's letter in The Further Progress of the Gospel,
&c. p. 35. But Gookin, who wrote in 1674, says, “The
learned English young men do not hitherto incline or en-
deavor to fit themselves for that service (i. e. teaching the
natives) by learning the Indian language. Possibly the
reasons may be; first, the difficulty to attain that speech;
secondly, little encouragement while they prepare for it;
thirdly, the difficulty in the practice of such a calling
among them, by reason of the poverty and barbarity,” &c.
--1 M. H. Coll., I. 183.

250 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

observations and learned notes of Pickering
and Duponceau, This appeared in 1822, and
constitutes a very valuable portion of the “Col-
lections of the Massachusetts Historical Socie-
ty.”* The Grammar itself, and the important
annotations accompanying it, afford a rich fund
of materials to those, who have the curiosity
to inquire into the idiomatic structure of the
speech of the American Indians. However
humble might be Eliot's estimate of his own
work, its philological value is rated very high
by its modern editors.†
   I shall here subjoin an interesting letter from
Eliot to Robert Boyle, by which it will appear
that the Grammar was prepared, or hastened,
at the suggestion of that distinguished patron
of the Indian work. The letter is found in the
fifth volume of the folio edition of Boyle's
Works. As it is not included among the let-
ters from Eliot to Boyle in the “Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society,” and is
in itself valuable and characteristic, the inser-
tion of it in this place may be gratifying to the
reader.
      “Roxbury, August 26, 1664.
“RIGHT HONORABLE,
    “I am but a shrub in the wilderness, and
have not yet had the boldness to look upon,

* In the ninth volume of the Second Series.
† See APPENDIX, No. III.

JOHN ELIOT. 251

or speak unto, those cedars, who have under-
taken an honorable protection of us. But for
sundry reasons, I have now broke out, and
have taken upon me the boldness to write unto
yourself, Right Honorable Sir, because I do
sufficiently understand, how learning and hon-
or do rendezvous in your noble breast, and
what a true friend you are to all learning, and
also to this good work of the Lord in promot-
ing religion and the knowledge of Christ among
our poor Indians.
“I do humbly present my thankfulness to
yourself, Noble Governor, and all the rest of
your honorable Society, for your favorable pro-
tection and diligent promotion of this work,
which otherwise might have been sunk and
buried before this day; but by your vigilance
and prudence, Noble Sir, it is not only kept in
being, but in a state of flourishing acceptation
with his Majesty, and other great peers of the
land; which favor of yours Christian duty doth
oblige me to acknowledge.
“I am bold to present some things to the
honorable Corporation (according as I am ad-
vised) by the hand of my Christian friend,
Mr. Ashurst. What doth more immediately
concern learning, I crave the boldness to make
mention of unto yourself. You are pleased to
intimate unto me a memorandum of your de-
sires, that there may be a grammar of our In-

252 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY

dian language composed, for public and after
use; which motion, as I doubt not but it spring-
eth from yourself, so my answer unto yourself
about it will be most proper. I and my sons
have often spoken of it. But now I take your
intimation as a command to set about it.
When I have finished the translation of The
Practice of Piety,* my purpose is, if the Lord
will, and that I do live, to set upon some essay
and beginning of reducing this language into
rule; which, in the most common and useful
points, I do see, is reducible; though there be
corners and anomalities full of difficulty to be
reduced under any stated rule, as yourself
know, better than I, it is in all languages. I
have not so much either insight or judgment,
as to dare to undertake any thing worthy the
name of a grammar; only some preparatory
collections that way tending, which may be of
no small use unto such as may be studious to
learn this language, I desire, if God will, to
take some pains in. But this is a work for the
morrow; to-day- my work is translation, which,
by the Lord's help, I desire to attend unto.
And thus, with my humble thankfulness, I shall
cease to give you any farther trouble at pres-

* If the translation of this book was finished before the
Grammar was printed, it must have lain on Mr. Eliot's
hands many years unpublished, since it did not appear till
1685.

JOHN ELIOT. 253

ent, but, commending you unto the Lord and
to the word of his grace,
     “I remain, Right Honorable,
      “Yours in all service I can in Christ Jesus,
                           “JOHN ELIOT.”

In 1665 appeared an ecclesiastical tract from
the pen of Mr. Eliot, entitled, Communion of
Churches; or the Divine Management of Gospel
Churches by the Ordinance of Councils, consti-
tuted in. Order, according to the Scriptures,
printed by Marmaduke Johnson.
This pamphlet was intended only for private
distribution, and has become very scarce.*
The Preface begins with the following remark;
“Although a few copies of this small script
are printed, yet it is not published, only com-
mitted privately to some godly and able hands,
to be viewed, corrected, amended, or rejected,
as it shall be found to hold weight in the sanc-
tuary balance, or not.” The object of the tract
was to defend the utility of councils or synods,
and to inculcate respect for their decisions, as
the safeguards of order, discipline, and purity
of faith in the churches. Mr. Eliot describes,
with considerable minuteness, the nature of
ecclesiastical councils, the numbers of which

* I have been furnished with a copy of it by the kind-
ness of a gentleman distinguished for his theological and
antiquarian learning, the Reverend Dr. Harris of Dor-
chester.

254 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

they should consist, the mode of electing their
members, the business which ought to come
before them, and the manner in which their ex-
penses might be defrayed. He would have
them summoned, not, as they are at the present
day, occasionally to meet particular emergen-
cies, but at regular periods, and as permanent,
established conventions for the arrangement
and adjudication of ecclesiastical affairs. His
plan was large and systematic. There were
to be four orders of these councils, or synods;
each rising above the preceding in dignity and
extent of jurisdiction. They were to be desig-
nated as the First Order, the Provincial Coun-
cil, the National Council, and the OEcumenical
Council. Of each of these Mr. Eliot points out
the constitution and the objects with a precis-
ion, which evinces his conviction of the im-
portance of an exact, well-defined system of
action. It is difficult to see how the liberty
of the New England churches, to which never-
theless he was a warm and firm friend, could
have been maintained under such an arrange-
ment. This was a favorite topic with our
author. Cotton Mather tells us,* that while
Eliot respected the independence of indi-
vidual churches, he attached great importance
to ecclesiastical conventions of delegates and

* In his Life of Eliot in the MAGNALIA, Part II. Art. V.

JOHN ELIOT. 255

messengers from the churches. He not only
deemed these synods in a high degree useful,
but was disposed to have the results of their
deliberations so submissively received, that
“he would not be of any church, which would
not acknowledge itself accountable to rightly
composed synods, which may have occasion to
inquire into the circumstances of it.” Coun-
cils, he thought, should be called to settle all
questions relating to heresy, contention, mal-
administration, and disorder in ecclesiastical
affairs.
Mr. Eliot seems not to have been aware,
that, by multiplying occasions for councils and
clothing them with such authority, he would
leave but very narrow ground for the inde-
pendence of individual churches, and might
bring them under a system of censorship and
espionage not much better than the rule of
“the lords spiritual.” It was not till the
middle of the second century, that the custom
of holding councils commenced in the Christian
church. Till that time each assembly of be-
lievers was like a little state, governed only
by such regulations as were established and
approved by the society. Gregory Nazianzen
was so much opposed to councils, that, in writ-
ing to Procopius, he apologized for his refusal
to attend a synod by saying, “To tell you
plainly, I am determined to fly all conventions

256 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

of bishops; for I never yet saw a council that
ended happily.” There appears to be no mid-
dle ground between a regularly established
hierarchy and the unqualified power of self-
government in each body of worshippers.
We learn from Cotton Mather, that Mr. Eliot
published an answer to a book in favor of anti-
paedobaptism by Mr. Norcott. But I have seen
neither the tract itself, nor any other account
of it than that given by Mather.
We must now revert to the progress of the
exertions on behalf of the Indians. An at-
tempt was made to introduce among them in-
struction of a higher kind than had before been
given. With the view of supplying them with
learned and well-qualified ministers from their
own number, it was thought that some of the
most apt and studious of them might be carried
through the process of a scholastic education.
Two Indians of Martha's Vineyard, named Joel
and Caleb, were accordingly sent to the college
in Cambridge. Joel, whose improvement is
said to have been peculiarly hopeful, visited
his father at the Vineyard just before the com-
mencement at which he would have taken his
degree. On his return, the vessel was wrecked
on the island of Nantucket; and all on board
were either lost at sea, or murdered by the In-
dians on shore. Thus perished a young man,
of whose usefulness flattering hopes were en-

JOHN ELIOT. 257

tertained; for Gookin, who knew him well,
says, “he was a good scholar and a pious man.”
Caleb finished the college course of study, and
took his bachelor's degree; but, not long after
Commencement, died of consumption at Charles-
town.”
This was a discouraging beginning. But,
had it been more favorable, the experiment, if
continued, would doubtless have proved a fail-
ure. It was too soon to make such an attempt.
The natives must have been gradually softened,
and one generation after another brought under
the regular social habits of civilized life, be-
fore they could be prepared to receive academ-
ical education with any good effect. The
change from their roving, careless modes of
life, from the freedom of the woods, and the
excitement of the hunting-grounds, to the uni-
form and measured habits, the mental labor,
and the regular discipline of a college, was
quite too violent. We are not surprised, there-
fore, to be told that those, who undertook the

* His name appears on the Catalogue of Harvard Col-
lege, 1665, Caleb Cheeshahteaumuck, Indus. “At the con-
clusion of two Latin and Greek elegies, which he com-
posed on the death of an eminent minister,” observes Mr.
Carne, “he subscribed himself Cheesecaumuk, Senior Soph-
ista. What an incongruous blending of sounds!” (Lives
of Eminent Missionaries, Vol. I. p. 48.) See Gookin in
1 M. H. Coll., I. 173.

VOL. V. 17

258 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

life of students, for the most part soon grew
weary, and pined for their forests and for the
company of their tribe.
But the friends of Indian education still
persevered, and in 1665 erected a brick build-
ing at Cambridge for the use of the natives,
called the Indian College. It was large enough
to accommodate about twenty students. The
expense, which was between three and four
hundred pounds, was defrayed by the corpora-
tion in England. This edifice, however, failed
to answer the purpose for which it was de-
signed, “not being improved,” says Gookin,
“for the ends intended, by reason of the death
and failing of Indian scholars.” Among other
uses, it was converted into a printing-office;
and in it was set up Green's press for printing
Mr. Eliot's Translation of the Bible.
Meanwhile the apostle continued his mis-
sionary work with unremitted zeal. Of his visits
and preaching at the several Indian stations
between the time when the printing of his Bi-
ble was begun, and the war, with Philip, we
have no circumstantial account. But an idea
may be formed of the progress of the work,
and of the amount of good effected, by the no-
tice which Gookin, who wrote in 1674, has left
of the “Indian praying towns.”*

* 1 M. H. Coll., I. 180-196.

JOHN ELIOT. 269

At Natick Mr. Eliot, in addition to his other
instructions, set up “a lecture in logic and
theology,” as it was designated. This was
attended once a fortnight during the summer.
He alludes to it in a letter to Boyle in 1670,
when he says, “Your Honor will see, that I
have undertaken and begun a kind of academ
ical ·reading unto them in their own language,
thereby to teach the teachers and rulers, and
all that are desirous of learning.” We cannot
suppose, that he purposed, or expected, to in
doctrinate the natives in the technical forms or
subtile distinctions of the logic of the schools.
The object of his lectures was to accustom
them, in some degree, to clear and methodical
habits of thought, that they might arrange and
express their ideas on religious subjects with
propriety. These instructions seem to have
been designed chiefly for such as were to be
trained to the office of teaching and expound
ing. In aid of this design, Eliot published, in
1672, an Indian Logick Primer, which was
printed by Johnson at Cambridge. Natick
became a kind of seminary, from which teach
ers went forth among their brethren at the
other stations.
About two miles from Wamesit,* near Pau
tucket Falls, was the wigwam of Wannalancet,

* Tewkesbury.

260 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

a sachem of much distinction, the eldest son
of Passaconaway, who has been before men-
tioned. Wannalancet, though grave in his
character and friendly to the English, had not
been persuaded to embrace Christianity, but
was willing to hear preaching. His reluctance
to yield himself a convert was thought to arise
from the opposition to such a step, which he
found among his relations and chief men. But
in May, 1674, his aversion was overcome. He
listened to Mr. Eliot's preaching, and, after the
discourse, signified to him his change of mind
by the following address, which is an apt illus-
tration of the Indian love of figurative speech.
“You have been pleased in your abundant
goodness, for four years past, to exhort me
and my people, with much persuasion, to pray
to God. I acknowledge, that I have been
used all my life to pass up and down in an old
canoe; and now you wish me to make a
change, to leave my old canoe and embark in a
new one, to which I have been unwilling; but
now I give up myself to your advice, enter into
a new canoe, and do engage to pray to God
hereafter.” One of the company present, pur-
suing the figure, desired Mr. Eliot to say to
Wannalancet, that “while he went in his old
canoe, though the stream was quiet, the end
would be destruction; but that now he had
embarked in the new canoe, though he should

JOHN ELIOT. 261

meet storms and rough passages, yet he must
take courage and persevere, for the end would
be everlasting rest.” After this, Wannalancet
became faithful and constant, for the most part,
in the observance of religious duties, though
he was deserted by many of his people.
    There were seven old towns of “praying In-
dians,” so called because they were first settled
in civil and religious order.
   Besides these, there were in the Nipmuck
country seven “new praying towns,” so desig-
nated because they were more recently brought
into the profession of the Christian faith.
They were on the territory now occupied by
the towns of Ward, Oxford, Uxbridge, Dudley,
and Woodstock.
    In 1673 and 1674, Eliot and Gookin jour-
neyed through this region, to scatter the seed
of divine truth, to confirm the converted, to
settle religious teachers, and to establish civil
order. On this journey, the faithful evangelist
spent the day in travelling through pathless
woods and in preaching; the evening he de-
voted to conversation in the wigwams, when
questions were heard and answered. The heart
of the good man glowed within him, as the
children of the forest gathered around him, and,
in the familiar confidence inspired by his un-
wearied affection, gazed on his countenance
with curious wonder, and sought instruction

262 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

from his lips. At one place, he preached from
the passage, “Lift up your heads, O ye gates,
and be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors, and the
King of glory shall come in.” Perhaps never,
under the splendid arches or the beautiful
carved work of an ancient cathedral, did these
words inspire more of heartfelt eloquence, than
when this holy man discoursed of them in the
forest sanctuary of the wilderness.
The travellers proceeded to other places.
Religious teachers and civil officers were ap-
pointed or confirmed. These were charged
solemnly “to be diligent and faithful for God,
zealous against sin, and careful in sanctify-
ing the Sabbath.” On the 18th of Septem-
ber, 1674, after prayer, singing, and religious
exhortation, Eliot and Gookin took leave of
these new settlements, went to Marlborough,
and thence returned to their own homes.
Within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts
there were, at this time, two Indian churches,
fourteen towns of “praying Indians,” which
were considered as established, and two others
in a state of preparation. The number of In-
dians in this whole territory was computed
by Gookin to be eleven hundred.”

* The following estimate of the whole number of “pray-
ing Indians” in 1674, at other places, as well as those
referred to above, is taken from Judge Davis's note to

JOHN ELIOT. 263

We have already seen, that Mr. Eliot's care
extended beyond the Massachusetts line. He
sometimes travelled into the jurisdiction of
Plymouth and Martha's Vineyard. These visits,
as well as his letters and example, animated
his fellow-laborers in these places to prosecute
the cause of religion among the natives. In
1670, Eliot and Cotton of Plymouth went to
Martha's Vineyard, and there, in connexion
with Mr. Mayhew, ordained for pastor of the
Indian church Hiacoomes, the first converted
native. This church, for purposes of conven-
ience, was soon divided into two, one of
which had a pastor, the other a teacher, and
both ruling elders. Soon after this, an Indian
church was gathered at Mashpee, and Mr.
Bourne ordained its pastor. His ordination
was solemnized by Mr. Eliot and Mr. Cotton,
with delegates from the Natick church and that
of the Vineyard.
A letter is extant written by Mr. Eliot, in

Morton's Memorial (pp. 407 - 415), where may be seen
further statements of the situation and number of the
Christian natives at subsequent periods.

In Massachusetts, under the care of Mr. Eliot,                                        1100
In Plymouth Colony, by Mr. Boerne's and Cotton'e account,             530
Additional number, under Cotton’s care in Plymouth Colony,             l70
On Nantucket                                                                                             300
On Martha's Vineyard and Chappaquiddick, under the care of
the Mayhews                                                                                             1500
                                                                                                           Total 3600

264 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

August, 1673, to a friend, who had asked for
information as to the state of Christianity
among the Indians generally.* Eliot states,
that six churches had been gathered among
them, one at Natick, one at Hassanamesit,†
one at Mashpee, two at Martha's Vineyard,
and one at Nantucket. These churches had
been formed in the same way as among the
English. They were all furnished with reli-
gious officers, except the church at Natick,
where, says Mr. Eliot, “in modesty they stand
off, because, so long as I live, they say there is
no need.” This favorite church, the first
planted by his special care and labor, might
well regard him as their only spiritual father.
There is something touching in their affection-
ate reverence for the apostle, which would al-
low them to receive no other teacher, while his
hallowed voice could be heard.
In these churches of the natives, the ordi-
nances were administered, and discipline exer-
cised, as in all other churches. Mr. Eliot vin-
dicated his converts from every suspicion of
heresy, with a zeal that is amusing, though it
was so sincere; for, as yet, how or where
would the poor Indians be likely to become
heretics? He endeavored to persuade his
brethren and the elders in the churches, that

* 1 M. H. Coll., X. 124. † Grafton.

266 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER XIV.

Letter from Eliot to Governor Prince. – Suffer-
   ings and Conduct of the Christian Indians dur-
   ing Philip's War, and Eliot's Solicitude on
   their Behalf.

OF the troubles, which preceded the war
with Philip, Mr. Eliot was no inattentive ob-
server. Those who are acquainted with Indian
history will recollect, that, before that war
broke out, much alarm had been excited in
Plymouth Colony by some threatening indica-
tions from that spirited and restless chieftain.
Fears were entertained, that the Indians about
Plymouth might be induced to join his stand-
ard, and constitute an alliance formidable to
the security and peace of the colony. The
government of Plymouth took measures to sup-
press or prevent such movements. The na-
tives in several places had been required to
surrender their arms. Hostile appearances for
the present ceased; for Philip at length re-
newed the covenant of peace and friendship
with the English, and agreed to resign his
arms to be kept by them as long as they should
find reason for so doing.*

* Hutchinson, Vol. L p. 254 et seq., and DRAKE’S Book
of the Indians, B. III. p. 18.

JOHN ELIOT. 267

In relation to this subject, Mr. Eliot in June,
1671, wrote a letter of advice to Mr. Prince,
Governor of Plymouth, which I shall here in-
sert, and which I believe has never before been
published. The address is, “To the Right
Worshipful Mr. Prince, Governor of Plimouth.”

“Sir,
“Let not my boldnesse in medling with your
state matters be an offence unto you; and, this
request being humbly premised, I shall be
bold to suggest my poor advice, that stoute
people, who refuse to render their armes, be
pursued with speed and vigor until they stoop,
and quake, and give up (at least) some of their
armes; which done, immediately give them to
them again; and first Phillip his, the sooner
the better. My reasons are; first, lest we ren-
der ourselves more afraid of them and their
guns than indeed we are, or have cause to be;
alass, it is not the gun, but the man, nor in-
deed is it the man, but our sin, that we have
cause to be afraid of; secondly, your so doing
will open an effectual door to their entertainment
of the Gospel. Our worthys, by the assistance
of the Lord, have vigorously prosecuted and
executed the murderer. This act of eminent
justice hath and will strike more terror into
them than ten disarmings, though in due sea-
son that is a prudent way too. But I shall

268 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

give you no further trouble at present, but,
committing you to the Lord and to the word of
his grace, I remain
    “Your Worship's to serve you
           "in the Lord Jesus,
                "JOHN ELIOT
"Roxb., this 16th of the 4th, '71.”

   This advice seems to have been given with
the best intentions, and, however strange it
might seem to men alarmed as the Plymouth

* Mr. Eliot's autograph of the above letter is in the
possession of Judge Davis of Boston. To the kindness of
that distinguished jurist and scholar I am indebted for per-
mission to take this copy. Judge Davis has done me the
favor to accompany his transmission of the letter with the
following remarks. “Mr. Eliot's advice must have ap-
peared a little odd to the statesmen of the day; but Gov-
ernor Prince appears to have yielded to it in part, or at
least to have pursued the course recommended, in refer-
ence to some of the Indians. (See his letter to Goodman
Cooke, August 24th, 1671, 1 M. H. Coll., V. 196.) The In-
dians there intended were, I suppose, those in the neigh-
borhood of Dartmouth.”
With regard to the murderer, to whom Eliot alludes in
the letter, Judge Davis gives the following explanation.
“Hutchinson in a note (Vol. I. p. 258) speaks of 'an Eng-
lishman shot through the body in Dedham woods in the
spring of the year 1671,' and says, that 'an Indian, the sup-
posed murderer, was taken and imprisoned.' 'But,' adds
Hutchinson, 'whether he was executed or not, I do not
find; but it kept the colony in an alarm for some time.' Is
it not probable, that this is 'the murderer' mentioned in
Eliot's letter?”

JOHN ELIOT. 269

people then were, it was probably not injudi-
cious. It may be questioned whether it was
wisely done to disarm the Indians, or at least
to detain their guns. The second of the rea-
sons, which Mr. Eliot gives for his opinion,
shows that he never lost sight of the interests
of his favorite cause.
The work of planting Christianity among the
Indians had at this period reached its highest
state of prosperity. It had received its lead-
ing impulse from the hands of one devoted in-
dividual. From humble beginnings, through
difficulties and discouragements, it had, for
nearly thirty years, gradually gained strength
and found favor, till he who made his first
doubtful and almost hopeless visit to the wig-
wams of Nonantum, could range over a wide
region, or send his thoughts to far distant hills
and forests, with the cheering consciousness,
that God had blessed his toil, and that foun-
tains of life were opened to refresh the waste
places. It was to the aged apostle a season
of such happiness, as is known only to the
heart that gives itself up, as an offering on the
altar of a righteous cause. But the scene was
to be changed. It is. a melancholy thought,
that the close of this good man's life should
have been saddened by seeing his long cher-
ished hopes overcast with a cloud of discour-
agement. Philip's war, which spread such terror

270 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and devastation through some parts of New
England, smote heavily upon the Christian en-
terprise among the natives, and filled the hearts
of its ardent friends with that distress, which
the good feel, when the anticipations of pious
benevolence are defeated.
Mr. Eliot was seventy-one years old, when the
war with Philip began, but was still strong, ac-
tive, and full of the Christian zeal which had an-
imated his earlier days. It does not fall within
my province to discuss the character of Philip.
That be was an able, bold, and astute chief,
no one can deny. His lofty and regal spirit
was strikingly exemplified in his answer to an
ambassador, sent to him by the Governor of
Massachusetts. “Your Governor,” said he,
“is but a subject; I will not treat except with
my brother, King Charles of England.”* Like
his father, Massassoit, he would neither re-
ceive the Christian religion himself, nor permit
it to be introduced among his subjects. We are
informed, that when Mr. Eliot once offered to
preach Christianity to him and his people, he
rejected the offer with disdain, and, taking hold

* We learn this from a tract entitled, “The Present
State of New England with respect to the Indian War,
&c.; faithfully composed by a Merchant of Boston, and
communicated to his Friend in London; “first printed at
London in 1675, and republished at Boston in 1833, by
S. G. Drake. Seep. 68.

JOHN ELIOT. 271

of a button on the apostle's coat, told him he
cared no more for the Gospel than for that
button. It seems, however, that a hope of his
conversion was at one time entertained. So,
at least, Gookin testifies, and affirms that he
himself had heard him use expressions, which
implied, that his conscience was touched by
good influences.* But, if such soft moments
of relenting ever came, they were soon ban-
ished by the habitually strong passions of the
wild sachem. The voice of holy persuasion,
which reached the hearts of so many in the
forest, could not subdue him. The war-cry,
which rang through the woods and echoed from
the hills, was more pleasant music to his ear,
than all the eloquent words of peace and love
which the good evangelist could utter.
When the war commenced, it was to be ex-
pected that those Indians, who were supposed
to be united with the English by religious sym-
pathy, would find little mercy at the hands of
Philip. He might hope to win or frighten
some of them to his side; but for the most
part he could regard them only with feelings
of hostility. The annoyance and the injury,
which might come from this quarter, were to
be anticipated as the natural results of a state
of war. But the Christian Indians incurred

* 1 M. H. Coll., I. 200.

272 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

another and more trying calamity from a source,
to which they looked only for kindness. The
English soon began to regard them with stern
suspicion and angry apprehension. There was
little or no confidence in their fidelity. It was
believed, that they would, at any moment, by
craft or open alliance, render all the assistance
in their power to the hostile Indians. This
became the popular sentiment; and under its
influence Mr. Eliot's hapless converts suffered
the harshest injustice. It was their hard fate
to have the good will of neither party in the
war; to be treated by Philip as allies of the
English, and to be sharply suspected by the
English of a secret but determined leaning
towards Philip.*

* My principal guide in this part of my narrative has
been a very interesting manuscript, written by Gookin, to
which I have already occasionally referred. Its title is,
An Historical Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the
Christian Indians in New England in the Years 1675, 1676,
1677. Impartially drawn by One well acquainted with that
Affair, and presented unto the Right Honorable the Corpora-
tion residing in London, &c. It is preceded by Gookin's
“Epistle Dedicatory to the Honorable Robert Boyle,” and
by a letter from Mr. Eliot to Gookin “upon his perusal of
it.” Eliot testifies to the accuracy of the narrative. “I
do not see,” he says, “that any man or orders of men can
find just cause of excepting against (human frailties ex-
cepted) any thing that you have written.”
This manuscript was loaned to Mr. Sparks by the Rev.
Mr. Campbell of Pittsburg, who procured it in England,

JOHN ELIOT. 273

The circumstances of the time account for
this inflamed state of popular feeling against
the Christian Indians. A fierce and powerful
enemy was ravaging the country. The flames
of burning villages glared in the darkness of
midnight; the scalping-knife, the arrow, and
firearms were lurking in ambush by day. In
the storms of winter, and amidst the sunshine
of summer, an insidious and cruel warfare was
ever in progress, and dismay struck upon every
settlement. The passions of the people were
naturally exasperated to the highest pitch
against those, the dread of whose incursions
disturbed the slumbers of night, and surround-
ed the labors of the field with peril. The
usual epithets applied to the savage foe were
“wolves, blood-hounds, fiends, devils incar-
nate”; and Increase Mather uttered the com-
mon sentiment, when he said, that the English
did not “cease crying to the Lord against
Philip, until they had prayed the bullet into
his heart.”
Under intense alarm, men are apt to lose
sight of the distinction between justice and

and allowed Mr. Sparks to have a copy taken. It is now
about to be published by the American Antiquarian Society
in Worcester. It contains much that cannot be learned
from any other source, and, though perhaps the narrative
is sometimes colored by the partialities of the writer, is
doubtless in all important points faithful and correct.

VOL. V. 18

274 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

injustice, between right and wrong. The peo-
ple in general, perhaps, were but little ac-
quainted with the Praying Indians; and if
they had been, they might easily believe that
their adoption of the Christian religion would
not effectually repress the impulse to return, in
the hour of warlike excitement, to their brethren
of the woods, from whom they had been separ-
ated only by the slender line of an imperfect
civilization. These men had also been among
the English; and, knowing their habits and
their force, might be the more dangerous,
should they go over to the enemy. Besides,
suspicion, which under any circumstances would
be likely to turn a watchful and keen eye upon
them, was inflamed by the fact, that some did
leave their settlements, and join the arms of
Philip.* though by far the greater part were
true to the English interest. These circum-
stances, while they do not justify, may account
for that blind excitement, which would not
stop to separate between the innocent and the
guilty, but involved all the Praying Indians

* These were almost wholly from what were called the
new praying towns, who, says Gookin, “being but raw and
lately initiated into the Christian profession, most of them
fell off from the English and joined with the enemy in the
war, some few excepted.” The old towns remained faith-
ful, but the indignation of popular feeling did not attend to
the distinction.

JOHN ELIOT. 275

in one common proscription. From the indis-
criminate resentment, however, which pervad-
ed the mass of the community, the magistrates
and government were, for the most part, ex-
empt; but they were seldom able to stem the
violence of the popular current.
On many occasions the Christian Indians
rendered good and faithful service during the
war, and were ambitious of acquitting them-
selves to the satisfaction of the English. In
July, 1675, Captain Hutchinson and Captain
Wheeler were sent to treat with the Indians in
the Nipmuck country. Three Christian Indians
accompanied the expedition, as guides and in-
terpreters, and so faithfully performed their
duties, that the most ample testimony to their
good conduct was given by the commanding
officers. One of them was taken prisoner.
But, notwithstanding their services, the two
who returned were treated with so much harsh-
ness by the English, that “for want of shelter,
protection, and encouragement,” as Gookin
affirms, “they were in a manner constrained to
fall off to the enemy.” One of them was kill-
ed by a scouting party of Praying Indians.
The other was taken prisoner, sold as a slave
in Boston, and sent to Jamaica. By the earn-
est intercession of Mr. Eliot, he was brought
back, but still held in slavery. His wife and

276 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

his two children, who were also in captivity,
were redeemed by Mr. Eliot.
In August, 1675, a number of the Christian
Indians at Marlborough were seized and sent
to Boston for trial, on the charge of having
been concerned in the murder of several per-
sons at Lancaster. The accusation was ground-
less, and the whole affair was believed to have
been a malicious proceeding. During the trial,
Eliot and Gookin made every effort in their
power to save these men from being sacrificed
to popular fury, and 'thereby brought upon
themselves the indignation of those, whose
passions had heated them into a thirst for the
blood of the Indians. The venerable evangel-
ist and the faithful magistrate were reviled,
and subjected to the most injurious suspicions.
An anecdote may illustrate this state of
feeling. Mr. Eliot was once on a sailing ex-
cursion, when the boat in which he had taken
passage was run down and overset by a large
vessel. Eliot was in great danger of sinking
to a watery grave, but by strenuous effort was
happily rescued. This happened in the time
of the Indian war, when the excitement against
him was high; and one man, full of the popu-
lar fury, hearing how narrowly Mr. Eliot had
escaped, said he wished he had been drowned.*

* Life of Eliot in the MAGNALIA, Part I. Article V.

JOHN ELIOT. 277

Gookin was publicly insulted, while acting as
a member of the court. He said on the bench,
that he was afraid to walk in the streets.
Facts like these mark the exasperated state
of popular feeling on this subject, and prove
that it required no common firmness in Mr.
Eliot and his friend, at such a time, to plead
the cause of those whom they supposed to be
innocent. They were ever on the alert to pro-
tect their defenceless converts, and, with a
courage inspired by Christian principle, shrunk
from no danger or obloquy. Their judgment
may have been in some instances biassed by
the partiality of zeal; but their moral intre-
pidity was worthy of all praise.
In consequence of the prevalent excitement,
the court passed an order, that the Indians at
Natick should be forthwith removed to Deer
Island, having first obtained the consent of the
owner of that island.* Captain Thomas Pren-
tiss, with a party of horse, was appointed to
superintend their removal. He took a few men
to assist, and five or six carts to carry away
such commodities as would be indispensable
for the Indians; When he arrived at Natick,
and made known to them the pleasure of the
court, they sadly but quietly submitted, and
were soon ready to follow him. Their number

* Mr. Samuel Shrimpton, of Boston.

278 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

was about two hundred, including men, women,
and children. They were ordered to a place
called The Pine, on Charles River, two miles
above Cambridge, where boats were to be in
readiness to take them to the island. At this
place, their spiritual father and ever faithful
friend, Mr. Eliot, met them, to say a few kind
and consoling words before they embarked.
While he sympathized in their sorrows, he ex-
horted them to be patient under suffering and
firm in their faith, reminding them that through
much tribulation they must enter into the king-
dom of God.
There is an affecting moral beauty in this
scene. That settlement, towards which the
heart of the good apostle bad yearned alike
through seasons of discouragement and of
hope; the foundations of which were laid by his
own hands and hallowed by his own prayers;
where the tree of life, as he believed, was firm-
ly rooted in the wilderness; where, by the pa-
tient labor of years, he had made the word of
God understood, and had reared civil and so-
cial institutions; that settlement, which prob-
ably next to his own home he loved better than
any thing else on earth, is suddenly broken up,
in consequence of a misguided excitement, and
its inhabitants are hurried away from their
fields and homes into what is little better than
an imprisonment. At the hour of their depar-

JOHN ELIOT. 279

ture, the venerable man, on whose head more
than seventy winters had shed their frosts,
stands with them on the bank of the river to
pour forth his prayers for them, to mingle his
tears with theirs, and to teach them the lesson,
not of resentment against man, out of submis-
sion to God, the lesson of meekness and of
strong endurance. The whole company pres-
ent were deeply affected to see the quiet resig-
nation “of the poor souls, encouraging and
exhorting one another with prayers and tears.”
On the 30th of October, 1675, about midnight,
when the tide served, they embarked in three
vessels and were transported to their destined
confinement on Deer Island.
The slightest occurrence was enough to kin-
dle the passions of the English into outrage.
A barn in Chelmsford, full of hay and grain,
was burnt to the ground. This was afterwards
discovered to have been done by some skulk-
ing Indians of the enemy's. party. But the in-
habitants of the place at once imputed the
crime to the Christian Indians of Wamesit, and
in the heat of resentment, without further in-
quiry, determined on revenge. Fourteen men
from Chelmsford went with arms to their wig-
wams, and called to them to come out. When
they, suspecting no harm, appeared, two of the
men fired upon them. One lad was killed, and
five women and children were wounded. The

280 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

murderers were soon arrested and brought to
trial; but were acquitted by a jury acting under
the influence of the popular exasperation. The
Wamesit Indians were so frightened by this
brutal assault, that most of them fled from
their settlement far into the forests, and re-
mained there a long time exposed to cold and
hunger.
Attempts were made to induce them to re-
turn; but the remembrance of the day when
their wives and children were shot down like
wild beasts was still fresh, and they refused.
They, however, sent by the messengers a let-
ter, addressed to Lieutenant Henchman of
Chelmsford, in which there was a passage,
which must have brought a blush to the faces
of men calling themselves Christians. “We
are not sorry,” they said, “for what we leave
behind; but we are sorry, that the English
have driven us from our praying to God, and
from our teacher. We did begin to understand
a little of praying to God.” But at length
winter and hunger drove them back to their
wigwams.
When their return was made known at Bos-
ton, a committee, consisting of Mr. Eliot, Ma-
jor Gookin, and Major Willard, was appointed
to visit them with a message of friendship and
encouragement, and to persuade the people of
Chelmsford into a better temper towards them.

JOHN ELIOT. 281

The committee discharged their duty promptly
by doing their utmost to restore quiet and am-
ity. They were also directed to visit Concord,
where the Nashobah Indians were then living.
These they placed under the care of Mr. John
Hoare, their firm friend, who allowed them to
establish their wigwams on his grounds near
his house.
The sachem Wannalancet, who has been be-
fore mentioned, had retired to some distance
from his usual residence on the Merrimac; but
he continued friendly to the English. In the
autumn of 1675, Messrs. Eliot and Gookin
were sent on an embassy to urge him to
return to his accustomed place of residence.
In a letter to Boyle, October, 1677, Mr. Eliot
writes thus; “We had a sachem, of the great-
est blood in the country, submitted to pray to
God, a little before the wars. His name is
Wannalancet. In the time of the wars he fled,
by reason of the wicked actings of some Eng-
lish youth, who causelessly and basely killed
and wounded some of them. He was persuad-
ed to come in again. But, the English having
ploughed and sown with rye all their lands,
they had but little corn to subsist by.”
The Christian Indians from Punkapog,* on
some slight pretence, were removed to Deer

* Stoughton.

282 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Island, as others had been from various places.
The whole number of those now collected there
amounted to about five hundred. They were
necessarily exposed to much suffering. To-
wards the end of December, 1675, Gookin,
Eliot, and others visited them several times to
cheer them under their trials. They found
these objects of their benevolent care uniform-
ly patient and humble, never disposed to mur-
mur at the treatment they had received, and
exhibiting in their whole temper much of the
spirit of practical Christianity. Such is the
testimony of Gookin; and, however inclined
he might be to look on the favorable side of
the case; he was certainly too conscientious to
overstate their merits purposely, and too sa-
gacious to be much deceived. Must not a
great part of their Christian deportment un-
der suffering be ascribed to the affectionate
instruction and powerful influence of Mr.
Eliot?
Wherever the Christian Indians were found,
they seem to have been considered as fair prey
by the English soldiers. Some of them, who
belonged to Hassanamesit, with their religious
teacher, had been taken prisoners by the ene-
my. These men had endeavored to effect an es-
cape, and so far succeeded as to get away from
the enemy's quarters. They were wandering
in the woods, when they were met by a party

JOHN ELIOT. 283

of scouts under the command of Captain Gibbs,
who plundered them of the few things they
had, and among the rest of a pewter cup, which
Mr. Eliot had formerly given them to be used
in the communion service, and which the In-
dian teacher had religiously preserved. The
Captain took them to General Savage, the com-
manding officer, who did all in his power to
protect them. But they were afterwards ex-
posed to much cruel treatment. The Indian
teacher, with his aged father and several chil-
dren, was sent to Boston. There they were
kindly entertained by a friend, at whose house
Mr. Eliot met them; and gave them much con-
solation and good advice. They were after-
wards sent to Deer Island.
In the summer of the same year, a consider-
able number of the Christian natives were em-
ployed in the army against Philip. Perhaps
the popular sentiment against them had by this
time become somewhat softened. At any rate
the government were determined to avail them-
selves of the aid of these men; and the confi-
dence reposed in them was not misplaced.
They proved good soldiers, true to the English
interest, brave, adroit, and adventurous. “I
contend,” says Gookin, “that the small com-
pany of our Indian friends have taken and
slain of the enemy, in the summer of 1676, not
less than four hundred; and their fidelity and

284 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

courage are testified by the certificates of their
captains.” Their acquaintance with the In-
dian modes of movement and fighting rendered
them a very efficient part of the army. When
the strongest and best of their number were
thus withdrawn from the island, the rest, who
were either women or old and feeble men, suf-
fered much from the want of provisions and
of proper care.
Soon after this the General Court gave per-
mission for their removal from the islands,*
taking care, however, to provide that it should
be done without any expense to the colony.
They were accordingly removed, under the
superintendence of Gookin, at the charge of
the corporation in England. They were taken
to Cambridge, where Mr. Thomas Oliver offered
them a residence for the present on his lands,
near Charles River. Here they found a con-
venient place for fishing. Many of them were
very ill, some dangerously so, at the time of
their removal. The assiduous, and never-
wearied charity of Eliot and Gookin was called
into constant exercise. They took means to
provide the Indians with wholesome food, and
with such care and medicines, as their sickness

* It appears from Gookin, that many of the Indians, at
this time, were on Long Island, in Boston harbour, while
others, as before mentioned, occupied Deer Island.

JOHN ELIOT. 285

required. By this kind attention most of them
recovered.
Philip, the white man's dreaded enemy, was
now dead, and probably the feeling of hostil-
ity to the Praying Indians lost much of its
heat. Before winter they removed from their
residence in Cambridge. Some settled about
the falls of Charles River, and some stationed
themselves at Nonantum, the spot where thirty
years before Mr. Eliot had first preached the
Gospel to the natives. Here one of their
teachers, named Anthony, built a large wigwam,
in which the meetings for lectures were held,
and a school kept during the winter. Mr. Eliot
preached to them once a fortnight at the place,
in which he began his course of pious useful-
ness, and which must have awakened in his
mind the most interesting associations. He
also lectured to another set of Indians, who had
been brought from one of the islands, and were
settled near Brush Hill in Milton. The aged
and the widows among the Christian natives
were supplied with clothing and all other ne-
cessary commodities, at the expense of the Eng-
lish corporation. By the aid of this charity,
and by the venison and fish the men were able
to procure, the settlements were comfortably
supported. Winter being past, most of the
Praying Indians returned to their old settle-
ments at Natick and at the other plantations.

286 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

On one occasion, when a court was held and
Mr. Eliot had lectured to a large assembly of
the Praying Indians, Waban made a speech in
the name of the rest, which must have been
very gratifying to their English friends. It
was full of simple piety, humility, and thank-
fulness. The Indian orator acknowledged with
deep feeling the kindness of the corporation
in England, and of their friends in Massachu-
setts, touched lightly upon the sufferings they
had lately experienced, and rejoiced that his
brethren had been enabled by their good con-
duct, as soldiers, to gain so much favor and
acceptance. Gookin replied to this speech in
a few plain, affectionate, and pious remarks,
assuring them of continued friendship, and ex-
horting them to bear their cross wisely and
meekly.
The consequences of the war with Philip in-
flicted a disastrous blow on the progress of
Christianity among the Indians, from which it
never entirely recovered. Many of their vil-
lages were broken up; and a feeling of dis-
couragement weakened those that remained.
How could it be otherwise? The friendly sen-
timent so necessary to the successful diffusion
of religion, especially among rude minds, had
just grown warm, and was beginning to ce-
ment a bond of moral union between the untu-
tored men of the forest and their civilized

JOHN ELIOT. 287

neighbors, when it was suddenly sundered by
the strong passions, that sprung from the heat
of a terrific warfare. After this rupture, it
was a hard work to reunite sympathies, which
were broken before they had time to coalesce
firmly. There would be bitter remembrances,
which might be smothered, but could hardly
fail to throw a chill upon the persuasions of
the English Christians.
These effects of Philip's war unhappily oc-
curred at a time, when the civil and religious
improvements among the Praying Indians
were new, and, being at best but feebly estab-
lished, were ill prepared for such a shock. If
the sense of wrong did not rankle in the minds
of the natives, they must at least have felt, that,
in case of any emergency, they were powerless
and insecure; and if the pointed remark of
Tacitus, that it is the disposition of mankind
to hate those whom they have injured,* be as
true as it is sad, many of the Massachusetts
people could entertain but little kindness for
their fellow-men of the woods.

* “Proprium humani ingenii est, odisee quem laeseris,”
-- De Vita Agricolae, 42. Seneca ascribes the same dispo-
sition peculiarly to those; who are inflated with power and
fortune; "Hoc habent pessimum animi magna fortuna in-
solentes; quos laeserunt et oderunt.” -- De Ira, II. 33.

288 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER XV.

Eliot's “Harmony of the Gospels.”--lnformation
   gathered from his Letters to Robert Boyle. --
   Notice of him by John Dunton and Increase
   Mather. --Indian Teacher ordained at Natick.
   -- Remarks on Eliot's Labors among the Indians.

AMIDST all the cares, with which the hands
and the heart of Mr. Eliot were full, his pen
was not idle even in old age. In 1678, he pub-
lished The Harmony of the Gospels in the holy
History of the Humiliation and Sufferings of Je-
sus Christ from his Incarnation to his Death and
Burial.* The beginning of the title might
mislead the expectations of a reader at the
present day. It is not what would now be
called a Harmony of the Gospels, but rather a
Life of the Savior, presenting a connected
view of the events recorded in the evangeli-
cal history, with few comments of a critical na-
ture, but with many illustrative and practical
remarks. It breathes a deep spirit of piety;

* This is a closely printed volume of one hundred and
thirty-one pages, from the press of John Foster, the first
printer in Boston.

JOHN ELIOT. 289

and the style has the unction, energy, and fer-
vent simplicity imparted by such a spirit. Its
theological character is what might be ex-
pected from the author's religious opinions,
and those of his times. Of these, different
estimates would be formed by different read-
ers, according to their habits of thinking on
these subjects. The volume is free from po-
lemical bitterness, and presents a valuable
specimen of the manner of treating the topics
connected with the history of Jesus, by one of
the most distinguished of the early divines
of New England.
By the occasional letters of Mr. Eliot to
Robert Boyle, between 1670 and 1688, we are
made acquainted with some of the subjects,
which occupied his thoughts at that time. He
sometimes mentions facts, which he supposed
might interest Mr. Boyle, as a philosophical in-
quirer into nature. He relates, for instance,
the great mortality among the fish in Fresh
Pond, which took place in the summer of 1670,*
and the increase of the disease of the stone

* Hubbard assigns this event to the summer of 1676.
(General History, p. 648.) Mr. Eliot says the fish thrust
themselves out of the water on the shore, as fast as possi-
ble, and there died. Not less than twenty cart-loads lay
dead around the pond. Hubbard remarks, "It was con-
ceived to be the effect of some mineral vapor, that at that
time had made an irruption into the water.”

VOL. V. 19

290 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

among both the English and Indians, the cause
of which he thought he had discovered.
In speaking of the disturbance occasioned,
and the losses sustained, by the war with the
eastern Indians, he remarks, that the colonists
had learned by experience “the vanity of mili-
tary skill after the European mode,” in their
encounters with the savages. “Now,” he
adds, “we are glad to learn the skulking way
of war.”* He alludes also to the disasters
suffered from the incursions of the fierce Mo-
hawks, a narrative of which Gookin had drawn
up, and presented to Lord Culpepper and Sir
Edmund Andros. A copy of this narrative
was to be sent to Mr. Boyle.
Information concerning the second edition
of the Indian Bible, while it was in process,

* It cost the English some time and a good deal of care-
ful attention to understand and meet the insidious mode of
Indian warfare. At first, Gookin informs us, they “thought
easily to chastise the insolent doings and murderous prac-
tices of the heathens. But it was found another manner
of thing than was expected; for our men could see no en-
emy to shoot at, but yet felt their bullets out of the thick
bushes, where they lay in ambushments. The enemy also
used this stratagem, to apparel themselves from the waist
upward with green boughs, that our Englishmen could not
readily discern them, or distinguish them from the natural
bushes. This manner of fighting our men had little expe-
rience of, and hence were under great disadvantages.”--
Historical Account, &c. Captain Church discovered some
of the principles, which the savages observed in their crafty

JOHN ELIOT. 291

is frequently given in these letters. Mr. Boyle
had sent a number of English Bibles, for which
Eliot returns his cordial thanks, but reminds
his honored correspondent, that to have the
Scriptures in their own tongue was the great
want of the Indians. He says, “Our Praying
Indians, both in the islands and on the main,
are considered together numerous; thousands
of souls, of whom some are believers, some
learners, and some still infants; and all of
them beg, cry, entreat for Bibles, having al-
ready enjoyed that blessing, but now are in
great want.”
It had been a source of deep grief to Mr.
Eliot, that many of the Indians captured dur-
ing the wars were sold into slavery. He
regarded this practice with that indignant ab-
horrence, which it ought to excite in every

mode of fighting. He “inquired of some of the Indians
that were become his soldiers, how they got such advan-
tage, often, of the English in their marches through the
woods. They told him, that the Indians gained great ad-
vantage of the English by two things; they always took
care, in their marches and fights, not to come too thick to-
gether, but the English always kept in a. heap together, so
that it was as easy to hit them as to hit a house. The
other was, that, if at any time they discovered a company
of English soldiers in the woods, they knew that there
were all, for the English never scattered; but the Indians
always divided and scattered.” – CHURCH’S History of
Philip's War, Drake's edition, p. 108.

292 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Christian bosom. He remonstrated warmly
against the iniquity; but the temper of the
times, in respect to the Indians, was but little
inclined to listen to reason or humanity.
By a letter, written in 1683, it appears, that
he was on the watch for an opportunity to re-
lieve some of those, who had suffered in this
way. He informs Mr. Boyle, that a vessel had
formerly carried away a number of these cap-
tives to be sold for slaves, but that “the na-
tions whither she went would not buy them.”
She had afterwards left them at Tangier, and
Mr. Eliot had heard of them through an Eng-
lishman, who had lately come from that place.
He entreats Mr. Boyle to use his mediation for
their deliverance, so that they might be re-
stored to their homes, either by a direct pas-
sage to New England, or by being sent to
England and thence to America. He presses
this matter with all the earnestness of a benev-
olent heart, and says of the effort for the res-
cue of these men, which he requests Mr. Boyle
to make, “I am persuaded, that Christ will at
the great day reckon it among your deeds of
charity done for his name's sake.” Whether
the application was successful, I have not been
able to discover. This noble spirit of human-
ity, this strong sense of justice, on behalf of
the oppressed and the wronged, when pub-
lic sensibility was dead on the subject, does

JOHN ELIOT. 293

great honor to Eliot's character. However
they might be despised or forgotten by others,
in him they found a true and fearless friend.*
    Mr. Boyle had requested a particular account
of the Praying Indians. Eliot's reply was
written in 1684, and gives a brief statement
of their condition at that time. Since Philip's
war, the stated places in Massachusetts, where
the natives met foe. worship and religious in-
struction, had been reduced to four.† Occa-
sional meetings were held in other places, when
they came together in large numbers to fish,
hunt, or gather chestnuts.

    * Speaking of the fate of Philip's wife and son, Mr. Ev-
erett says, “They were sold into slavery, -- West Indian
slavery! an Indian princess and her child sold from the
cool breezes of Mount Hope, from the wild freedom of a
New England forest, to gasp under the lash, beneath the
blazing sun of the tropics! ‘Bitter as death;’ ay, bitter
as hell! Is there any thing, I do not say in the range of
humanity, -- is there any thing animated, that would not
struggle against this?” -- Address at Bloody Brook, p. 28.
Well may we add, in the language of a poem, which has
many striking beauties,
     “Ah! happier they, who in the strife
     For freedom fell, than o'er the main,
     Those who in slavery's galling chain
        Still bore the load of hated life,--
     Bowed to base tasks their generous pride,
     And scourged and broken-hearted died!”
                       Yamoyden, Canto I. 10.

† These were Natick and the towns now called Stough-
ton, Tewksbury, and Dudley

294 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

A new assistant in the work had been re-
ceived in the person of Gookin's son, a pious
and learned man, thirty-three years of age,
who had been eight years “a fellow of the col-
lege.” He was settled in the ministry at Sher-
burne, and once a month gave a lecture at Na-
tick, which was communicated to the Indians
by an interpreter. Mr. Gookin was learning
the language of the natives, that he might
preach to them with more efficiency. The heart
of the aged Eliot must have been gladdened,
as he was soon to be gathered to his fathers,
to see the cause sustained by the youthful arm
of the son of his beloved friend.
It is worthy of remark, that one of Eliot's
letters to Mr. Boyle is dated “August 29th,
1686, in the third month of our overthrow.” This
expression is presumed to refer to the change
in the government of the colonies by the dis-
solution of the charters and to the appointment
of Sir Edmund Andros, as Governor-General
of New England. The people felt it to be in-
deed a season of “overthrow.” A deep senti-
ment of indignation and alarm pervaded the
community. They could no longer choose their
own governors, but were compelled to take
such as the royal authority designated. The
accession of James the Second to the throne of
England they believed to be the signal for op-
pression and tyranny; and the conduct of the

JOHN ELIOT. 295

new governor soon justified their fears. Mr.
Eliot begins his letter with saying, “I have
nothing new to write but lamentations.” This
was an expression of the general feeling of the
country.
Eliot's last letter to Mr. Boyle, in which,
being eighty-four years old, he says with af-
fecting simplicity, “I am drawing home, and
am glad of an opportunity to take my leave of
your Honor with all thankfulness,” expresses
a hope of the revival of the Christian cause
among the natives. It is pleasant to find, that
the light of hope sometimes fell upon the last
days of the venerable evangelist, instead of
the sadness which would have darkened them,
could he have looked into the future, and seen
that those for whom he labored were doomed
to vanish before the white man, instead of
sharing with him the blessings of civilization
and Christianity.
Among those who have recorded their notice
of Mr. Eliot and his doings, should be men-
tioned that amusing bookseller and writer,
John Dunton, who visited New England in
1685. He bears a full testimony to the good
effects of the apostle's labors for the Indians.
“I have been an eyewitness,” he affirms, “of
the wonderful success, which the Gospel of
peace has had amongst them. Their manners
became less barbarous; they formed themselves

296 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

into more regular societies, and began to live
after the English fashion.”*
Increase Mather wrote a letter in 1687 to
Leusden, Professor of Hebrew in the Uni-
versity of Utrecht, in which he presents a
sketch of the progress and condition of the
converted Indians, and of course makes favor-
able mention of Mr. Eliot.† But there is little
to be gathered from it in addition to what we
learn from other sources. With regard to the
religious language used by the Indians, the
writer makes the following remark; “Before
the English came into these coasts, these bar-
barous natives were altogether ignorant of the
true God; hence it is, that in their prayers and
sermons they use English words and terms; he
that calls upon the most holy name of God,
says Jehovah, or God, or Lord; and also they
have learned and borrowed many other theo-
logical phrases from us.” This was naturally
the expedient, which a people would adopt,
when the ideas they wished to embody in
words, being in some respects new to them,
could find no precise expression in their own
tongue. With the new religion they would
necessarily learn some new words, and inter-
weave them with their own phraseology. When

* See DUNTON'S Life and Errors, Vol. I. pp. 115 -122.
† See Cotton Mather's Life of Eliot, in the MAGNALIA,
Part III.

JOHN ELIOT. 297

Increase Mather. wrote this letter, Mr. Eliot
was bowed under the weight of eighty-three
years; yet he still preached to his Indian dis-
ciples as often as once in two months.
An Indian teacher, whose name was Daniel
Takawombpait, was ordained at Natick. Mr.
Eliot had an agency in his ordination; but at
what time this took place, we do not learn. It
must, however, have been before the summer of
1687; for by the above-mentioned letter of In-
crease Mather, of that date, it appears that this
man was then in the pastoral office. He died
on the 17th of September, 1716, aged sixty-
four years. A humble grave-stone marked the
spot where he was interred. It is now stand-
ing, as one of the lower stones in a wall, which
runs across his grave by the road near the
meeting-house in South Natick. The Indians
of Na tick have entirely disappeared in the
progress of years. It is unnecessary here to
give the history, or to investigate the causes,
of their decay,* which is indeed but one item
in the general story of the wasting of the abo-
riginals. At the present day, one miserable
hut, or wigwam, inhabited by three or four of
mingled Indian and Negro blood, is the only
remnant of a settlement, which its founder

* On this subject see the statements in the Reverend
Stephen Badger's letter in 1 M. H. Coll., V. 33 - 45.

298 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

hoped would prove a seminary of Christian
and social blessings for the natives of our land.
    I have now brought to a close the account of
Mr. Eliot's persevering efforts for the civil and
religious improvement of the Indians. The
story might be enlarged; but I hope enough
has been presented to give a correct concep-
tion of the task, on which this good man spent
so large a portion of his days and his strength.
   It seems impossible for any candid mind to
doubt the purity of the motives, by which Mr.
Eliot was excited to engage in this Christian
enterprise. If we may trust the evidence of his
conduct, and of all testimonies concerning him,
he was a man distinguished by singleness of
heart, one who listened to the voice of duty as
the voice of God. No one could be less likely to
make cunning calculations of personal interest
in any undertaking; for he had the guileless
simplicity of a child, as well as the firmness
of a tried Christian. What inducement, but
the hearty love of doing good, could have sent
him forth on an errand of mercy, which pre-
sented no attractions, except such as the Chris-
tian sees in every proposal for advancing the
welfare of his fellow-men.
   The design seems to have sprung up amidst
the silent workings of his own mind. No voice
of invitation or encouragement, at the first,
came to him from without. No eloquent appeal

JOHN ELIOT. 299

to his piety or his compassion was made by
others. No one had gone before him in the
enterprise, and returned to tell the story of the
red man's wants, and to rouse the white man
to supply them. He hearkened in silence to
the admonition within his breast, which he re-
vered “as God's most intimate presence in the
soul,” and which told him, that a work of be-
nevolence must be performed for the neglected
and forlorn barbarians. He went forth to per-
form it amidst discouragements and obstacles,
which were ever driving back his spirit on the
resources of faith; amidst suffering, danger,
and personal exposure, which were ever mak-
ing large demands on his power of endurance.
No trace of spiritual ambition, no mark of
self-complacency, no word of vanity appears
in the whole course of the labors of more than
forty years. He cared not who had the praise,
so the work of God were done. There have
been achievements more brilliant than his;
there have been enterprises more susceptible
of attractive embellishment in the description
than his; but none more unequivocally marked
with the spirit of Christian disinterestedness.
We cannot hesitate to yield a full assent to the
testimony of Gookin, when he affirms, that
“Mr. Eliot engaged in this great work of
preaching unto the Indians upon a very pure
and sincere account.”

300 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Nor can it be denied, that the manner, in
which he discharged his difficult duty, was
wise and judicious. No fanatical impulse, no
irrational expectation, carried him headlong
without regard to circumstances. He weighed
well the nature of the undertaking. He sought
to deal with the savage, as with a benighted
brother, who must be taken by the hand like a
child, and be led by winning means to feel his
want of a better state, till he should rejoice to
have the want supplied. No man was ever
more devoted to a task, than Mr. Eliot to his;
but it was a devotedness regulated by good
sense and by the true spirit of faith. He en-
deavored to secure a lodgment for the truths of
the Gospel, not by inculcating abstract ideas on
the mind of the Indian, nor by leading it darkly
along a chain of reasoning, which it could not
grasp, but by plain and easy expositions of the
facts and teachings of Scripture, and by famil-
iar illustrations of elementary truths, borrowed
from objects or ideas to which his hearers were
accustomed.
We have seen how much importance he
ascribed to the mechanical arts, as well as to
schools, in bringing the natives to a better
condition, and how desirous be was to make
his Indians good farmers and good artisans,
as well as good Christians. He understood and
practised upon the true doctrine on this sub-

JOHN ELIOT. 301

ject, that judicious modes of civilization and
of social improvement must proceed simulta-
neously with such simple forms of religious in-
struction, as are adapted to the mental condi-
tion of the catechumens. There were errors
and mistakes in Mr. Eliot's manner of proceed-
ing, as there have been in all similar enter-
prises; but, on the whole, there are few, if
any, better models of missionary effort, than
that which his history presents. It has been
said, probably without exaggeration, that Mr.
Eliot was the most successful missionary that
ever preached the Gospel to the Indians.
The question has been, and will be again,
asked, What after all was the use of this diffi-
cult effort, this hard toil 1 Was it not a wasted
labor? Were the Indians benefited, or was
Christianity planted with an abiding power in
their wigwams and villages? Did not the
whole disappear, like the snow-wreath in the
sun? These questions are sometimes put in a
sneering and contemptuous spirit, which be-
comes neither the Christian nor the philoso-
pher.” If the natives of our forests derived
no permanent benefit from the exertions of Mr.
Eliot and others, let it be remembered, that
these natives vanished from among men, before

* See the flippant remarks of Douglass; Summary
Historical and Political, Vol. I. p. 172.

302 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the experiment could be tried on a large scale,
and for many successive years. They dwin-
dled away in presence of the ever-restless en-
terprise of the New England settlers; and
well might they say of “the pale race” around
them,
    “They waste us, --ay, like April snow
       In the warm noon, we shrink away;
     And fast they follow, as we go
       Towards the setting day,--
     Till they shall fill the land, and we
     Are driven into the western sea.”

I do not say that blame is necessarily to be at-
tached to those, by whom they were crowded
out; for, the world over, it is, and has been,
generally a law of human progress, that civil-
ized man must overtop and displace uncivilized
man. But I say, that it ill becomes us, who
have taken possession of the broad and fair
lands of New England, to ask in derision,
what was the use of all the Christian zeal dis-
played in behalf of the race that once roamed
over our hills and plains, when we recollect
that they disappeared, to make room for us,
too soon for the great and final results of that
zeal to be fairly unfolded.
But the question may be asked, on the other
hand, Was there no good done? It is true,
indeed, that both the red man and his Christi-
anity, such as it was, vanished ere long from
the roll of existing things. But while he re-

JOHN ELIOT. 303

mained, did the religion, which he had re-
ceived, do nothing for him? True, it was a
very imperfect and rude exercise of faith; his
conceptions of what he had learned under the
name of Christianity were, as we should ex-
pect, coarse and narrow. But was even such
a form of moral life useless to him? God has
endowed spiritual truth with a power, which,
when it has once found its way to the heart,
cannot be wholly suppressed or extinguished
by any rudeness of apprehension, or any pov-
erty of knowledge.
                       “Who the line
   Shall draw, the limits of the power define,
   That even imperfect faith to man affords?”

I cannot readily believe, that any portion of
spiritual culture is entirely lost. Somewhere
and somehow it has worked, and will work, for
good. Even in the comparatively faint moral
life kindled among the Indian settlements
founded by Mr. Eliot, before they were broken
by war and discord, there was far more of the
substantial good that belongs to man in his
true attributes, than among all the tribes, who
still roamed in vaunted freedom through the
forests, unchained by any restraints of order
or religion.
But even if not one of the Indians had been
personally benefited by the labors of the apos-
tle Eliot, still those labors, like every great

304 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

benevolent effort, have answered a noble pur-
pose. They stand as the imperishable record
of good attempted by man for man; and such
a record, who, that values the moral glory of
his country, will consider as a trivial portion
of her history? It constitutes a chapter in the
annals of benevolence, which every Christian,
every friend of man, will contemplate with
pleasure, even if his gratification be mingled
with the sad reflection, that so much was done
for so small results. When the settlers of
New England came hither, and built new homes
on these shores, they and the natives, the
stranger emigrant and the old inhabitant, stood
side by side, each a portion of God's great
family. Had our fathers never cast one kind
regard on these wild men, had they never ap-
proached them in any office of kindness or
any manifestation of sympathy, had they stood
off from them in surly or contemptuous indiffer-
ence, except when occasion might serve to
circumvent or crush them, a melancholy deduc-
tion must have been made from the reverence,
with which every son of New England loves to
regard their character and doings.
But it is not so. The voice of Christian af-
fection was spoken to the savage. The accents
of pious kindness saluted his ear. For him
benevolence toiled, and faith prayed, and wis-
dom taught; and the red race did not pass

306 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER XVI.

The Studies, Preaching, Charity, and General
Habits of Mr. Eliot, during his Ministry at
Roxbury. -- His Family.

WHILE Mr. Eliot was thus for a long series
of years employed in the work, which has been
described, he had also been a faithful and labo-
rious servant of Christ in the ministry of his
own church. Few men could have carried on
two courses of service, one requiring such pe-
culiar efforts, and both sufficiently arduous,
with so much fidelity and success. His minis-
try in Roxbury was of nearly sixty years' du-
ration. For about thirty-four years of that
time, he had the assistance of colleagues at
different periods; but his own attention to the
duties of the sacred office, when at home, was
always constant and devout. When he began
to preach to the Indians, he had no colleague;
and several of the neighboring ministers occa-
sionally assisted him by attending to his duties
in Roxbury, while he was engaged in a new
field of labor. Besides the work of his mission
to the natives, his exertions among his own
people were such, as to entitle him to the char-
acter of a most devoted and able minister.

JOHN ELIOT. 307

The sketch of that part of his life, which
was spent in these duties, must necessarily be
a description of general habits, rather than a
narrative of events. Mr. Eliot uniformly pur-
sued his theological studies with untired zeal
and with distinguished success. Amidst the
active and exciting engagements, in which he
was so constantly employed, it is surprising,
that he was able to find so much leisure for
meditation and learned inquiries.
The original languages of the Bible he
studied with an exact and persevering dili-
gence proportioned to his reverence for divine
truth. The Hebrew especially he held in high
honor. So great was his veneration for this
language, that he thought it admirably adapted
to supply the desideratum of a Universal Char-
acter, the attainment of which was a problem
that exercised the ingenuity of Bishop Wilkins
and other learned men of those days. In a
letter to Richard Baxter, written in 1663, Eliot
introduces this subject. He affirms, that no
language is so well adapted, as the Hebrew, to
answer the purpose of “that long talked of
and desired design of a universal character
and language.” He quotes Jordini Hebreae Ra-
dices, in the Preface to which it is affirmed, that
the Hebrew, by “the divine artifice” of its
construction, “is capable of a regular expatia-
tion into millions of words,” Then, growing

308 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

warm in his enthusiasm, Eliot adds, “It had
need be so, for being the language which shall
be spoken in heaven, where knowledge will be
so enlarged, there will need a spacious language;
and what language fitter than this of God's
own making and composure? And why may
we not make ready for heaven in this point, by
making and fitting that language, according to
the rules of the divine artifice of it, to express
all imaginable conceptions and notions of the
mind of man in all arts and sciences.”* He
even thinks, that such a glorious result is a
subject of prophecy in Zephaniah iii. 9, and
other passages of Scripture.† Mr. Eliot's con-
fidence, that Hebrew is the language of heaven,
furnishes an amusing specimen of the whimsi-
cal notions, which a man may seriously adopt
in the ardor of a favorite study. It was not,
however, peculiar to himself; for the zeal of
other Oriental scholars had led them to defend
the same conjecture. The design of a Univer-
sal Character, on which Mr. Eliot dwelt with
so much pleasure, after having exercised the
learning and abilities of such men as Wilkins,
Dalgarno, Leibnitz, Becher,‡ and others, may

* Reliquie Baxterianae, &c., p. 294.
† The same strain of remark respecting the Hebrew oc-
curs in ELLIOT'S Communion of Churches, &c.,ch. III. p. 17.
‡ For some remarks on the views of Leibnitz on this sub-
ject, see the Eloge de M. Leibnitz par M. DE FONTENELLE;

JOHN ELIOT. 309

probably be considered as having passed into
the region of philosophical vagaries.
On the metaphysical questions of theology
Mr. Eliot appears to have bestowed some
thoughtful attention, if we may judge from oc-
casional intimations. A few remarks mani-
festing this propensity occur in the before-
mentioned letter to Baxter, whose speculations
on the freedom of the will he had read with
much satisfaction. Having referred to Genesis
i. 26, he proceeds to remark, “But what our
likeness to God is, is the question. Why may
it not admit this explication, that one chief
thing is to act, like God, according to our light
freely, by choice without compulsion, to be the
author of our own act, to determine our own
choice. This is spontaneity; the nature of the
will lieth in this.” The freedom of the will,
he thinks, was not lost by the fall; only, its
energies were wholly turned to evil. But what
difference there can be between a constraint
upon the spontaneity of the will, and an im-
possibility to act except in one direction, that

OEuvres de Fontenelle, Tome V. p. 493. An account of the
plan of Becher, an ingenious man, though a charletan, is
given in ADELUNG's Geschichte der Menschlichen Narrheit,
Vol. I. p. 138. On the subject of a philosopical or universal
language, see DUGALD STEWART, Works, Vol. I. p.149; and
COUSIN, Cours de l'Histoire de la Philosophie, Tome II.
pp. 311-315.

310 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

is, towards sin, it would be difficult to discover.
In the same letter Eliot manifests an interest,
which he had exhibited on other occasions,
in the progress of medical science. He speaks
in terms of high praise of the studies and la-
bors of the College of Physicians in London.
“By the blessing of God upon them,” says he,
“they seem to me to design such a regiment
of health, and such an exact inspection into all
diseases, and knowledge of all medicaments,
and prudence of application of the same, that
the book of divine Providence seemeth to pro-
vide for the lengthening of the life of man
again in this latter end of the world, which
would be no small advantage unto all kinds of
good learning and government. And doth not
such a thing seem to be prophesied in Isaiah
lxv. 20? If the child shall die one hundred
years old, of what age shall the old man be?
But I would not be too bold with the Holy
Scriptures.” This fashion of finding at pleas-
ure predictions in the Bible, to suit all occa-
sions, was common at that time.
The preaching of Mr. Eliot is described* as

* On this and on most points relating to the ministry
and domestic habits of the Apostle Eliot, Cotton Mather,
who was his contemporary, and knew him well, gives us
more full and important information than any other writer.
In this part of my narrative I rely chiefly on his authority.

JOHN ELIOT. 311

having been of the most skilful and efficient
kind. It was distinguished by great simplicity
and plainness, “so that,” says Mather, “the
very lambs might wade into his discourses on
those texts and themes, wherein elephants
might swim.”* His manner was usually gen-
tle and winning; but when sin was to be
rebuked or corruption combated, his voice
swelled into solemn and powerful energy, and
the heart of the transgressor shook as at the
sound that rolled from Sinai. On such occa-
sions, there were “quot verba tot fulmina, as ma-
ny thunderbolts as words.”
Carelessness or negligence in the duties of
the pulpit he could not tolerate. He always
insisted, that sermons should be prepared with
great attention, and with much mental effort,
at the same time that they were pervaded by
the sanctifying spirit of a divine influence.
He would say to one, whose preaching was of
this character, “Brother, there is oil required
for the service of the sanctuary, but it must be

* This striking, but somewhat quaint illustration was not
original with Mather, though perhaps, amidst his multifa-
rious reading, he had forgotten whence he received it.
“One of the Fathers,” says Coleridge, “has observed, that
in the New Testament there are shallows where the lamb
may ford, and depths where the elephant must swim.” --
Lay Sermon addressed to the Higher and Middle Classes,
&c., p. 58.

312 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

beaten; I praise God that your oil was so well
beaten to-day.”
     In the administration of ecclesiastical affairs,
Mr. Eliot, like most of the ministers at that
time, was an advocate for the rigorous strict-
ness of church discipline. The Congregational
form, which was the favorite one in New Eng-
land, he always loved and defended, as a happy
medium between Presbyterianism on the one
band, and Brownism, so called, on the other.
    In children, and in the young generally, Mr.
Eliot's interest was strong and hearty. He
loved them with a truly paternal kindness;
and the efforts, which he made for their good,
were not undertaken in the mechanical or cold
spirit of one, who merely does what is expected
of him as an official duty. He had a deep con-
viction of the importance of placing religious
influence strongly and largely among those
first elements, which are to be the germs of
future character. He was thoroughly persuad-
ed that the piety, which takes its root among
the pleasant feelings and tender impressions
of childhood, is likely to be more enduring,
more true to God arid the Savior, than that
which is laid upon the mind, rather than incur-
porated into it, at a subsequent period, when
the feelings have grown hard and dry.
   Mr. Eliot maintained a sympathy with the
youthful part of his flock, which could have

JOHN ELIOT. 313

been the result only of a hearty concern for
their best welfare. This man, who stood high
among the first divines of his country and
age, and whose Christian activity was ever
going forth in far-reaching enterprises of piety,
had a heart for humbler scenes, and was ever
ready, like his Master, to take little children
into his arms and bless them. He was earnest
in inculcating the duty, and able in defending
the practice, of infant baptism. He valued
highly the religious instruction given by cate-
chizing; a mode of teaching the young, to
which greater relative importance was ascribed
then, than will be assigned to it in modern
times, when more varied and more interesting
means of conveying religious truth to the mind
of the child are so generally in use. “The care
of the lambs,” said Mr. Eliot, “is one third
part of the charge over the church of God.”*
It was in the same spirit, that on all occa-
sions he pressed the importance of maintaining
good schools in the towns and settlements of
the colony. It is related, that he made this the
subject of fervent and special prayers at the
meeting of a synod in Boston. By his active
agency, a school of a high character was estab-
lished in Roxbury, for the support of which he
bequeathed a considerable part of his own

* This he said in commenting on John xxi. 15.

314 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

property. This free school was the admiration
of the neighboring towns; and Mather states,
as a result of its influence, “that Roxbury has
afforded more scholars, first for the college, and
then for the public, than any town of its big-
ness, or, if I mistake not, of twice its bigness,
in all New England.”
There was no point, on which Mr. Eliot was
more earnest in his exhortations, or more strict
in his example, than the observance of the
Sabbath. He might be said, indeed, to devote
every day to God, by devoting it to duty. But,
on the Lord's day, it was a matter of con-
science and of uniform practice with him to
consecrate his thoughts by special exercises to
spiritual communion and spiritual improve-
ment. Probably in the punctilious rigor, with
which he regulated his habits in this respect,
there was a portion of the superstitious pre-
cision that belonged to his times. But who
can doubt, that these seasons of exclusive de-
votion to the duties of religious abstraction
and meditative piety contributed much to
arm his soul with strength for the great tasks
of such a life as his 1 On the subject of the
Sabbath he had some discussion by letter
with the celebrated John Owen of England,
the most eminent divine among the Independ-
ents, who, in his answer to Eliot, lamented,
as one of the saddest frowns of Providence

JOHN ELIOT. 315

towards him, that he should have been so mis-
understood by the churches and the ministers
of New England whom he loved, as to be sus-
pected of having given a wound to the cause
of holiness.
Mr. Eliot's intercourse with the people of
his charge was a perpetual exhibition of the
fidelity of a spiritual friend, and the virtues of
a benevolent, heavenly-minded Christian. With
all his gravity of character, there was nothing
stiff in his deportment, or morose in his dispo-
sition. Social freedom and innocent hilarity
never fled from his presence. On the contrary,
he was distinguished by that facetious affabili-
ty, which springs naturally from a contented
and cheerful heart. He had a relish for chas-
tened wit, and his conversation was sprinkled
with its pleasant influence. His leading aim,
however, in social intercourse, was to promote
edification. No man was more intent upon
seizing every occasion for a good hint, or for
an apt illustration of moral and religious truth.
Scarcely a topic passed him in conversation,
without being made to minister to important
instruction. He discovered gold where others
saw only common stones.
In the ordinary occurrences of life, and in
the usual course of divine Providence, he had
the same disposition to find matter for fruitful
reflection, which Luther cherished in his study

316 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

of the Scriptures;* so that he was compared
in his old age to Homer's Nestor, from whose
lips dropped words sweeter than honey. It
was the frequent remark of his friends, that
“they were never with him, but they got, or
might have got, some good from him.” He be-
lieved a life of duty to be the best preparation
for death; “for,” said he, on one occasion,
“were I sure to go to heaven to-morrow, I
would do what I am doing to-day.” The
spirituality of his feelings was ever going
forth in spontaneous manifestations. It is re-
lated, that when he once visited a merchant in
his counting-room, seeing books of business on
the table, and some books of devotion laid
away on a shelf, he said, “Here, Sir, is earth
on the table, and heaven on the shelf; pray do
not sit so much at the table, as altogether to
forget the shelf; let not earth thrust heaven
out of your mind.” If the merchant regarded
the admonition as intrusive and unseasonable,
he doubtless respected the pious zeal and
apostolical simplicity of the good man.
In the performance of his duties among his

* “In the Bible,” said Luther, “we have rich and pre-
cious comforts, learnings, admonitions, warnings, promises,
and threatenings.” And he added, in his quaint way,
“There is not a tree in this orchard, on which I have not
knocked, and have shaken at least a couple of apples or
pears from the same.”--Table-Talk, Chap. I.

JOHN ELIOT. 317

congregation and elsewhere, he was eminently
remarkable for his free and self-forgetting
bounty. The pecuniary resources of a New
England clergyman, slender enough at any
time, were then scanty indeed. But Mr. Eliot,
in the unchecked freedom of his liberality,
made the most of the little he possessed, in
works of benevolence. To the poor he gave
with an open hand, till all was gone; and they
looked to him as a father and a friend. The
amount of his personal charities in this way
alone, at different times, was many hundred
pounds. He did not wait for suffering to come
in his way, but sought it out diligently. As
other men would search for hidden treasures,
he searched for opportunities of raising the
wretched and relieving the miserable. When
his own means were exhausted, he applied to
those who were blessed with abundance, and
begged of them contributions for the children
of want. His bounty, to be so profuse, must
sometimes doubtless have been indiscriminate
and injudicious. With a benevolence too in-
cautious, he often distributed his salary for the
relief of others, before the wants of his own
family were supplied.
On this subject there is a well-known anec-
dote, which, though probably familiar to many
readers, is too characteristic to be omitted.
When the parish treasurer was once about to

318 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

pay him his salary, or a portion of it, knowing
his habitual propensity, he put it into a hand-
kerchief, which he tied in several hard knots,
in order to prevent Mr. Eliot from giving it
away before be reached home. After leaving
the treasurer, the benevolent man called at the
house of a family, who were poor and sick.
He blessed them, and told them God had sent
relief by him. His kind words brought tears
of gratitude to their eyes. He immediately
attempted to untie his handkerchief; but the
knots had been so effectually made, that he
could not get at his money. After several
fruitless efforts to loose the handkerchief,
growing impatient of the perplexity and delay,
he gave the whole to the mother of the family,
saying, “Here, my dear, take it; I believe the
Lord designs it all for you.”*
The kindness of Mr. Eliot was manifested
in other ways as effectually, at least, as in the
bestowment of money. His wife is said to have
had some skill in physic and surgery, sufficient
to enable her in common cases to administer
to the diseased and wounded with considerable
success. She was always glad to use her
knowledge as an instrument of charity; and it

* See 1 M. H. Coll., X. 186, where, I believe, this often-
repeated anecdote was originally told. It is given in a
letter signed J. M.; and the writer of the letter received it
from his parents, who were natives of Roxbury.

JOHN ELIOT. 319

was with delight that her husband saw her
engaged in these labors of kindness. One of
his parishioners was deeply offended by some-
thing he had said in the pulpit, and reviled
him in no measured terms, both by speech and
writing. Not long afterwards, this man hap-
pened to wound himself in a dangerous man-
ner. Eliot immediately despatched his wife to
dress his wound and relieve his suffering. She
discharged the office with ready kindness, and
soon effected a complete cure. When the man
had recovered, he went to thank the good lady,
and offered her a compensation, which she de-
clined. Mr. Eliot urged him to stay at his
house, and dine with him. The invitation was
accepted; and Eliot treated him with great
kindness, never alluding to the calumnies and
the acrimonious speeches, with which his par-
ishioner had assailed his character. The man,
ashamed of his conduct, was subdued into
a friend. Is there a better illustration of the
fine precept, “Be not overcome of evil, but
overcome evil with good”?
Our benevolent apostle was distinguished
for his love of peace. “He was a great enemy
to all contention,” says Mather, “and would
ring aloud the curfew-bell wherever he saw the
fires of animosity.” To one, who complained
of the intractable disposition of others, he
would say, “Brother, learn the meaning of

320 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

those three little words, bear, forbear, forgive.”
When either peace or his own rights must be
given up, he was always willing to sacrifice the
latter to the former; and wherever he ap-
peared, his earnest persuasive was, like the
affectionate charge so often repeated by the
aged Apostle John, “My children, love one
another.”
His habits with respect to personal indul-
gence were of the most simple and severe
kind. He had attained a complete mastery
over the pleasures of sense, and held them in
despotic subjugation. The lessons of self-
denial, which he had thoroughly learned and
daily practised, and his indifference to outward
accommodations, fitted him to endure with-
out complaint the privations, to which he was
often exposed in his ministry to the Indians.
He allowed himself but little sleep, rising early
and beginning his labors in the freshness of
morning. This habit he recommended to
others, especially to those who were engaged
in intellectual pursuits. He would often say
to young students, “I pray you, look to it that
you be morning birds.”
His food was always the plainest and most
simple. Rich viands and highly seasoned va-
rieties for the table, it seems, were not un-
known in New England even at that time.
For these Mr. Eliot had no relish himself, and

JOHN ELIOT. 321

but little mercy for the taste in others. When
he dined abroad, he partook of but one dish,
and that the plainest on the table. He was
habitually a water-drinker, and seldom devi-
ated into the use of any other liquor. The
juice of the grape he did not denounce, but
rarely tasted it himself. “Wine,” be was ac-
customed to say, “is a noble, generous liquor,
and we should be humbly thankful for it; but,
as I remember, water was made before it.”
He thought very justly that intemperate eating
deserved to be severely rebuked, no less than
intemperate drinking. In his correspondence
with Baxter he remarks, “I observe in yours
a thing, which I have not so much observed in
other men's writing, namely that you often in-
veigh against the sin of gluttony, as well as
drunkenness. It appeareth to be a very great
point of Christian prudence, temperance, and
mortification, to rule the appetite of eating as
well as drinking; and, were that point more
inculcated by divines, it would much tend to
the sanctification of God's people, as well as
to a better preservation of health, and length-
ening of the life of man on earth.”*
Extravagance or finery in dress was likely
to draw from Mr. Eliot a witty or a serious re-
buke. His own apparel was not only without

* Reliquiae Baxterianae, &c., p. 294.

VOL. V. 21

322 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ornament, but frequently of the most homely
kind. It is said that, like John the Baptist,
he sometimes had a leathern girdle about his
loins; but this, it is likely, was worn only or
chiefly during his missionary excursions. In
some men, habits like these might justly be
supposed to proceed from an affectation of
homeliness; for there is a pride of plainness,
as well as a pride of finery. But Mr. Eliot
was too guileless a man to be suspected of
such folly. His negligence of external appear-
ance, and his contempt for the pleasures of the
table, were the result of an unaffected love of
simplicity, strengthened by a studious life and
by intense engagement in absorbing duties.
Mr. Eliot had a few whims, to which he was
pertinaciously attached. One of these was an
unsparing hostility to the practice of wearing
long hair and wigs. He could not endure it;
he regarded it as an iniquity not to be toler-
ated. The man, and especially the minister
of the Gospel, who wore a wig, he considered
as committing an offence, not only against de-
cency, but against religion. His zeal about
“prolix locks” was warm, but unavailing. He
lived to see the practice prevail in spite of his
remonstrances, and at last gave over his war-
fare against it with the despairing remark!”
The lust has become insuperable!” The
readers of New England history will remem-

JOHN ELIOT. 323

ber, that in 1649 an association was formed,
and a solemn protest published, against wear-
ing long hair, by Governor Endicot and the
other magistrates.*
In this punctiliousness we see the influence
of sympathy with the English Roundheads car-
ried even into trifles. In England periwigs
were permitted quietly to cover the head soon
after the restoration of Charles. But for more
than thirty years after that time, they were
deemed by many a sore grievance in New Eng-
land. Gradually during that period they were
coming into use; but they needed all the au-
thority derived from the practice of such di-
vines as Owen, Bates, and Mede, to find pro-
tection at last. The intolerance they experi-
enced from Mr. Eliot was not, therefore, a
singularity in the good man; he only perse-
vered in his stern hostility against them longer
than many others.
To the use of tobacco, the introduction of
which had caused no little disturbance in New
England, be had likewise a strong aversion,
and denounced it in the severest terms. But
his opposition in this case was as ineffectual,
as in that of the wigs. “In contempt of all
his admonitions,” says Allen, “the head would
be adorned with curls of foreign growth, and
the pipe would send up volumes of smoke.”

* Hutchinson, Vol. I. p.142.

324 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

In his domestic relations this devoted laborer
for truth and righteousness was richly blessed,
though the providence of God repeatedly called
him to that painful trial, the bitterness of which
none but a parent's heart can know. He had
six children; one daughter, who was the eldest,
and five sons. Only the daughter and one son
survived him. The others died young, or in
middle age.*
The frequent and grievous disappointment
of parental hopes Mr. Eliot received with the
submissive piety of a Christian. “I have had,”
said he in the calm spirit inspired by his faith,
“six children; and, I bless God for his grace,
they are all either with Christ or in Christ,
and my mind is at rest concerning them. My
desire was that they should have served God
on earth; but if God will choose to have them
rather serve him in heaven, I have nothing to
object against it, but his will be done.” It was
his earnest desire to train up his sons to aid
and follow him in his favorite work of the In-
dian ministry. On this subject his feelings
were once much affected by the inquiries which
one of the natives made respecting his chil-
dren.†

* See an account of Eliot's children in the MAGNALIA,
Life of Eliot, Preliminary I. The youngest son assisted
his father some time in the ministry at Roxbury.
† “Another Indian,” says he, “who lived remote another

JOHN ELIOT. 325

Mr. Eliot's wife was a woman of many vir-
tues, distinguished for gentle piety and busy
usefulness, and admirably fitted to be the com-
panion of such a man. Their union was very
long and very happy. She stood by his side
for many years to soothe his sorrows, to en-
courage his heart, and to strengthen his hands.
It was fortunate for him, that she bestowed a
skilful attention on the management of the pru-
dential concerns of the family; for so negligent
was he of these things, that he did not know
his own property. His wife once amused her-
self by pointing to several of his cows, that
stood before the door, and asking him whose
they were. She found that the good man knew
nothing about them.

way, asked me if I had any children. I answered, Yea.
He asked how many. I said, Six. He asked how many of
them were sons. I told him, Five. Then he asked whether
my sons should teach the Indians to know God, as I do.
At which question I was much moved in my heart; for I
have often in my prayers dedicated all my sons unto the
Lord to serve him in this service, if he will please to ac-
cept them therein; and my purpose is to do my uttermost
to train them up in learning, whereby they may be fitted in
the best manner I can to serve the Lord herein; and better
preferment I desire not for them, than to serve the Lord in
this travail. And to that purpose I answered him; and my
answer seemed to be well pleasing to them, which seemed
to minister to my heart some encouragement that the
Lord's meaning was to improve them that way, and he
would prepare their hearts to accept the same.” -- Eliot's
letter in Further Discovery, &c., p. 20. See APPENDIX,
No. IV.

326 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Her excellent domestic economy, her un-
wearied activity, and her truly Christian char-
acter made her a blessing to her family, to
the church, and to the whole circle of her ac-
quaintances. She died, three years before her
husband, on the 24th of March, 1687, in the
eighty-fourth year of her age. The Reverend
Mr. Danforth of Dorchester offered to her mem-
ory the tribute of a poetical effusion.* Her
death smote heavily on the heart of her vener-
able husband. The weight of eighty-three
years was pressing him down; and she, who
was bound to him by the strong ties of early
love, who had been his solace amidst toil and
trial, and who was truly called “the staff of
his age,” had fallen by his side.
When the aged are thus separated, there is
for the survivor a dreary loneliness, which
none but the aged can feel. The smile, which
had made the fireside cheerful for many years,
the busy kindness in the little details of every
day which grows more important as years steal
on, the quiet happiness arising from a perfect
acquaintance with each other's tastes and an
entire confidence in each other's hearts, the
pleasure of mutual dependence which habit has

* A poem “On the death of Mrs. Anne Eliot, the virtu-
ous Consort of the Reverend John Eliot, first Minister of
Roxbury.” See 1 M. H. Coll., IX. 176. Mr. Danforth also
wrote “verses to the memory” of Mr. Eliot.

328 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER XVII.

Eliot's Old Age and Death. -- Concluding
Remarks.

THE closing scene of this excellent man's
life was now drawing nigh. Time had been
gradually doing its work upon him; the earthly
tabernacle was near to dissolution; “the time-
shadow” of this noble spirit was about to van-
ish. Mr. Eliot's rigid temperance, and the
hard exercise to which his various duties had
called him, had strengthened a constitution
naturally firm, and given him almost uniform
good health. He was one of those who wear
well. His last days were not days of pain and
disease, though the infirmities of long-pro-
tracted life gathered around him. The old
age of the apostle Eliot was indeed an envia-
ble one; calm, bright, and full of sustaining
recollections. His task was done, and well
done. “His witness was in heaven, and his
record on high.” Years had struck feebleness
into his limbs; but his soul was strong; his
spirit was ripe for the communion of the
blessed; and the eye of faith ever looked up-
ward. He had stood, during a long life, at the
post of duty with sleepless vigilance; success

JOHN ELIOT. 329

had never seduced him into sluggishness; dis-
appointment had never driven him into despair.
Not to one like him could be applied, in any
sense, the lamentation over the close of an idle,
useless life, so beautifully expressed by Sadi,
the philosophical poet of Persia;

“Alas! for him who has gone and has done no good work;
The trumpet of march has sounded, and his load was not
bound on.”*

With a fidelity that never broke down, with
an affection that was never wearied out, Eliot
had gone forth among the wild men of the
woods, year after year, in sunshine and in
storm, under the burning rays of summer and
in winter's sharpest cold, to proclaim to them
“the unsearchable riches of Christ.” He had
been the first to break the ground, on which
“the seed which is the word of God” was to
be sown; and, in the devout confidence of faith,
he believed the harvest would come. He had
dealt kindly, truly, and earnestly with the bar-
barians; and they had listened to him, loved
him, and in their homely way testified their
gratitude, and received his instructions. He
had left among them that noble gift, the fruit
of many years' hard toil, the Bible in their own
native words; and there it would remain, the
silent but quickening teacher of God's truth,

* MALCOLM'S History of Persia, Vol. II. p. 538.

330 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

reminding them of him whose heart had felt,
and whose hand had labored, for them, when
that heart and that hand should be dust. He
had laid open a whole new field, on which di-
vine truth might work out its triumphs, and
send forth its blessings.
Besides this, he had done the duty of a faith-
ful minister at home; he had been the counsel-
lor, the friend, the comforter of all; living
words of instruction, of peace, of encourage-
ment, of warning, had gone forth from his lips,
and reached and quickened many souls. To
the church in general he had, with ability and
fidelity, rendered highly valued services by his
writings and his personal influence; and he
had stood among the guiding spirits of the
country. When the feebleness of more than
fourscore years had disabled him for active ex-
ertion, and his frame was bowed, and his steps
slow, he was still beloved and revered; he
was amidst a people who looked to him as to
one already speaking to them from another
world; they called him their father, and loved
him as such ; and their children hung around
him “to share the good man's smile.” Was it
not a happy old age, the old age of the Christian
scholar, the faithful missionary, the time-worn
servant of God? How different from that old
age, barren of cheering recollections or full
of remorse, which may well be dreaded, and

JOHN ELIOT. 331

which, it has been finely said, appears like the
magical beings fearfully portrayed in Oriental
fiction, who sit in clouds of darkness at the
end of man's course, fixing upon their victims,
as they approach, those keen, never-moving
eyes, which by an indescribable but terrific
power draw, them towards their destiny in
spite of all their efforts!
Mr. Eliot continued to preach as long as his
strength lasted. His trembling voice was still
heard, and his apostolic form seen, in the pul-
pit which had so long been his beloved place
of duty. With slow and feeble steps he as-
cended the hill, on which his church was situ-
ated, and once observed to the person, on
whose arm he leaned for support, “This is very
much like the way to heaven; 'tis up hill; the
Lord by his grace fetch us up.” At length his
physical powers failed so much, that he was
peculiarly reminded of his need of an assistant.
Since 1674 he had been without a colleague.
He now requested his people to provide them-
selves with another minister, that, before he
should die, he might have the satisfaction
of seeing his successor established in office.
When he made this request, he added, with
his characteristic liberality, “’Tis possible, you
may think the burden of maintaining two minis-
ters too heavy for you; but I deliver you from
that fear; I do here give back my salary to the

332 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Lord Jesus Christ; and now, brethren, you
may fix that upon any man whom God shall
make a pastor for you.” His church were
much affected by the old man's generous pro-
posal. With a noble spirit, worthy of imita-
tion, but not always imitated, they assured him,
that, though he was disabled from rendering
them the services they had so long received,
yet they should account his beloved presence
among them worth a salary.
On the 17th of October, 1688, the Reverend
Nehemiah Walter was ordained as his col-
league. Mr. Eliot received him with the kind-
ness of a father, and was delighted to witness
his usefulness, and the favor he found among
the people of his charge. After this it was
with difficulty that he could be persuaded to
engage in any public service. The last time
this venerable man preached was on the day of
a public fast. He delivered a clear and edify-
ing exposition of the eighty-third Psalm. At
the close he begged his hearers to pardon his
poor and broken thoughts, and added, “But
my dear brother here will by and by mend
it all.”
This aged servant of Christ sat waiting, as
it were, in the antechamber of death, quiet
and full of hope. He used sometimes pleas-
antly to say, that he was afraid some of his old
Christian friends, who had departed before him,

JOHN ELIOT. 333

especial1y John Cotton of Boston and Richard
Mather of Dorchester, would suspect him to
have gone the wrong way, because he remained
so long behind them. His full share of work
seemed to have been done; but even now he
could not consent to be idle. He looked
around for some labor of benevolence and
piety, such as the remnant of his powers might
allow him to perform. The care of the igno-
rant and the neglected was still the ruling pas-
sion of his heart. He saw with grief the great
want of concern for the moral welfare of the
blacks. He proposed to many of the families
within two or three miles of his house, that
they should send their negro servants to him
once a week, to be instructed in religion. In
this humble, but truly benevolent work, he re-
joiced to occupy some of his last hours; but
death intervened before much could be ac-
complished.
Another labor of charity, which he under-
took when he could no longer go out of doors,
was the instruction of a boy, who in infancy
had lost his sight by falling into the fire. To
this blind boy the venerable man devoted much
time and attention. He took him to his own
house; and by the tedious process of verbal
repetition made him acquainted with many por-
tions of Scripture, so that the youth learned to
repeat whole chapters, and would instantly

334 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

correct any mistake which he heard a person
commit in reading. Mr. Eliot instructed him
patiently in religion and other subjects; and
the blind child heard the voice of love and
truth from the aged man, till that voice was
hushed in death.
Amidst the infirmities of his last days, Mr.
Eliot never lost his interest in the welfare of
New England. His heart was still upon the
good of the church and the colony. He ob-
served with distressing apprehensions the pro-
ceedings of the notorious Edward Randolph;
and, when Increase Mather was about to depart
for England as agent of the province, Eliot
with a trembling hand wrote to him a few im-
perfect lines. This is supposed to have been
the last time that he used his pen.
While death was fast approaching, his men-
tal powers, though dimmed and broken, were
still retained. He rejoiced in the thought, that
he should soon carry to his friends in heaven
good news of the prosperity of the New Eng-
land churches. When some one inquired how
he was, he replied, “Alas! I have lost every
thing; my understanding leaves me; my mem-
ory fails me; my utterance fails me; but, I
thank God, my charity holds out still; I find
that rather grows than fails.” One of his last
remembrances lingered sadly among those, to
whom he had given so much of his strength

JOHN ELIOT. 335

and life. “There is a cloud,” he said, “a
dark cloud upon the work of the Gospel among
the poor Indians. The Lord revive and pros-
per that work, and grant it may live when I am
dead. It is a work, which I have been doing
much and long about. But what was the word
I spoke last? I recall that expression my do-
ings. Alas, they have been poor and small do-
ings, and I'll be the man that shall throw the
first stone at them all.” When, a short time
before his death, Mr. Walter came into his
room, he said, “Brother, you are welcome to
my very soul; but retire to your study, and
pray that I may have leave to be gone.” Mr.
Eliot died on the 20th of May, 1690, aged
eighty-six years. The last words on his lips
were “WELCOME JOY!”
Such was the life and such the end of John
Eliot. New England bewailed his death, as a
great and general calamity. The churches,
whose growth and prosperity had always been
among the things which lay nearest to his heart,
felt that they had lost a spiritual father, whose
venerable presence had been to them a defence
and glory. So deep was the sentiment of rev-
erence for his character, that Mather observes,
“We had a tradition among us, that the coun-
try could never perish as long as Eliot was
alive.” One, who for a long series of years
had filled so large a space with eminent use-

336 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

fulness, on whom the confidence of the best
men in church and state had reposed without
wavering, and over whose name, age and great
services had shed a saintly consecration, could
not depart from those, with and for whom he
had acted, without leaving a community in
mourning. The Indian church at Natick wept
the loss of their venerated instructer, as rough
men in simplicity of heart would weep for one,
who had loved them, who had prayed for them,
and guided them to the things of their ever-
lasting peace.”
A voice came across the waters, responding
to the voice of New England. When Richard
Baxter lay, as he supposed, dying in his bed,
he received a copy of Cotton Mather's Life of
Eliot.† He was able to read the book, and it
revived him. He wrote a short letter to In-
crease Mather, then in London, dated August
3d, 1691, in which he said, “I knew much of
Mr. Eliot's opinions by many letters I had
from him. There was no man on earth, whom
I honored above him. I am now dying, I hope,
as he did.” -- Baxter, whose hearty integrity of
principle raised him above the weakness of
flattery, and gave peculiar value to his com-

* See APPENDIX, No. V.
† This was first published in a small book separately,
and afterwards incorporated into the MAGNALIA.

JOHN ELIOT. 337

mendation, had expressed, in a letter written
nearly twenty years before this time, his opin-
ion of Mr. Eliot's labors; “There is no man
on earth,” said he, “whose work I think more
honorable and comfortable, than. yours. The
industry of the Jesuits and friars, and their
successes in Congo, Japan, China, &c., shame
us all, save you.” Of a man to whom such tes-
timony was borne by the records of his own
life, and by the attestations of the wise and
good who knew him well, it may be said with
simple truth, in the lines of one whose poetry
has graced the literature of the age, as well as
of his own country.
   “His youth was innocent; his riper age,
      Marked with some act of goodness, every day;
   And watched by eyes that loved him, calm and sage,
      Faded his late declining years away.
   Cheerful be gave his being up, and went
   To share the holy rest that waits a life well spent.”

Of Eliot's personal appearance we have no
information; nor is there, so far as I can learn,
a portrait or effigies of him in existence.
   In the course of this narrative all the writ-
ings of Mr. Eliot, which have come to my
knowledge, have been described or mentioned.
Some of these I have not seen, and presume
they are not to be found in any public or pri-
vate library among us. When we consider his
high character as a preacher, it is remarkable

VOL. V. 22

338 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

that he published no sermons.* Those of his
compositions, which are in our hands, prove
that he wrote with great simplicity and direct-
ness, with a heart full of his subject, and in-
tent on reaching the hearts of others. It is
evident that he had not studied much what is
commonly called the art of writing well; yet
he wrote well. His style is sometimes rugged
and ungraceful, but frequently strong, nervous,
peculiarly expressive, and always like the
speech of a man who earnestly believes what he
has to say, and therefore says it in a straight-
forward manner. Some of his best writing is
found in his letters concerning the affairs of
the Indians. In these his heart gushes forth in
a mixture of warm zeal and gentle feeling,
which sometimes has a beautiful effect. His
general character as a writer, and probably as
a preacher, so far as thought and style are con-
cerned, may be fitly described in the language
of Milton, who says, “True eloquence I find to
be none but the serious and hearty love of
truth, and that whose mind soever is fully pos-
sessed with a fervent desire to know good
things, and with the dearest charity to infuse

* Mather gives us what I suppose to have been a part of
one of Eliot's sermons on the passage, “Our conversation
is in heaven,” which he wrote down from the lips of the
speaker. It presents a pleasing specimen of his style of
preaching. -- Life of Eliot, Part I. Article I.

JOHN ELIOT. 339

the knowledge of them into others, when such
a man would speak, his words, by what I can
express, like so many nimble and airy servi-
tors, trip about him at command, and in well-
ordered files, as he would wish, fall aptly into
their own places.”*
It is difficult now to ascertain what were
Mr. Eliot's peculiar faults. He has been re-
proached, we are told, both with the want of
constancy in his opinions and conduct, and
with pertinacious obstinacy in maintaining his
peculiar notions. These two characteristics,
though not positively irreconcilable, could
scarcely have existed together in a mind like
his. From what we learn of his life, it is diffi-
cult to perceive the justice of the accusation.
A man is not necessarily versatile or fickle be-
cause on one occasion he retracts an opinion, nor
stubborn because on another he is not to be
moved from strict adherence to his own views.
His conduct, in the first instance, may be can-
dor; in the other, it may be the firmness of
principle.
Cotton Mather, pursuing a fancy of which
he was very fond, tells us, that the anagram of
Eliot's name was Toile. This conceit has at
least the merit of expressing truly one of the
most prominent traits in the character of the

* Apology for Smectymnuus, Section XII.

340 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Apostle to the Indians. His life may be re-
corded among the most eminent examples
of industry, which the world has furnished. How
few, even of those-who might be deemed dili-
gent men, that would not have shrunk from the
tasks, which he cheerfully undertook, and reso-
lutely accomplished! He had none of that dis-
trust or timidity, which springs from indolence.
Acting on the conviction, that, for the most
part, it is idleness alone which creates impos-
sibilities, he felt, that hard work, performed in
the spirit of faith and crowned with the bles-
sing of God, will remove mountains. He
seemed to consider incessant and strenuous
labor as his inheritance; he loved it, and gave
himself to it with unsparing perseverance. By
day and by night, at home and abroad, in soli-
tude and in society, he was ever at work, ever
busy for truth, for his- fellow-men, and for God.
His course of moral service was marked by
those excellences, which Cicero in his warm
panegyric on Pompey ascribes to the comman-
der in military service;* and if ever there was
a man, who might justly be said to have died
“rich in good works,” that man was John Eliot.
Fervent piety and devotedness to duty were

* “Labor in negotio, fortitudo in periculis, industria in
agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo.”
-- Oratio pro Lege Manilia, XI.

JOHN ELIOT. 341

the vital elements of Mr. Eliot's inward life.
His heart was given, as a holocaust, to the Fa-
ther of his spirit; and because be loved God,
he loved and labored for man till the last hour,
till the grasp of death was on him. It would
not be easy to find on the records of human
virtue one, who more habitually felt, that in re-
ceiving the gift of life he had received a great
mission to do good. All his duties belonged,
in his estimate, to the family of religion; and
his services to man were after the measure of
his piety to God. That intrigue between truth
and error, which so often constitutes the so-
phistical disguise of wrong, his simplicity of
heart sternly discarded.
His remarkable humility may be considered
as the consequence of the sense of God's pres-
ence by which his mind was overshadowed,
and of the industrious consecration to labors
of usefulness which made up the history of his
days. He thought not of himself, because he
was intent on his work. In one, who became
a leader in a new moral movement, who was
the first Protestant.* that diffused Christianity

* So it is stated in 1 M. H. Coll., VIII. 11. The com-
mencement of Mayhew's labors for the Indians is by
some placed a year earlier than that of Eliot's. But from May-
hew's own account (3 M. H. Coll., IV. 109- 118) it ap-
pears, that he did not preach to the Indians till 1646, the
same year in which Eliot began his course. Before that

342 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

among the wild tribes of America, and who
effected more than any other man in the Indian
mission, we might be disposed to pardon some
degree of egotism. But we have nothing of
this sort to excuse in Mr. Eliot. I know not
that in any of his writings, or in any account
of his conversation, there can be found a soli-
tary expression, that looks like self-seeking, or
a sense of personal importance. His forget-
fulness of self, while others were looking on
him with admiration, reminds us of the quaint
and significant remark of a Scotch divine, when
commenting on the circumstance, that Moses's
face shone as he came down from the mount;
“It was a braw thing,” he said, “for a man's
face to shine, and him not to ken it.” It was
in accordance with the same disposition, that,
though ardent in his efforts, Mr. Eliot was
not enthusiastic in his statements of success.
His character presented the unusual combina-
tion of warm zeal in labor with habitual fair-
ness in estimating its results.
Never, perhaps, was there a missionary,
whose reports contained less that could be

time, Hiacoomes had by intercourse with the English be-
come a convert to their religion; but there had been no
systematic exertions on the put of Mayhew. Eliot and
Mayhew may, therefore, be considered as having com-
menced the work of preaching to the natives about simul-
taneously.

APPENDIX.

No. I. p. 66.

ACCOUNT OF RARE AND VALUABLE TRACTS, IN WHICH
ARE DESCRIBED THE LABORS OF THE APOSTLE ELIOT
IN TEACHING CHRISTIANITY TO THE INDIANS.

THERE are several old and very valuable tracts relating
to the Indians, and especially to the attempts made by
our ancestors to convert them to Christianity. These have
come down to us from the earliest periods of New England
history, and were written by men who lived in the midst
of the best opportunities for personal observation or knowl-
edge. As they are comparatively but little known among
us, and may be regarded as the original and best authori-
ties on these subjects, I have thought that the following
list of them might not be unacceptable to the curious
reader.

1. “Good Newes from New England; or, A True
Relation of Things very remarkable at the Plantation of
Plimouth in New England; &c. Written by E. W.
[Edward Winslow], who hath borne a Part in the fore-
naned Troubles, and there lived since their first Arrival; &c.
London. 1624.” --This was reprinted among the Collec-
tions of the Massachusetts Historical Society (1st Series,
VIII. 239-276, and 2d Series, IX. 74-104); but in a
disjointed manner, as the whole original work was not to
be found till it was furnished by the Ebeling Library, and
the first republication was from the abridgment in PUR-
CHAS’S Pilgrims.

346 APPENDIX.

2. “New England's First Fruits; in Respect, 1. of
the Conversion of some, Conviction of divers, Preparation
of sundry of that Indians. 2. Of that Progresse of Learning
in the College at Cambridge in Massachusetts Bay, &c.
London. 1643.” --This tract is anonymous, and I am not
aware that the name of the writer can be ascertained.
A part of it (that which relates to the College) is reprinted
in 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 242- 250.
3. “The Day-Breaking, if not the Sun-Rising of the
Gospel with the Indians in New England, &c. London.
1647.” -- In this account we have the original narrative
of the first visits to Nonantum. It was printed without
the writer's name. In the reprint which appears in the
Collections of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (3d Series, IV.), it is,
in a note to the Advertisement to the Reader, ascribed to
Mr. Eliot. But this is unquestionably a mistake. There
are several circumstances in the narrative, which furnish
strong presumptive evidence, that he could not have been
the author of “The Day-Breaking, &c.” But the follow-
ing sentence, which occurs towards the close of the tract,
seems decisive of the question. “He that God hath raised
up and enabled to preach unto them, is a man (you know)
of a most sweet, humble, loving, gracious, and enlarged
spirit, whom God hath bleat, and surely will still delight
in, and do good by.” Now the person here spoken of
could have been no other than Eliot; and he, of course,
did not write this concerning himself. Nor do I find, upon
inquiry, any authority for the note, which assigns this tract
to him. In the valuable account of Eliot, which the Rever-
end Mr. Young of Boston affixed to his “Sermon at the
Ordination of the Reverend Mr. Thompeon in Natick,” he
ascribes “The Day-Breaking, &c.,” to the Reverend John
Wilson of Boston. I am disposed to believe this statement
to be correct, especially as it is confirmed, I am told, by the
authority of the late Mr. Baldwin, librarian of the Ameri-
can Antiquarian Society, well-known for his accuracy in
matters of this kind. Wilson was a friend of Mr. Eliot,

APPENDIX. 347

and very likely, from the interest he felt in his Indian
labors, to have written the account in question. It seems
singular, that Eliot's name is not once mentioned in the
whole narrative. He is spoken of as “one of the company”
who preached. It is not improbable that, with his char-
acteristic modesty, he requested the writer not to mention
his name.

4. “The Cleare Sun-shine of the Gospel breaking forth
upon the Indians in New England; or, An Historicall
Narration of God's wonderfull Workings, &c. By Mr.
Thomas Shepard, Minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ at
Cambridge in New England. London. 1648.” -- This
tract is preceded by a Dedication to the Parliament, and
an Epistle to the Reader, each signed by Stephen Mar-
shall and eleven other of the distinguished divines of that
period in England. Besides Shepard's own narrative, it
contains a letter from Mr. Eliot to him, giving an account
of his work among the Indians up to that time.

5. “The Glorious Progress of the Gospel amongst the
Indians in New England, &c. Published by Edward Win-
slow. London. 1649.” -- This is dedicated to the Par-
liament by Winslow. It commences with some introduc-
tory remarks from the same hand; and the rest of the
book consists of four letters, one from Mayhew and
three from Eliot, and an Appendix by “J. D.” These initials are
supposed by Mr. Rich in his Catalogue (Part I. p. 70) to
designate John Dury, the famous pacificator of the Chris-
tian sects. They may, however, be the initials of John
Downam, one of the divines who took an interest in the
Indian cause.

6. “The Light appearing more and more towards the
perfect Day; or, A further Discovery of the present State
of the Indians in New England, &c. Published by Henry
Whitfeld. London. 1651.”-- Mr. Whitfeld (or, as it is
sometimes written, Whitfield) was the first minister of

348 APPENDIX.

Guilford in Connecticut. He returned to England in 1650,
and there published this book. It is dedicated by him to
the Parliament, and contains one letter from Mayhew,
and five letters from Mr. Eliot.

7. “Strength out of Weakness; or, a Glorious Mani-
festation of the further Progresse of the Gospel amnongst
the Indians in Nm England, &c. London. 1652.” --The
first tract published by “The Corporation for promoting
the Gospel among the Heathen in New England.” It is
dedicated to the Parliament by William Steele in the
name of the Corporation, and has an “Address to the
Reader” by a number of distinguished divines. It contains
two letters from Mr. Eliot, one from the Reverend John
Wilson, and one from Governor Endicot, each giving an
account of the Natick settlement, and letters from Lever-
idge, Mayhew, and others.

8. “Tears of Repentance; or, A. further Narrative of
the Progress of the Gospel amongst the lndians in New
England; &c. Related by Mr. Eliot and Mr. Mayhew, two
faithful Laborers in that Work of the Lord. London.
1653.” -- A large tract published by the Corporation. A
considerable effort was made to render it the means of
attracting attention to the cause of religion among the
Indians. It is preceded by an address to Cromwell from
William Steele, president of the Corporation; by a letter
to the Corporation from Mayhew, setting in a favorable
light the nature and progress of the work at Martha's
Vineyard; by an address to Cromwell from Eliot, and
another to the reader from the same hand; and by remarks
“to the Christian reader” from Richard Mather of Dor-
chester. It begins with Mr. Eliot's “Brief Relation of the
Proceedings of the Lord's Work among the lndians in refer-
ence unto their Church-Estate.” Then follow, in somewhat
minute detail, the Confusions of the Christian natives
preparatory to their ecclesiastical organization.

APPENDIX. 349

9. “A Late and Further Manifestation of the Progress
of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New England.
Declaring their constant Love and Zeal to the Truth, &c.
Being a Narrative of the Examination, of the Indians
about their Knowledge in Religion, by the Elders of the
Churches. Related by Mr. John Eliot. London. 1655.” --
Published by the Corporation. There is an address to the
reader by Joseph Caryl, a. divine known by his elaborate
commentary on Job. The tract consists of two parts;
namely, “A Brief Narration of the Indians' Proceedings
in respect of Church-Estate, and how the Case standeth
at the present with us”; and “The Examination of the
Indians at Roxbury, the 13th Day of the 4th Month, 1654.”

10. “Of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New Eng-
land; being a Relation of the Confessions made by several
Indians, in order to their Admission into Church Fellowship.
Sent over to the Corporation, &c. By Mr. John Eliot, one
of the Laborers amongst them. London. 1659.” -- This
tract I have never seen. My only knowledge of it is
derived from Mr. Rich's Catalogue, (Part I. p. 86.) Judg-
ing: from its title, it may perhaps be another edition, or a
repetition in another form, of what Eliot had before written
on the same subject.

11. “A Briefe Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel
among the Indians in New England in the Year 1670.
Given in by the Rev. Mr. John Eliot, Minister of the Gos-
pel there, in a Letter by him directed to the Right Worship-
ful the Commissioners under his Majesty's Great Seal, for
the Propagation of the Gospel amongst the poor blind Na-
tives in those United Colonies. London. 1671.” -- A small
tract of eleven pages, which I have not been able to find.
Its title is contained in Mr. Rich's Catalogue, (Part I.
p. 96.) It was probably the first publication of the Cor-
poration, after their charter was confirmed or renewed by
Charles the Second. I presume it to be the same account,

350 APPENDIX.

of which Hutchinson makes so much use in his note con-
cerning the Praying Indians, Vol. I. p. 156.

Seven of the above tracts, namely, those from the third
to the ninth inclusive, have been republished together in
the fourth volume of the third series of the Collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society. The original copies
were kindly furnished by the American Antiquarian So-
ciety, whose valuable library contains them bound in one
volume. Neal used several of these narratives in com-
posing his History of New England. From him and from
the London Missionary Register, I believe, our writers
had taken all that they knew of them, till the abovemen-
tioned reprint appeared. These very important tracts had
become exceedingly scarce; and the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, by making them accessible to the public,
have added another to their many good services in the
cause of American antiquities. Several of the originals
are now in the library of Harvard College.
It may here be added, that Mr. Eliot published, in a
small pamphlet of twelve pages, the “Dying Speeches and
Counsels of such Indians as dyed in the Lord.” It is with-
out date, and contains the acknowledgments, testimonies,
and advice, which were uttered by some of the Christian
natives, when they were about to leave the world.

No. II. p. 194.

THE sale of spirituous liquors to the Indians was for-
bidden in Massachusetts, but the prohibition was evaded.
“Though all strong drink,” says Gookin, “is strictly pro-
hibited to be sold to any Indian in the Massachusetts
colony, upon the penalty of forty shillings a pint, yet some
ill-disposed people, for filthy lucre's sake, do sell unto the
Indians secretly, though the Indians will rarely discover
these evil merchants; they do rather suffer whipping or

APPENDIX. 351

fine than tell.'' The same writer adds, -- “This beastly
sin of drunkenness could not be charged upon the Indians
before the English and other Christian nations, as Dutch,
French, and Spaniards, came to dwell in America; which
nations, especially the English in New England, have
cause to be greatly humbled before God, that they have
been, and are, instrumental to cause these Indians to
commit this great evil and beastly sin of drunkenness.''
(I M. H. Coll., Vol. I. p. 151.) The testimony of Gookin
on this point is confirmed by Heckewelder, who says, --
“The Mexicans have their Pulque and other indigenous
beverages of an inebriating nature; but the North Ameri-
can Indians, before their intercourse with us commenced,
had absolutely nothing of the kind.” (Historical Account,
&c., ch. 36.)
Mr. Eliot's attention was early turned to this subject, as
appears by the following petition presented by him to the
Court, October 23d, 1648, a copy of which has been kindly
furnished to me, from the Colony Records, by the Reverend
Joseph B. Felt, to whose accurate and faithful researches
into our early history the community is much indebted.
“As the Indians have frequent recourse to the English
houses, and especially to Boston, where they too often see
evil examples of excessive drinking in the English, who
are too often disguised with that beastly sin of drunken-
ness; and themselves (many of them) greatly delight in
strong liquors, not considering the strength and evil of
them; and also too well knowing the liberty of the law,
which prohibiteth above a half-pint of Wine to a man, that
therefore they may without offence to the laws have their
half-pint; and, when they have had it in one place, they
may go to another and have the like, till they be drunken;
and sometimes find too much entertainment that way
by such who keep no ordinary, only desire their trade,
though it be with the hurt and perdition of their souls; --
Therefore, my humble request unto this honored Court is
this, that there may be but one ordinary in all Boston,
who may have liberty to sell wine, strong drink, or strong

352 APPENDIX.

liquors unto the Indians; and that whoever shall further
them in their vicious drinking for their own base ends,
who keep no ordinary, may not be suffered in such a sin
without due punishment; and that at what ordinary soever
in any other town, as well as Boston, any Indian shall be
found drunk, having bad any considerable quantity of
drink, there they should come under severe censure.
These things I am bold to present unto you, for the pre-
venting of those scandalous evils which greatly blemish
and interrupt their entertainment of the Gospel, through
the policy of Satan, who counterworketh Christ that way
with not a little uncomfortable success. And thus, with
my hearty desire of the gracious and blessed presence
of God among you in all your weighty affairs, I humbly
take leave, and rest
“Your servant to command in our Saviour Christ,
“JOHN ELIOT.”

This petition produced the following order from the
Court; -- “On petition of Mr. Eliot, none in Boston to
sell wine to the Indians, except Wm. Phillips, on fine
of 20s.”

A valuable account of the baneful effects of supplying
the natives with spirituous liquors is given by Halkett, --
Historical Notes respecting the Indians of North America,
ch. 8 and 9.

No. III. p. 250.

IN his Grammar, Eliot says, on the subject of the declen-
saions, “The variation of nouns is not by male and female, as
in other learned languages, and in European nations they
do.” He adds, “There be two forms or declensions of
nouns, animate, when the thing signified is a living crea-

APPENDIX. 353

tme, and inanimate, when the thing signified is not a
living creature.” (Grammar, pp. 8-10.) But the most re-
markable peculiarity of the Indian languages is the alleged
absence of the substantive verb to be. “We have,” says
Eliot, “no compute distinct word for the the verb substantive,
as other learned languages and our English tongue have;
but it is under a regular composition, where many words
are made verb substantive.” (Grammar, p. 15.) Mr.
Leveridge made a similar remark, and Mr. Duponceau
observes, “It is one of the most striking traits in the
Indian languages, that they are entirely deficient of our
auxiliary verbs to have and to be. There are no words that
I know in any American idioms to express abstractedly
the ideas signified by these two verbs.” (Report, &c. in
Transactions of the Historical and Literary Committee,
&c., p. XL.) On this remark, Judge Davis suggested some
doubts in a letter to Mr. Duponceau. (See the whole dis-
cussion in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. IX., Notes on Eliot's
Grammar, pp. xxiv.-xliv.) If the above statement with
respect to the Indian dialects be correct, there is an ex-
ception to the universality of Adam Smith's remark, who
says, “There is in every language a verb, known by the
name of the substantive verb; in Latin sum, in English
I am. This verb denotes not the existence of any par-
ticular event, but existence in general. It is, upon this
account, the most abstract and metaphysical of all verbs;
and, consequently, could by no means be a word of early
invention.” (Considerations on the Formation of Lan-
guages; Works, Vol. I. p. 426.) But the able writer in
the “North American Review,” to whom I have before had
occasion to refer, dissents from the abovementioned opin-
ion with regard to the absence of the verb to be from the
dialects of our native tribes. “We have shown,” says he,
“the manner in which assertions are made in the Indian
languages; and such expressions aa horse mine, rifle good,
I hungry, are continually recurring, This anomaly could
not but excite the attention of those, who were investi-
gating these modes of speech, and no doubt led to the

VOL. V. 23

354 APPENDIX.

conclusion too hastily adopted, that the substantive verb
was unknown to them. So far this verb may be em-
ployed to denote simple existence, we believe it is found
in all the aboriginal dialects.” (Vol. XXVI. p. 391.) But
this position is controverted with much strength of argument
in the “United States Literary Gazette,” Vol. IV. p. 363.

No. IV. p. 325,

   TWENTY-FOUR years after the death of Mr. Eliot, the
name of one of his grandchildren occurs in a petition
respecting a tract of land, which he had received or pur-
chased of the Indians. The case will be explained by
the following extracts, which I have transcribed from the
Colony Records in the office of the Secretary of the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
   “In Council, June 22d, 1714. The following order
passed in the House of Representatives; read and con-
curred; viz.
   “In answer to the petition of John Eliot praying a con-
firmation of a tract of one thousand acres of land at a place
called the Allom Ponds, lying in the wilderness west of
Brookfield, given by the Indian proprietors to his grand-
father, the Reverend John Eliot, late of Roxbury, Clerk,
deceased; Ordered, that the tract of one thousand acres of
land given by the Indian proprietors to the late Reverend
John Eliot, as by their grant thereof presented with this
petition is described, be confirmed to such of the descend-
ants of the said donee as are legally entitled to the same,
provided it do not interfere with any prior grant; and they
may improve John Chandler, Esquire, to survey and lay
it out, and return a plat thereof to this Court for further
confirmation.

“Consented to, J. DUDLEY.”

APPENDIX. 355

The survey was accordingly made, and a plat returned
to the Court, which is among the papers in the Secretary's
office. It contains a map and a minute description of the
land, certified by John Chandler. It is termed, “The sur-
vey of a thousand acres of land purchased by the Reverend
John Eliot, late of Roxbury, deceased, Clerk, of Wattal-
loowekin and Nakan, the 27th of September, 1655, and con-
firmed and allowed by the General Assembly,” &c. The
survey was made August 26th, 1715. On the back of the
paper containing the survey is the following order;

“In the House of Representatives, December 5th, 1715.
Ordered, that the. plat on the other side be accepted, and
the land therein described be confirmed to the descendants
of the late Reverend John Eliot, deceased, pursuant to the
vote of this Court passed for that end at their session
in June, anno 1714.

                  “JOHN BURRILL, Speaker.
    “Sent up for concurrence.
    “In Council, December 5th, 1715. Read and concurred.
                   “SAM'L WOODWARD, Sec'y.”

It will be observed that there is a discrepancy in the
above extracts with respect to the manner, in which this
land is said to have come into Mr. Eliot's possession. In
the first Order, it is described as given to him by the In-
dian proprietors; in the Survey, it is spoken of as pur-
chased by him of Wattalloowekin and Nakan. The terms
of the description in the Order were probably taken from
the grandson's petition; those in the Survey were, it may
be supposed, the terms used by the surveyor to designate
the land. The latter would be more likely, from inadver-
tency, to commit a mistake in this matter, than the former;
and it may, therefore, be deemed more probable that the
land was a gift, than a purchase.

356 APPENDIX.

No. V. p. 336.

A TESTIMONY, fifteen years after the death of Mr. Eliot,
to the veneration in which his name and authority were
held by the Indians, and also to the good effects of the
diffusion of Christianity among them, is found in a scarce
tract entitled, “A Letter about the Present State of Chris-
tianity among the Christianized Indians of New England.
Written to the Honorable Sir William Ashurst, Governor
of the Corporation for Propagating the Gospel,” &c. Bos-
ton. 1705. This letter is signed by Increase Mather,
Cotton Mather, and Nehemiah Walter. They write as
follows;
“But we have now before us a letter very lately
received from as knowing and as faithful a person, as
could be inquired of, wherein he speaks a little more
particularly. He says, The administration of sacra-
ments among them [the Indians] is like ours, and as they
were taught by their apostle Eliot. His name is of won-
derful authority among them; and the rules he gave them
for the form of marriages, and for admonitions and excom-
munications in their churches, are not to be found fault
with by any, but it will provoke them. Not long since an
Indian lodged at an Englishman's house one night; and
the next day he visited me and asked, why the man at
whose house he lodged did not pray in his family. Seeing
that Mr. Eliot taught the Indians to do it every day, morn-
ing and evening, he thought it strange that the English
should direct them to pray in their families, and yet not
do it themselves. But at last he entertained the distinc-
tion, that there were matchet Englishmen, as well as
matchet Indians, and that some English did not practise
as they had been taught to do. [Matchet, that is to say,
naughty or wicked].'
“‘To your last inquiry, What I think there may be of
piety among them. Sir, I think that there were many of
the old generation, who were instructed by the reverend