"OF PLIMOTH
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT.
WITH A
REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS INCIDENT TO THE RETURN OF THE
MANUSCRIPT TO
PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE SECRETARY
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH,
BY ORDER OF THE GENERAL COURT.
Electronic
Version Prepared by
Dr. Ted
Hildebrandt
March
1, 2002
WRIGHT
& POTTER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS,
1898.
INTRODUCTION.
To many people the return of the Bradford
Manu-
script is a
fresh discovery of colonial history. By
very
many it has
been called, incorrectly, the log of the
"Mayflower." Indeed, that is the title by which it is
described in
the decree of the Consistorial Court of
ford
undertook its preparation long after the arrival
of the
Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly considered
as in any
sense a log or daily journal of the voyage
of the"
Mayflower ." It is, in point of fact, a history
of the
Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of annals,
extending
from the inception of the colony down to
the year
1647. The matter has been in print since
1856, put
forth through the public spirit of the Mas-
sachusetts
Historical Society, which secured a tran-
script of
the document from
in the
society's proceedings of the above-named year.
As thus
presented, it had copious notes, prepared with
great care
by the late Charles Deane; but these are
not given in
the present volume, wherein only such
comments as
seem indispensable to a proper under-
standing of
the story have been made, leaving what-
iv
ever
elaboration may seem desirable to some future
private
enterprise.
It is a matter of regret that no picture
of Governor
flower
Company left an authenticated portrait of him-
self, and
that, painted in
this
volume. In those early days
have been a
poor field for portrait painters. The
people were
struggling for their daily bread rather
than for
to-morrow's fame through the transmission
of their
features to posterity.
The volume of the original manuscript, as
it was
presented to
the Governor of the Commonwealth and
is now
deposited in the State Library, is a folio
measuring
eleven and one-half inches in length, seven
and
seven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half
inches in
thickness. It is bound in parchment,
once
white, but
now grimy and much the worse for wear,
being
somewhat cracked and considerably scaled.
Much
scribbling,
evidently by the
upon its
surface, and out of the confusion may
be read the
name of Mercy Bradford, a daughter of the
governor. On the inside of the front cover is
pasted a
sheet of manilla paper, on which is written
the
following: --
"
Consistory Court of the Diocese of
In the matter of the application of The
Honorable
Thomas
Francis Bayard, Ambassador Extraordinary
and
Plenipotentiary
INTRODUCTION. v
in
him, on
behalf of the President and Citizens of the said States,
of the
original manuscript book entitled and known as The Log
of the
Mayflower.
Produced in Court this 25th day of March,
1897, and marked
with the
letter A.
HARRY
W. LEE
Registrar.
Doctors Commons"
Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides
of
which is
written the decree of the
These leaves
and the manilla sheet pasted on the in-
side of the
front cover were evidently inserted after
the decree
was passed.
Next comes a leaf (apparently the original
first leaf
of the
book), and on it are verses, signed "A. M."
on the death
of Mrs. Bradford. The next is evidently
one of the
leaves of the original book. At the top
of the page
is written the following: --
This book was rit by govener William
bradford and given
to his son
mager William Bradford and by him to his son mager
John
Bradford. rit by me Samuel brad ford
mach 20, 1705
At the bottom of the same page the name
John
written with
the book turned wrong side up.
vi
The next is
a leaf bearing the following, in the
handwriting
of Thomas Prince: --
TUESDAY, June 4--1728
Calling at Major John Bradford's at
son of Major
Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov'r of Plimouth
Colony, who
was eldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd
Gov'r, &
author of this History; ye sd Major John Bradford
gave me
several manuscript octavoes wh he assured me were
written with
his said Grandfather Gov'r Bradford's own hand.
He also gave
me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew lead
Pencil by
his sd Father ye Dep Gov'r. And He also
told me
yt He had
lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov'r Brad-
ford's
History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also,
to judg
Sewall; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out,
& take
out of it what I thought proper for my New-England
Chronology:
wh I accordingly obtained, and This is ye sd His-
tory: wh I
found wrote in ye same Handwriting as ye Octavo
manuscripts
above sd.
THOMAS PRINCE.
N. B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of
lodging this History
in ye New
England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been
then
collecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness -only
yt He might
have ye Perusal of it while He lived.
T. PRINCE.
Following
this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince's
printed
book-mark, as follows: --
This Book belongs to
The New-England-Library,
Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince,
upon
his entring Harvard-College, July 6
1703; and was given by
INTRODUCTION. vii
On the lower
part of a blank space which follows
the word
"by" is written: --
It now belongs to the Bishop of
There are
evidences that this leaf did not belong to
the original
book, but was inserted by Mr. Prince.
At the top of the first page of the next
leaf, which
was
evidently one of the original leaves of the book,
is written
in Samuel Bradford's hand, "march 20
Samuel
Bradford;" and just below there appears, in
Thomas
Prince's handwriting, the following: --
But major
this Book of
his Grandfather's to Mr. Sewall & that it being of
his
Grandfather's own hand writing He had so high a value of
it that he
would never Part with ye Property, but would lend
it to me
& desired me to get it, which I did, & write down this
that sd
Major Bradford and his Heirs may be known to be the
right
owners.
Below this, also in Thomas Prince's
handwriting,
appears this
line: --
"Page
243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at 1st."
Just above
the inscription by Prince there is a line
or two of
writing, marked over in ink so carefully as
to be wholly
undecipherable. On the reverse page
of
this leaf
and on the first page of the next are written
Hebrew
words, with definitions. These are all in Gov-
viii
ernor
pears the
following:--
Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a
long-
ing desire, to see with my own eyes,
something of
that most ancient language, and holy
tongue,
in which the Law, and oracles of God were
write; and in which God, and angels, spake
to
the holy patriarks, of old time; and what
names were given to things, from the
creation.
And though I canot attaine
to much herein, yet I am refreshed,
to have seen some glimpse here-
of; (as Moses saw the Land
of canan afarr of) my aime
and desire is, to see how
the words, and phrases
lye in the holy texte;
and to dicerne some-
what of the same
for my owne
contente.
J
Then begins the history proper, the first
page of
which is
produced in facsimile in this volume, slightly
reduced. The ruled margins end with page thirteen.
From that
page to the end of the book the writing
varies
considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and
in other
places very fine, some pages containing nearly
a thousand
words each. As a rule, the writing is
upon one
side of the sheet only, but in entering notes
and
subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used.
The last
page number is 270, as appears from the
facsimile
reproduction in this volume of that page.
Page 270 is
followed by two blank leaves; then on
INTRODUCTION. ix
the second
page of the next leaf appears the list of
names of
those who came over in the "Mayflower,"
covering
four pages and one column on the fifth page.
The
arrangement of this matter is shown by the fac-
simile
reproduction in this volume of the first page
of these
names. Last of all there is a leaf of
heavy
double
paper, like the one in the front of the book
containing
the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford,
and on this
last leaf is written an index to a few por-
tions of the
history.
For copy, there was used the edition
printed in
1856 by the
proof was
carefully compared, word for word, with
the
photographic facsimile issued in 1896 in both
evident in
that a total of sixteen lines of the original,
omitted in
the original first copy, is supplied in this
edition. As the work of the Historical Society could
not be
compared, easily, with the original manu-
script in
errors in
word and numeral, are not unreasonable.
The curious
will be pleased to learn that the sup-
plied lines
are from the following pages of the man-
uscript,
viz.: page 122, eight lines; page 129, two
lines; the
obverse of page 201, found on the last
page of
Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two
x
lines; pages
239 and 258, one line each. The pages
of the
manuscript are indicated in these printed pages
by numerals
in parentheses.
There are several errors in the paging of
the origi-
nal
manuscript. Pages 105 and 106 are marked
145
and 146, and
pages 219 and 220 are marked 119 and
120,
respectively. Page 243 is missing.
Such as it is, the book is put forth that
the public
may know
what manner of men the Pilgrims were,
through what
perils and vicissitudes they passed, and
how much we
of to-day owe to their devotion and
determination.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
LEGISLATURE.
xi
JOURNAL
OF THE SENATE.
MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897.
The
following message from His Excellency the Gov-
ernor came
up from the House, to wit: --
To the
Honorable Senate and House of Representatives.
I have the
honor to call to your attention the fact that
Wednesday,
May 26, at 11 A.M., has been fixed as the date of
the formal
presentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth
of the
Bradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree
of the
Consistory Court of .the Diocese of London to be returned
to the
Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court
of St.
James; and to suggest for the favorable consideration
of your
honorable bodies that the exercises of presentation be
held in the
House of Representatives on the day and hour above
given, in
the presence of a joint convention of the two bodies
and of
invited guests and the public.
ROGER WOLCOTT.
Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe, --
Ordered, That, in accordance with
the suggestion of
His
Excellency the Governor, a joint convention of
the two
branches be held in the chamber of the House
xiii
xiv
of
Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty-
sixth, at
eleven o'clock A.M., for the purpose of wit-
nessing the
exercises of the formal presentation, to
the Governor
of the Commonwealth, of the
Manuscript
History, recently ordered by decree of
the
Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be
returned to
the
the hands of
the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately
Ambassador
at the Court of St. James; and further
Ordered, That the clerks of the
two branches give
notice to
His Excellency the Governor of the adop-
tion of this
order.
Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with
same date.)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE. xv
JOURNAL
OF THE SENATE.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1891.
Joint Convention.
At eleven o'clock A.M., pursuant to
assignment, the
two branches
met in
CONVENTION
in the
chamber of the House of Representatives.
On motion of Mr. Roe, --
Ordered, That a committee, to
consist of three mem-
bers of the
Senate and eight members of the House
of
Representatives, be appointed, to wait upon His
Excellency
the Governor and inform him that the two
branches are
now in convention for the purpose of
witnessing
the exercises of the formal presentation, to
the Governor
of the Commonwealth, of the
Manuscript
History.
Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the
Senate,
and Messrs.
Pierce of Milton, Bailey of
Brown of
Newbury,
Sanderson of
xvi
and Bartlett
of Boston, of the House, were appointed
the
committee:
Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards
reported
that they
had attended to the duty assigned them, and
that His
Excellency the Governor had been pleased
to say that
he received the message and should be
pleased to
wait upon the Convention forthwith for the
purpose
named.
His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by
His
Honor the
Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable
Council, and
by the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard,
lately
Ambassador of the
of St.
James's, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Sena-
tor from
States, and
other invited guests, entered the chamber.
The decree of the Consistorial and
Episcopal Court
of
and its
delivery to the Governor, was read.
The President then presented the Honorable
George
F. Hoar, who
gave an account of the manuscript and
of the many
efforts that had been made to secure its
return.
The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then
intro-
duced by the
President, and he formally presented
the
manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who
accepted it
in behalf of the Commonwealth.
On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following
order
was adopted:
--
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE LEGISLATURE. xvii
Whereas, In the presence of the
Senate and of the
House of
Representatives in joint convention assembled,
and in
accordance with a decree of the Consistorial and
Episcopal
Court of London, the manuscript of Brad-
ford's
"History of the Plimouth Plantation" has this
day been
delivered to His Excellency the Governor
of the
Commonwealth by the Honorable Thomas F.
Bayard,
lately Ambassador of the
Court of St.
James's; and
Whereas, His Excellency the
Governor has accepted
the said
manuscript in behalf of the Commonwealth;
therefore,
be it
Ordered, That the Senate and the
House of Repre-
sentatives
of the
on record
their high appreciation of the generous and
gracious
courtesy that prompted this act of inter-
national
good-will, and express their grateful thanks
to all
concerned therein, and especially to the Lord
Bishop of
London, for the return to the Common-
wealth of
this precious relic; and be it further
Ordered, That His Excellency the
Governor be re-
quested to
transmit an engrossed and duly authenti-
cated copy
of this order with its preamble to the
Lord Bishop
of
His Excellency, accompanied by the other
dignita-
ries, then
withdrew, the Convention was dissolved,
and the
Senate returned to its chamber.
Subsequently a resolve was passed
(approved June
xviii
10, 1897)
providing for the publication of the history
from the
original manuscript, together with a report
of the
proceedings of the joint convention, such report
to be prepared
by a committee consisting of one mem-
ber of the
Senate and two members of the House of
Representatives,
and to include, so far as practicable,
portraits of
His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott,
William
Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the
Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Can-
terbury and
the Lord Bishop of
of pages
from the manuscript history, and a picture
of the book
itself; copies of the decree of the Con-
sistorial
and Episcopal Court of London, the receipt
of the
Honorable Thomas F. Bayard for the manu-
script, and
the receipt sent by His Excellency the
Governor to
the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an
account of
the legislative action taken with reference
to the
presentation and reception of the manuscript;
the
addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the
Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency
Governor
Roger Wolcott; and such other papers and
illustrations
as the committee might deem advisable; the
whole to be
printed under the direction of the Secre-
tary of the
Commonwealth, and the book distributed by
him
according to directions contained in the resolve.
Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and
Represent-
atives
Francis C. Lowell of
Bouve of
Hingham were appointed as the committee.
DECREE
OF THE
CONSISTORIAL AND EPISCOPAL
COURT OF LONDON.
xix
DECREE.
MANDELL by Divine Permission
LORD BISHOP OF
The Honorable
ARD Ambassador
Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary to
Her Most Gracious
Majesty
Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's
in
of
Greeting --
WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in
the Registry
of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court
of
Bayard as
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
tiary to Her
Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria
at the Court
of Saint James's in
of the
President and Citizens of the
Our Custody
as Lord Bishop of
Manuscript
Book known as and entitled "The Log
of the
Mayflower" containing an account as narrated
by Captain
William Bradford who was one of the
Company of
Englishmen who left
1620 in the
ship known as "The Mayflower" of
the circumstances
leading to the prior Settlement of
xxi
xxii
that Company
at Leyden in
their
landing at
Settlement
at New Plymouth and their later history
for several
years they being the Company whose Set-
tlement in
nisation of
the New England States and wherein you
have also
alleged that the said Manuscript Book had
been for
many years past and was then deposited in
the Library
attached to Our Episcopal Palace at Ful-
ham in the
est interest
importance and value to the Citizens of
the
of the earliest
records of their national History and
contains
much valuable information in regard to the
original
Settlers in the States their family history and
antecedents
and that therefore you earnestly desired
to acquire
possession of the same for and on behalf
of the
President and Citizens of the said
of America
AND WHEREIN you have also alleged
that you are
informed that We as Lord Bishop of
of the said
Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the
United
States of
have to its
possession and that We were desirous of
transferring
it to the said President and Citizens
AND WHEREIN
you have also alleged that you are
advised and
believe that the Custody of documents in
CONSISTORIAL
DECREE. xxiii
the nature
of public or ecclesiastical records belong-
ing to the
See of London is vested in the Consis-
torial Court
of the said See and that any disposal
thereof must
be authorised by an Order issued by the
Judge of
that Honorable Court And that you there-
fore humbly
prayed that the said Honorable Court
would
deliver to you the said Manuscript Book on
your
undertaking to use every means in your power
for the safe
transmission of the said Book to the
custody in
the Pilgrim Hall at New Plymouth or in
such other
place as may be selected by the President
and Senate
of the said
conditions
as to security and access by and on behalf
of the
English Nation as that Honorable Court might
determine
AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set
down for
hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary
Term to Wit
Thursday the Twenty fifth day of March
One thousand
eight hundred and ninety seven in Our
Consistorial
Court in the
Paul in
Hutchinson
Tristram Doctor of Laws and one of Her
Majesty's
Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar Gen-
eral and
Official Principal the Judge of the said Court
and you at
the sitting of the said Court appeared by
Counsel in
support of the Prayer of the said Petition
and during
the hearing thereof the said Manuscript
Book was
produced in the said Court by Our legal
xxiv
Secretary
and was then inspected and examined by
the aid
Judge and evidence was also given before
the Court by
which it appeared that the Registry at
and
Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese
of
of
remained by
custom within the said Diocese AND
WHEREAS it
appeared on the face of the said Man-
uscript Book
that the whole of the body thereof with
the
exception of part of the last page thereof was in
the
handwriting of the said William Bradford who
was elected
Governor of New Plymouth in April
1621 and
continued Governor thereof from that date
excepting
between the years 1635 and 1637 up to
1650 and
that the last five pages of the said Manu-
script which
is in the hand writing of the said Wil-
liam
Register
between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the
Marriages of
the Founders of the Colony of New
and the
names of their Children the lawful issue of
such
Marriages and of the fact of the Marriages of
many of
their Children and Grandchildren and of the
names of the
issue of such marriages and of the
deaths of
many of the persons named therein And
after
hearing Counsel in support of the said applica-
tion the
Judge being of opinion that the said Manu-
CONSISTORIAL DECREE. xxv
script Book
had been upon the evidence before the
Court presumably
deposited at
time between
the year 1729 and the year 1785 during
which time
the said Colony was by custom within the
Diocese of
Registry of
the said
mate
Registry for the Custody of Registers of Mar-
riages
Births and Deaths within the said Colony and
that the
Registry at
for
Historical and other Documents connected with
the Colonies
and possessions of
the Seas so
long as the same remained by custom
within the
Diocese of
laration of
the
within the
Diocese of
Court had
ceased to be a public registry for the said
Colony and
having maturely deliberated on the Cases
precedents
and practice of the
bearing on
the application before him and having
regard to
the Special Circumstances of the Case De-
creed as
follows -- (1) That a Photographic facsimile
reproduction
of the said Manuscript Book verified by
affidavit as
being a true and correct Photographic re-
production
of the said Manuscript Book be deposited
in the
Registry of Our said Court by or on behalf
of the
Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner
of the said
original Manuscript Book as hereinafter
xxvi
ordered --
(2) That the said Manuscript Book be
delivered
over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard by
the Lord Bishop of
Lordship's
absence by the Registrar of the said Court
on his
giving his undertaking in writing that he will
with all due
care and diligence on his arrival from
person the
said Manuscript Book to the Governor
of the
States of
House in the
City of
of the
delivery of the said Book to him by the said
Lord Bishop
of
he shall
have delivered the same to the Governor of
sonal
custody -- (3) That the said Book be deposited
by the
Petitioner with the Governor of
for the
purpose of the same being with all convenient
speed
finally deposited either in the State Archives of
the
of the said
Commonwealth in the City of
the Governor
shall determine -- ( 4) That the Gov-
ernors of
the said Commonwealth for all time to
come be
officially responsible for the safe custody
of the said
Manuscript Book whether the same be
deposited in
the State Archives at
Historical
Library in
CONSISTORIAL DECREE. xxvii
the
performance of the following conditions subject to
a compliance
wherewith the said Manuscript Book is
hereby
decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the
aforesaid
Governor of the
chusetts and
his Successors to wit: -- (a) That all
persons have
such access to the said Manuscript Book
as to the
Governor of the said Commonwealth for the
time being
shall appear to be reasonable and with such
safeguard as
he shall order -- (b) That all persons
desirous of
searching the said Manuscript Book for
the bona
fide purpose of establishing or tracing a
Pedigree
through persons named in the last five pages
thereof or
in any other part thereof shall be per-
mitted to
search the same under such safeguards as
the Governor
for the time being shall determine on
payment of a
fee to be fixed by the Governor --
( c) That
any person applying to the Official having
the
immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book
for a
Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof of
Marriage
Birth or Death of persons named therein
or of any
other matter of like purport for the pur-
pose of
tracing descents shall be furnished with such
certificate
on the payment of a sum not exceeding one
Dollar --
(d) That with all convenient speed after
the delivery
of the said Manuscript Book to the Gov-
ernor of the
ernor shall
transmit to the Registrar of the Court a
Certificate
of the delivery of the same to him by
xxviii
the
Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of
the same
subject to the terms and conditions herein
named AND
the Judge lastly decreed that the Peti-
tioner on
delivering the said Manuscript Book to the
Governor
aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to
him this Our
Decree Sealed with the Seal of the
Court
WHEREFORE WE the Bishop of
aforesaid
well weighing and considering the premises
DO by virtue
of Our Authority Ordinary and Epis-
copal and as
far as in Us lies and by Law We may
or can
ratify and confirm such Decree of Our Vicar
General and
Official Principal of Our Consistorial and
Episcopal
Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof
We have
caused the Seal of Our said Vicar General
and Official
Principal of the Consistorial and Episco-
pal Court of
London which We use in this behalf to
be affixed
to these Presents DATED AT LONDON
this Twelfth
day of April One thousand eight hun-
dred and
ninety seven and in the first year of Our
Translation.
HARRY W. LEE
Exd. H.E.T. Registrar
(L. S.)
RECEIPT
OF
AMBASSADOR
BAYARD.
xxix
RECEIPT OF
AMBASSADOR BAYARD.
In the
Consistory Court of London ;
IN THE MATTER OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
OF THE BOOK ENTITLED AND KNOWN AS "THE
LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER."
I THE HONOURABLE
THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD
lately
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the
Saint James's
London Do hereby undertake, in com-
pliance with
the Order of this Honourable Court
dated the
twelfth day of April 1897 and made on
my Petition
filed in the said Honourable Court, that
I will with
all due care and diligence on my arrival
from
convey over
the Original Manuscript Book Known
as and
entitled" The Log of the Mayflower" which
has been
this twenty ninth day of April 1897 deliv-
ered over to
me by the Lord Bishop of
the City of
and on my
arrival in the said City deliver the same
over in
person to the Governor of the Common-
wealth of
State House
in the said City of
ther hereby undertake
from the time of the said
xxxi
xxxii PLUMOUTH
delivery of
the said Book to me by the said Lord
Bishop of
London until I shall have delivered the
same to the
Governor of Massachusetts, to retain
the same in
my own personal custody.
(Signed) T.
F. BAYARD
29 April
1897
RECEIPT
OF
HIS
EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.
xxxiii
RECEIPT OF
GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.
His
Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT, Governor of the Commonwealth
of
To the
Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London.
Whereas, The said Honorable Court,
by its decree
dated the
twelfth day of April, 1897, and made on
the petition
of the Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard,
lately
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the
Saint James
in
original
manuscript book then in the custody of the
Lord Bishop
of
"The
Log of the Mayflower," and more specifically
described in
said decree, should be delivered over to
the said
Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the
Lord Bishop
of
ified in
said decree, to be delivered by the said
Honorable
Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the
Governor of
the
thereafter
to be kept in the custody of the aforesaid
Governor of
the
his
successors, subject to a compliance with certain
conditions,
as set forth in said decree;
And Whereas, The said Honorable
Court by its
decree
aforesaid did further order that, with all con-
venient
speed after the delivery of the said manuscript
book to the
Governor of the
xxxv
xxxvi
chusetts,
the Governor should transmit to the Regis-
trar of the
said Honorable Court a certificate of the
delivery of
the same to him by the said Honorable
Thomas
Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the
custody of
the same, subject to the terms and con-
ditions
named in the decree aforesaid;
Now, Therefore, In compliance with
the decree
aforesaid I
do hereby certify that on the twenty-sixth
day of May,
1897, the said Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard
delivered in person to me, at my official
office in
the State House in the city of
the
States of
America, a certain manuscript book which
the said
Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and
there
declared to be the original manuscript book
known as and
entitled "The Log of the Mayflower,"
which is
more specifically described in the decree
aforesaid;
and I do further certify that I hereby
accept the
custody of the same, subject to the terms
and
conditions named in the decree aforesaid.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto
signed my
name and
caused the seal of the Commonwealth to
be affixed,
at the Capitol in
of July in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and
ninety-seven.
ROGER WOLCOTT.
By His
Excellency the Governor,
WM. M. OLIN,
Secretary of the Commonwealth.
ADDRESS
OF THE
HON. GEORGE F. HOAR.
xxxvii
ADDRESS
OF SENATOR HOAR.
The first
American Ambassador to
the end of
his official service, comes to
on an
interesting errand. He comes to deliver
to the
lineal
successor of Governor Bradford, in the presence
of the
representatives and rulers of the body politic
formed by
the compact on board the "Mayflower,"
Nov. 11,
1620, the only authentic history of the
founding of
their Commonwealth; the only authentic
history of
what we have a right to consider the most
important
political transaction that has ever taken
place on the
face of the earth.
Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the
mother
country, not
so much the diplomacy as the good-will
of the
American people. If in this anybody be
tempted to
judge him severely, let us remember
what his
great predecessor, John Adams, the first
minister at
the same court, representing more than
any other
man, embodying more than any other man,
the spirit
of
the first
day of June, 1785, after the close of our
long and
bitter struggle for independence:
"I shall
esteem
myself the happiest of men if I can be instru-
xxxix
xl
mental in
restoring an entire esteem, confidence and
affection,
or, in better words, the old good-nature
and the old
good-humor between people who, though
separated by
an ocean and under different govern-
ments, have
the same language a similar religion
and kindred
blood."
And let us remember, too, the answer of
the old
monarch,
who, with all his faults, must have had
something of
a noble and royal nature stirring in his
bosom, when
he replied: "Let the circumstances of
language,
religion and blood have their natural and
full
effect."
It has long been well known that Governor
Brad-
ford wrote
and left behind him a history of the
settlement
of
chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the rec-
ords at
compiled his
annals. Hubbard depended on it when
he wrote his
"History of New England."
Cotton
Mather had
read it, or a copy of a portion of it;
when he
wrote his "Magnalia." Governor
Hutchin-
son had it
when he published the second volume of
his history
in 1767. From that time it disappeared
from the
knowledge of everybody on this side of the
water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and
can
only guess
what had been its fate. Some persons
sus-
pected that
it was destroyed when Governor Hutchin-
son's house
was sacked in 1765, others that it was
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xli
carried off
by some officer or soldier when
was
evacuated by the British army in 1776.
In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of
afterward
Bishop of Winchester, one of the brightest
of men,
published one of the dullest and stupidest of
books. It is entitled "The History of the
Protestant
Episcopal
Church in
from
manuscripts which he said he had discovered in
the library
of the Bishop of London at Fulham. The
book
attracted no attention here until, about twelve
years later,
in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom
many of us
remember as an accomplished antiquary
and a
delightful gentleman, happened to pick up a
copy of it
while he was lounging in Burnham's book
store. He read the bishop's quotations, and carried
the book to
his office, where he left it for his friend,
Mr. Barry,
who was then writing his "History
of
note which
is not preserved, but which, according
to his
memory, suggested that the passages must have
come from
claim for
Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is
claimed by
Mr. Barry that there was nothing of that
kind
expressed in Mr. Thornton's note, but in read-
ing the book
when he got it an hour or so later,
the thought
struck him for the first time that the
clew had
been found to the precious book which
had been
lost so long. He at once repaired to
Charles
xlii
Deane, then
and ever since, down to his death, as
President
Eliot felicitously styled him, "the master of
historical
investigators in this "country."
Mr. Deane
saw the
importance of the discovery. He communi-
cated at
once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English
scholar. Hunter was high authority on all matters
connected
with the settlement of
visited the
palace at Fulham, and established beyond
question the
identity of the manuscript with Governor
ford having
been sent over for comparison of hand-
writing.
How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody
knows.
Whether it
was carried over by Governor Hutchin-
son in 1774;
whether it was taken as spoil from the
tower of the
with other
manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the
time of the
attempts of the Episcopal churches in
episcopate
here, -- nobody knows. It would seem
that
office; that
an officer would naturally have sent it to
the war
office; and a private would have sent it to
the war
office, unless he had carried it off as mere
private
booty and plunder, -- in which case it would
have been
unlikely that it would have reached a pub-
lic place of
custody. But we find it in the posses-
sion of the
church and of the church official having,
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xliii
until
independence was declared, special jurisdiction
over
Episcopal interests in
outh. This may seem to point to a transfer for some
ecclesiastical
purpose.
The bishop's chancellor conjectures that
it was sent
to Fulham
because of the record annexed to it of
the early
births, marriages and deaths, such records
being in
But this is
merely conjecture.
I know of no incident like this in
history, unless
it be the
discovery in a chest in the castle of
dred and
eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scot-
land, -- the
crown of Bruce, the sceptre and sword
of
state. The lovers of Walter Scott, who
was one
of the
commissioners who made the search, remem-
ber his
intense emotion, as described by his daughter,
when the lid
was removed. Her feelings were worked
up to such a
pitch that she nearly fainted, and drew
back from
the circle.
As she was retiring she was startled by
his voice
exclaiming,
in a tone of the deepest emotion, "some-
thing
between anger and despair," as she expressed
it: "By God, no!" One of the commissioners, not
quite
entering into the solemnity with which Scott
regarded
this business, had, it seems, made a sort
of motion as
if he meant to put the crown on the
head of one
of the young ladies near him, but the
xliv
voice and
the aspect of the poet were more than
sufficient
to make this worthy gentleman understand
his error;
and, respecting the enthusiasm with which
he had not
been taught to sympathize, he laid down
the ancient
diadem with an air of painful embar-
rassment. Scott whispered, "Pray forgive me,"
and
turning
round at the moment observed his daughter
deadly pale
and leaning by the door. He immedi-
ately drew
her out of the room, and when she had
somewhat
recovered in the fresh air, walked with
her across
Mound to
spoke all
the way home," she says, "but every
now and then
I felt his arm tremble, and from that
time I
fancied he began to treat me more like a
woman than a
child. I thought he liked me better,
too, than he
had ever done before."
There have been several attempts to
procure the
return of
the manuscript to this country. Mr. Win-
throp, in
1860, through the venerable John Sinclair,
archdeacon,
urged the Bishop of London to give it
up, and proposed
that the Prince of Wales, then just
coming to
this country, should take it across the
Atlantic and
present it to the people of Massachu-
setts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, ap-
proved the
plan, and said it would be an exceptional
act of
grace, a most interesting action, and that he
heartily
wished the success of the application. But
the bishop
refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlv
Motley, then
minister to England, who had a great
and deserved
influence there, repeated the proposi-
tion, at the
suggestion of that most accomplished
scholar,
Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the
same
fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said,
as had been
said nine years before, that the prop-
erty could
not be alienated without an act of Par-
liament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt
on his visit
to England in 1877. When he was at
Fulham the
bishop was absent, and he was obliged
to come home
without seeing him in person.
In 1881, at the time of the death of
President
Garfield,
Benjamin Scott, chamberlain of London, pro-
posed again
in the newspapers that the restitution
should be
made. But nothing came or it.
Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at
Plymouth,
on the occasion
of the two hundred and seventy-fifth
anniversary
of the landing of the Pilgrims upon the
rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again,
with
renewed
enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touch-
ing story,
as told by Governor Bradford. I felt
that
his precious
history of the Pilgrims ought to be in
no other
custody than that of their children. But
the case
seemed hopeless. I found myself
compelled
by a serious
physical infirmity to take a vacation,
and to get a
rest from public cares and duties, which
was
impossible while I stayed at home. When
I
went abroad
I determined to visit the locality, on the
xlvi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
borders of
Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from which
Bradford and
Brewster and Robinson, the three lead-
ers of the
Pilgrims, came, and where their first church
was formed,
and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden
where the
emigrants spent thirteen years. But I
longed
especially to see the manuscript of Bradford
at Fulham,
which then seemed to me, as it now
seems to me,
the most precious manuscript on earth,
unless we
could recover one of the four gospels
as it came
in the beginning from the pen of the
Evangelist.
The desire to get it back grew and grew
dur-
ing the
voyage across the
how such a
proposition would be received in Eng-
land. A few days after I landed I made a call upon
John
Morley. I asked him whether he thought
the
thing could
be done. He inquired carefully into the
story, took
down from his shelf the excellent though
brief life
of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's "Bio-
graphical
Dictionary," and told me he thought the
book ought
to come back to us, and that he should
be glad to
do anything in his power to help. It
was my
fortune, a week or two after, to sit next
to Mr.
Bayard at a dinner given to Mr. Collins by
the American
consuls in Great Britain. I took occa-
sion to tell
him the story, and he gave me the
assurance,
which he has since so abundantly and
successfully
fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlvii
compelled,
by the health of one of the party with
whom I was
travelling, to go to the continent almost
immediately,
and was disappointed in the hope of an
early return
to England. So the matter was delayed
until about
a week before I sailed for home, when
I went to
Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing
the
manuscript. I had supposed that it was a
quasi-
public
library, open to general visitors. But I
found
the bishop
was absent. I asked for the librarian,
but there
was no such officer, and I was told very
politely
that the library was not open to the public,
and was
treated in all respects as that of a private
gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing any-
thing in
person. But I happened, the Friday
before
I sailed for
home, to dine with an English friend
who had been
exceedingly kind to me. As he took
leave of me,
about eleven o'clock in the evening,
he asked me
if there was anything more he could
do for
me. I said, "No, unless you happen to
know
the Lord
Bishop of London. I should like to get
a sight at
the manuscript of Bradford's history before
I go
home." He said, "I do not know
the bishop
myself, but
Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent
a few days
in the early summer, married the bishop's
niece, and
will gladly give you an introduction to his
uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him
before I go
to bed."
Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter
from
xlviii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
Mr.
Grenfell, introducing me to the bishop. I wrote
a note to
his lordship, saying I should be glad to
have an
opportunity to see Bradford's history; that
I was to
sail for the United States the next Wednes-
day, but
would be pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday,
if that were
agreeable to him.
I got a note in reply, in which he said
if I would
call on
Tuesday he would be happy to show me "The
Log of the
Mayflower," which is the title the English,
without the
slightest reason in the world, give the
manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the
bishop with
the book in his hand. He received me
with great
courtesy, showed me the palace, and said
that that
spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace
for more
than a thousand years.
After looking at the volume and reading
the records
on the
flyleaf, I said: "My lord, I am going to say
something
which you may think rather audacious. I
think this
book ought to go back to Massachusetts.
Nobody knows
how it got over here. Some people
think it was
carried off by Governor Hutchinson, the
Tory
governor; other people think it was carried off
by British
soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but
in either
case the property would not have changed.
Or, if you
treat it as a booty, in which last case,
I suppose,
by the law of nations ordinary property
does change,
no civilized nation in modern times
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlix
applies that
principle to the property of libraries and
institutions
of learning."
"Well," said the bishop, "I
did not know you
I cared
anything about it."
"Why," said I, "if there were in existence in
England a
history of King Alfred's reign for thirty
years,
written by his own hand, it would not be more
precious in
the eyes of Englishmen than this manu-
script is to
us."
"Well," said he, "I think
myself it ought to go
back, and if
it had depended on me it would have gone
back before
this. But the Americans who have been
here many of
them have been commercial people --
did not seem
to care much about it except as a curi-
osity. I suppose I ought not to give it up on my
own
authority. It belongs to me in my
official
capacity,
and not as private or personal property.
I think I
ought to consult the Archbishop of Can-
terbury. And, indeed," he added, "I think I
ought
to speak to
the Queen about it. We should not do
such a thing
behind Her Majesty's back,"
I said: "Very well. When I go home I will have
a proper
application made from some of our literary
societies,
and ask you to give it consideration."
I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the
story.
He was at
the train when I left London for the
steamer at
Southampton. He entered with great in-
1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
terest into
the matter, and told me again he would
gladly do
anything in his power to forward it.
When I got home I communicated with
Secretary
Olney about
it, who took a kindly interest in the
matter, and
wrote to Mr. Bayard that the adminis-
tration
desired he should do everything in his power
to promote the
application. The matter was then
brought to
the attention of the council of the Ameri-
can
Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts Historical
Society, the
Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the
New England
Society of New York. These bodies
appointed committees
to unite in the application.
Governor
Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his
hearty
approbation to the movement, and a letter was
dispatched
through Mr. Bayard.
conversation,
had himself become Archbishop of Can-
terbury, and
in that capacity Primate of all England.
His
successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the
delegate of
John Harvard's College to the great cele-
bration at
Harvard University on the two hundred
and fiftieth
anniversary of its foundation, in 1886.
He had
received the degree, of doctor of laws from
the
university, had been a guest of President Eliot,
and had
received President Eliot as his guest in
England.
He is an accomplished historical scholar,
and very
friendly in
sentiment to the people of the United
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. li
States. So, by great fortune, the two eminent eccle-
siastical
personages who were to have a powerful
influence in
the matter were likely to be exceed-
ingly well
disposed. Dr. Benjamin A. Gould, the
famous
mathematician, was appointed one of the com-
mittee of
the American Antiquarian Society. He
died
suddenly,
just after a letter to the Bishop of London
was prepared
and about to be sent to him for sign-
-ing. He took a very zealous interest in the
matter.
The letter
formally asked for the return of the manu-
script, and
was signed by the following-named gentle-
men: George
F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward
Everett
Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American
Antiquarian
Society; Charles Francis Adams, William
Lawrence,
Charles W. Eliot, for the Massachusetts
Historical
Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts,
William T.
Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plym-
outh;
Charles C. Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pier-
pont Morgan,
for the New England Society of New
York; Roger
Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.
The rarest good fortune seems to have
attended
every step
in this transaction.
I was fortunate in having formed the
friendship of
Mr. Grenfell,
which secured to me so cordial a
reception
from the Bishop of London.
It was fortunate that the Bishop of London
was
Dr. Temple,
an eminent scholar, kindly disposed
toward the
people of the United States, and a man
lii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
thoroughly
capable of understanding and respecting
the deep and
holy sentiment which a compliance
with our
desire would gratify.
It was fortunate, too, that
thought he
must have the approbation of the arch-
bishop
before his action, when the time came had
himself
become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate
of all
England.
It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had
succeeded
to the see
of London. He is, himself, as I have
just said,
an eminent historical scholar. He has
many friends
in America. He was the delegate of
Emmanuel,
John Harvard's College, at the great Har-
vard
centennial celebration in 1886. He
received the
degree of
doctor of laws at Harvard and is a mem-
ber of the
Massachusetts Historical Society. He
had,
as I have
said, entertained President Eliot as his
guest in
England.
It was fortunate, too, that the
application came in
a time of
cordial good-will between the two coun-
tries, when
the desire of John Adams and the long-
ing of
George III. have their ample and complete
fulfilment. This token of the good-will of England
reached
Boston on the eve of the birthday of the
illustrious
sovereign, who is not more venerated and
beloved by
her own subjects than by the kindred
people
across the sea.
It comes to us at the time of the
rejoicing of the
THE ARCHBISHOP OF
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. liii
English
people at the sixtieth anniversary of a reign
more crowded
with benefit to humanity than any
other known
in the annals of the race. Upon the
power of
England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion,
the army and
the fleet, the monster ships of war,
the
all-shattering guns, the American people are
strong
enough now to look with an entire indiffer-
ence. We encounter her commerce and her manu-
facture in
the spirit of a generous emulation. The
inheritance
from which England has gained these
things is
ours also. We, too, are of the Saxon
strain.
In our halls is hung
Armory of the invincible knights of old.
Our temple covers a continent, and its
porches are
upon both
the seas. Our fathers knew the secret to
lay, in
Christian liberty and law, the foundations of
empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need
be, to speak
with the enemy in the gate.
But to the illustrious lady, type of
gentlest woman-
hood, model
of mother and wife and friend, who came
at eighteen
to the throne of George IV. and William;
of purer
eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden
presence
before which everything unholy shrank; the
sovereign
who, during her long reign, "ever knew
the people
that she ruled;" the royal nature that
disdained to
strike at her kingdom's rival in the
hour of our
sorest need; the heart which even in
liv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
the bosom of
a queen beat with sympathy for the
cause of
constitutional liberty; who, herself not un-
acquainted
with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead
Garfield the
wreath fragrant with a sister's sympa-
thy, -- to
her our republican manhood does not dis-
dain to
bend.
The eagle, lord of land and sea,
Will stoop to pay her fealty.
But I am afraid this application might
have had
the fate of
its predecessors but for our special good
fortune in
the fact that Mr. Bayard was our ambas-
sador at the
Court of St. James. He had been, as
I said in
the beginning, the ambassador not so much
of the
diplomacy as of the good-will of the American
people. Before his powerful influence every obstacle
gave
way. It was almost impossible for
Englishmen
to refuse a
request like this, made by him, and
in which his
own sympathies were so profoundly
enlisted. You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of
Massa-
chusetts, to
the gratitude of every lover of Massa-
chusetts and
of every lover of the country. You
have
succeeded where so many others have failed,
and where so
many others would have been likely
to
fail. You may be sure that our debt to
you is
fully
understood and will not be forgotten.
The question of the permanent abiding-place
of this
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. lv
manuscript
will be settled after it has reached the
hands of His
Excellency. Wherever it shall go it
will be an
object of reverent care. I do not think
many
Americans will gaze upon it without a little
trembling of
the lips and a little gathering of mist
in the eyes,
as they think of the story of suffering,
of sorrow,
of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty
triumph
which that book tells, -- which the hand of
the great
leader and founder of America has traced
on those
pages.
There is nothing like it in human annals
since the
story of
Bethlehem. These Englishmen and English
women going
out from their homes in beautiful Lin-
coln and
York, wife separated from husband and
mother from
child in that hurried embarkation for
Holland,
pursued to the beach by English horsemen;
the thirteen
years of exile; the life at Amsterdam
"in
alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at
Leyden; the
embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell
of Robinson;
the terrible voyage across the Atlantic;
the compact
in the harbor; the landing on the rock;
the dreadful
first winter; the death roll of more than
half the
number; the days of suffering and of famine;
the wakeful
night, listening for the yell of wild
beast and
the war-whoop of the savage; the build-
ing of the
State on those sure foundations which
no wave or
tempest has ever shaken; the breaking
of the new
light; the dawning of the new day; the
lvi
beginning of
the new life; the enjoyment of peace
with
liberty, -of all these things this is the origi-
nal record
by the hand of our beloved father and
founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the
time shall
come that her children are unworthy of
it; and that
time shall come, -- never.
ADDRESS
OF
THE
HON.
THOMAS F. BAYARD.
lvii
ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.
Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two
Houses of
the
Legislature of Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentle-
men, Fellow
Countrymen: The honorable and most
gratifying
duty with which I am charged is about
to receive
its final act of execution, for I have the
book here,
as it was placed in my hands by the
Lord Bishop
of London on April 29, intact then and
now; and I
am about to deliver it according to the
provisions
of the decree of the Chancellor of Lon-
don, which
has been read in your presence, and the
receipt
signed by me and registered in his court that
I would obey
the provisions of that decree.
I have kept my trust; I have kept the book
as
I received
it; I shall deliver it into the hands of
the
representative of the people who are entitled
to its
custody.
And now, gentlemen, it would be
superfluous for
me to dwell
upon the historical features of this
remarkable
occasion, for it has been done, as we
all knew it
would be done, with ability, learning,
eloquence
and impressiveness, by the distinguished
Senator who
represents you so well in the Con-
gress of the
United States.
lx PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
For all that related to myself, and for
every
gracious
word of recognition and commendation that
fell from
his lips in relation to the part that I have
taken in the
act of restoration, I am profoundly
grateful. It is an additional reward, but not the
reward which
induced my action.
To have served your State, to have been
instru-
mental in
such an act as this, was of itself a high
privilege to
me. The Bradford manuscript was in the
library of
Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I
could have
become possessed of the volume, and have
brought it
here and quietly deposited it, I should
have gone to
my home with the great satisfaction of
knowing that
I had performed an act of justice, an
act of right
between two countries. Therefore the
praise,
however grateful, is additional, and I am very
thankful for
it.
It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing
to you
should I
state in a very simple manner the history
of my
relation to the return of this book, for it all
has occurred
within the last twelve months.
I knew of the existence of this
manuscript, and
had seen the
reproduction in facsimile. I knew that
attempts had
been made, unsuccessfully, to obtain the
original
book.
At that time Senator Hoar made a short
visit to
informed by
him of the great interest that he, in
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxi
common with
the people of this State, had in the
restoration
of this manuscript to the custody of the
State.
We
discussed the methods by which it might be
accomplished,
and after two or three concurrent sug-
gestions he
returned to the United States, and pres-
ently I
received, under cover from the Secretary of
State, -- a
distinguished citizen of your own State,
Mr. Olney,
-- a formal note, suggesting rather than
instructing
that in an informal manner I should en-
deavor to
have carried out the wishes of the various
societies
that had addressed themselves to the Bishop
of London
and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in
order to
obtain the return of this manuscript.
It necessarily had to be done
informally. The strict
regulations
of the office I then occupied forbade my
correspondence
with any member of the British gov-
ernment
except through the foreign office, unless it
were
informal. An old saying describes the
entire
case, that
"When there's a will there's a way."
There
certainly
was the will to get the book, and there cer-
tainly was
also a will and a way to give the book,
and that way
was discovered by the legal custodians
of the book
itself.
At first there were suggestions of
difficulty, some
technical
questions; and following a very safe rule,
the first
thought was, What is the law? and the case
was
submitted to the law officers of the Crown.
lxii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
Then there
arose the necessity of a formal act of
permission.
There could be entertained no question as
to the
title to the
manuscript in the possession of the British
government. There was no authority to grant a claim,
founded on
adverse title, and the question arose as
to the
requisite form of law of a permissive rather
than of a
mandatory nature, in order to be authorita-
tive with
those who had charge of the document.
But, as I have said, when there was a will
there
was found a
way. By personal correspondence and
interviews
with the Bishop of London, I soon discov-
ered that he
was as anxious to find the way as I was
that he
should find it. In March last it was
finally
agreed that
I should employ legal counsel to present
a formal
petition in the Episcopal
of
sent the
strong desire of Massachusetts and her people
for the
return of the record of her early Governor.
Accordingly, the petition was prepared,
and by my
authority
signed as for me by an eminent member
of the bar,
and it was also signed by the Bishop of
London, so
that there was a complete consensus. The
decree was
ordered, as is published in the London
"Times"
on March 25 last, and nothing after that
remained but
formalities, in which, as you are well
aware, the
English law is not lacking, especially in
the
ecclesiastical tribunals.
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxiii
These formalities
were carried out during my ab-
sence from
London on a short visit to the Conti-
nent, and
the decree which you have just heard read
was duly
entered on April 12 last, consigning the
document to
my personal custody, to be delivered
by me in
this city to the high official therein named,
subject to
those conditions which you have also heard.
Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I
was sum-
moned to the
court, and there, having signed the re-
ceipt, this
decree was read in my presence. Then the
Bishop of
London arose, and, taking the book in
his hands,
delivered it with a few gracious words
into my
custody, and here it is to-day.
The records of those proceedings will no
doubt be
preserved
here as accompanying this book, as they
are in the
Episcopal Consistorial Court in London,
and they
tell the entire story.
But that is but part. The thing that I wish to
impress upon
you, and upon my fellow countrymen
throughout
the United States, is that this is an act
of courtesy
and friendship by another government --
the
government of what we once called our "mother
country"
-- to the entire people of the United States.
You cannot limit it to the Governor of
this Com-
monwealth;
nor to the Legislature; nor even to the
citizens of
this Commonwealth. It extends in its
courtesy,
its kindness and comity to the entire people
of the
United States. From first to last there
was
lxiv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
the ready
response of courtesy and kindness to the
request for
the restoration of this manuscript record.
I may say to you that there has been
nothing that
I have
sought more earnestly than to place the affairs
of these two
great nations in the atmosphere of
mutual
confidence and respect and good-will. If
it
be a sin to
long for the honor of one's country,
for the
safety and strength of one's country, then
I have been
a great sinner, for I have striven to
advance the
honor and the safety and the welfare
of my
country, and believed it was best accom-
plished by
treating all with justice and courtesy, and
doing those
things to others which we would ask to
have done to
ourselves.
When the Chancellor pronounced his decree
in March
last, he
cited certain precedents to justify him in re-
storing this
volume to Massachusetts. One precedent
which
powerfully controlled his decision, and which
in the
closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes,
was an act
of generous liberality upon the part of
the American
Library Society in Philadelphia in vol-
untarily
returning to the British government some
volumes of
original manuscript of the period of James
the First,
which by some means not very clearly
explained
had found their way among the books of
that
institution.
Those books were received by a
distinguished man,
Lord
Romilly, Master of the Rolls, who took occasion
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxv
to speak of
the liberality and kindness which dictated
the action
of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen,
I
am one of
those who believe that a generous and
kindly act
is never unwise between individuals or
nations.
The return of this book to you is an echo
of the
kindly act
of your countrymen in the city of Phila-
delphia in
1866.
It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any
influence
or special
effort of mine; but it is international good
feeling and
comity which brought about to you the
pleasure and
the joy of having this manuscript re-
turned, and
so it will ever be. A generous act will
beget a
generous act; trust and confidence will beget
trust and
confidence; and so it will be while the world
shall last,
and well will it be for the man or for the
people who
shall recognize this truth and act upon it.
Now, gentlemen, there is another
coincidence that
I may venture
to point out. It is history repeating
itself. More than three hundred years ago the ances-
tors from
whom my father drew his name and blood
were French
Protestants, who had been compelled to
flee from
the religious persecutions of that day, and
for the sake
of conscience to find an asylum in Hol-
land. Fifty years after they had fled and found
safety
in Holland,
the little congregation of Independents
from the
English village of Scrooby, under the pas-
torate of
John Robinson, was forced to fly, and with
lxvi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
difficulty
found its way into the same country of the
Netherlands,
seeking an asylum for consciences' sake.
Time passed on. The little English colony re-
moved, as
this manuscript of William Bradford will
tell you,
across the Atlantic, and soon after the
Huguenot
family from whom I drew my name found
their first
settlement in what was then the New
Netherlands,
now New York. Both came from the
same cause;
both came with the same object, the
same purpose,
-- "soul freedom," as Roger Williams
well called
it. Both came to found homes where
they could
worship God according to their own con-
science and
live as free men. They came to these
shores, and
they have found the asylum, and they
have strengthened
it, and it is what we see to-day, --
a country of
absolute religious and civil freedom, --
of equal
rights and toleration.
And is it not fitting that I, who have in
my veins
the blood of
the Huguenots, should present to you and
your Governor
the log of the English emigrants, who
left their
country for the sake of religious freedom?
They are blended here, -- their names,
their inter-
ests. No man asks and no man has a right to ask
or have
ascertained by any method authorized by law
what is the
conscientious religious tenet or opinion
of any man,
of any citizen, as a prerequisite for
holding an
office of trust or power in the United
States.
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxvii
I think it
well on this occasion to make, as I am
sure you are
making, acknowledgment to that heroic
little
country, the Low lands as they call it, the Neth-
erlands, --
the country without one single feature of
military
defence except the brave hearts of the men
who live in
it and defend it.
Holland was the anvil upon which religious
and
civil
liberty was beaten out in Europe at a time
when the
clang was scarcely heard anywhere else.
We can never
forget our historical debt to that
country and
to those people. Puritan, Independent,
Huguenot,
whoever he may be, forced to flee for
conscience's
sake, will not forget that in the Nether-
lands there
was found in his time of need the
asylum where
conscience, property and person might
be secure.
And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful
for the part
that I have been enabled to take in this
act of just
and natural restitution. In
Massachusetts
or out of
Massachusetts there is no one more will-
ing than I
to assist this work; and here, sir [address-
ing Governor
Wolcott], I fulfil my trust in placing in
your hands
the manuscript.
To you, as the honored representative of
the people
of this
Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pur-
suance of my
obligations, gladly undertaken under
the decree
of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of
London.
ADDRESS
OF
HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.
lxix
ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.
On receiving
the volume, Governor Wolcott, ad-
dressing Mr.
Bayard, spoke as follows: I thank you,
sir, for the
diligent and faithful manner in which
you have
executed the honorable trust imposed upon
you by the
decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal
Court of
London, a copy of which you have now
placed in my
hands. It was fitting that one of your
high
distinction should be selected to perform so
dignified an
office.
The gracious act of international courtesy
which is
now
completed will not fail of grateful appreciation
by the
people of this Commonwealth and of the
nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated
not to
prefer the request and to those whose generous
liberality
has prompted compliance with it. It may
be that the
story of the departure of this precious
relic from
our shores may never in its every detail
be revealed;
but the story of its return will be read
of all men,
and will become a part of the history
of the
Commonwealth. There are places and
objects
so
intimately associated with the world's greatest men
or with
mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes
upon them is
lost in a sense of reverent awe, as it
lxxii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
listens to
the voice that speaks from the past, in
words like
those which came from the burning bush,
"Put
off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place
whereon thou
standest is holy ground."
On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that
bathes
its feet in
the waters of the Atlantic, such a voice
is breathed
by the brooding genius of the place, and
the ear must
be dull that fails to catch the whispered
words. For here not alone did godly men and women
suffer
greatly for a great cause, but their noble pur-
pose was not
doomed to defeat, but was carried to
perfect
victory. They stablished what they
planned.
Their feeble
plantation became the birthplace of re-
ligious
liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth.
To them a
mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they
have made
the civilized world their debtor. In the
varied
tapestry which pictures our national life, the
richest
spots are those where gleam the golden threads
of
conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by
that little
band. May God in his mercy grant that
the moral
impulse which founded this nation may
never cease
to control its destiny; that no act of
any future
generation may put in peril the funda-
mental
principles on which it is based, -- of equal
rights in a
free state, equal privileges in a free
church and
equal opportunities in a free school.
In this precious volume which I bold in my
hands
-- the gift
of
GOVERNOR WOLCOTT'S ADDRESS. lxxiii
sachusetts
-- is told the noble, simple story" of Plimoth
Plantation." In the midst of suffering and
privation
and anxiety the pious hand of William
"
Bradford here set down in ample detail the history
of the
enterprise from its inception to the year 1647.
From him we
may learn "that all great and hon-
ourable
actions are accompanied with great difficulties,
and must be
both enterprised and overcome with
answerable
courages."
The sadness and pathos which some might
read into
the
narrative are to me lost in victory. The
triumph
of a noble
cause even at a great price is theme for
rejoicing,
not for sorrow, and the story here told
is one of
triumphant achievement, and not of defeat.
As the official representative of the
Commonwealth,
I receive
it, sir, at your hands. I pledge the
faith
of the
Commonwealth that for all time it shall be
guarded in
accordance with the terms of the decree
under which
it is delivered into her possession as one
of her
chiefest treasures. I express the thanks
of the
Commonwealth
for the priceless gift. And I venture
the prophecy
that for countless years to come and
to untold
thousands these mute pages shall eloquently
speak of
high resolve, great suffering and heroic en-
durance made
possible by an absolute faith in the
over-ruling
providence of Almighty God.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
BY THE
BISHOP OF LONDON.
lxxv
(COPY)
Oct. 16, 1897.
DEAR SIR,
I would ask you to express to the
Convention
of the two
branches of the General Court of the
Commonwealth
of Massachusetts my grateful thanks
for the copy
of their resolution of May 26, which
was
presented to me by Mr. Adams.*
I consider it a great privilege to have
been asso-
ciated with
an act of courtesy, which was also an
act of
justice, in restoring to its proper place a
document
which is so important in the records of,
your
illustrious Commonwealth.
I am
Yours faithfully,
M.
H. D. COOLIDGE, Esq.
Clerk of the
Convention.
*The Hon. Charles Francis Adams.
lxxvii
OF PLIMOTH
Of Plimoth Plantation.
AND first of ye occasion and
indusments ther unto;
the which
that I may truly unfould, I must begine at
ye
very roote & rise of ye same.
The which I shall
endevor to
manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler
regard unto
ye simple trueth in all things, at least as
near as my
slender judgmente can attaine the same.
1. Chapter.
IT is well knowne unto ye godly
and judicious, how
ever since ye
first breaking out of ye lighte of ye gospell
in our
Honourable Nation of England, (which was ye
first of
nations whom ye Lord adorned ther with, affter
yt
grosse darknes of popery which had covered & over-
spred ye
Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions
ever since,
Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued
against the
Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or
other. Some times by bloody death and cruell tor-
ments; other
whiles imprisonments, banishments, &
other hard
usages; as being loath his kingdom should
goe downe,
the trueth prevaile, and ye churches of God
reverte to
their anciente puritie, and recover their prima-
tive order,
libertie, & bewtie. But when he
could not
4 HISTORY OF [ CHAP. I.
prevaile by
these means, against the maine trueths of
ye
gospell, but that they began to take rootting in many
places,
being watered with ye blooud of ye martires, and
blessed from
heaven with a gracious encrease; He then
begane to
take him to his anciente strategemes, used
of old
against the first Christians. That when
by ye
bloody &
barbarous persecutions of ye Heathen Em-
perours, he
could not stoppe & subuerte the course
of ye
gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a
wounderfull
celeritie the then best known parts of ye
world, He
then begane to sow errours, heresies, and
wounderfull
dissentions amongst ye professours them
selves,
(working upon their pride & ambition, with
other
corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men,
yea to ye
saints them selves in some measure,) by
which wofull
effects followed; as not only bitter con-
tentions,
& hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible
confusions,
but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby
to foyst in
a number of vile ceremoneys, with many
unproffitable
cannons & decrees, which have since been
as snares to
many poore & peaceable souls even to this
day. So as in ye anciente times, the
persecutions [2]
by ye
heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then
of the
Christians one against other; the Arians & other
their
complices against ye orthodoxe & true Christians.
As witneseth
Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are
these;* The violence truly (saith he) was
no less than
*Lib. 2.
Chap. 22.
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 5
that of ould
practised towards ye Christians when they
were
compelled & drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many
indured
sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, & dis-
membering of
their joynts; confiscating of ther goods
some
bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this
life under ye hands of ye tormentor; and some died in
banishmete,
& never saw ther cuntrie againe, &c.
The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold
in these
later times,
since ye trueth begane to springe & spread
after ye
great defection made by Antichrist, yt man of
sine.
For to let pass ye infinite
examples in sundrie na-
tions and
severall places of ye world, and instance in
our owne,
when as yt old serpente could not prevaile
by those
firie flames & other his cruell tragedies, which
he * by his
instruments put in ure every wher in ye
days of
queene Mary & before, he then begane an
other kind
of warre, & went more closly to worke;
not only to
oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy
ye
kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means,
by kindling
ye flames of contention and sowing ye
seeds of
discorde & bitter enmitie amongst ye proffes-
sors &
seeming reformed them selves. For when
he
could not
prevaile by ye former means against ye prin-
cipall
doctrins of faith, he bente his force against ye
holy
discipline & outward regimente of ye kingdom of
*In the text, parentheses are used
frequently, apparently in place of commas.
For this
reason, many are omitted in the reprint.
6 HISTORY OF [CHAP.
I.
Christ, by
which those holy doctrines should be con-
served,
& true pietie maintained amongest the saints
& people
of God.
Mr. Foxe recordeth how yt besids
those worthy
martires
& confessors which were burned in queene
Marys days
& otherwise tormented,* many (both stu-
dients re
others) fled out of ye land, to ye number of
800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell,
Frankford,
Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh,
&
Geneva, &c. Amongst whom (but especialy those
at Frankford)
begane yt bitter warr of contention &
persecutio
aboute ye ceremonies, & servise-booke, and
other popish
and antichristian stuffe, the plague of
England to
this day, which are like ye highplases in
Israell, wch
the prophets cried out against, & were
their ruine;
[3] which ye better parte sought, accord-
ing to ye
puritie of ye gospell, to roote out and
utterly to
abandon. And the other parte (under
veiled
pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments,
sought as
stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend.
As
appeareth by
ye discourse therof published
in printe,
Ano: 1575; a booke yt deserves better
to be knowne
and
considred.
The one side laboured to have ye right
worship of
God &
discipline of Christ established in ye church,
according to
ye simplicitie of ye gospell, without the
mixture of
mens inventions, and to have & to be
*Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi: 2.
CHAP. I. ] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 7
ruled by ye
laws of Gods word, dispensed in those
offices,
& by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, &
Elders,
&c. according to ye Scripturs.
The other par-
tie, though
under many colours & pretences, endev-
ored to have
ye episcopall dignitie (affter ye popish
maner) with
their large power & jurisdiction still re-
tained; with
all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies,
togeather
with all such livings, revenues, & subordi-
nate
officers, with other such means as formerly up-
held their
antichristian greatnes, and enabled them
with lordly
& tyranous power to persecute ye poore
servants of
God. This contention was so great, as
neither ye
honour of God, the commone persecution,
nor ye
mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of
ye
Lord in those places, could prevaile with those
thus
episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all
means to
disturbe ye peace of this poor persecuted
church, even
so farr as to charge (very unjustly, &
ungodlily,
yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe op-
posers, with
rebellion & hightreason against ye Em-
perour,
& other such crimes.
And this contetion dyed not with queene
Mary, nor
was left
beyonde ye seas, but at her death these peo-
ple
returning into England under gracious queene
Elizabeth,
many of them being preferred to bish-
opricks
& other promotions, according to their aimes
and desires,
that inveterate hatered against ye holy
discipline
of Christ in his church hath continued to
8 HISTORY OF [ CHAP. I.
this
day. In somuch that for fear [4] it
should pre-
veile, all
plotts & devices have been used to keepe it
out, incensing
ye queene & state against it as dan-
gerous for ye
comon wealth; and that it was most
needfull yt
ye fundamentall poynts of Religion should
be preached
in those ignorante & superstitious times;
and to wine
ye weake & ignorante, they might retaine
diverse
harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be
wished yt
diverse things were reformed, yet this was
not a season
for it. And many the like, to stop ye
mouthes of ye
more godly, to bring them over to
yeeld to one
ceremoney after another, and one cor-
ruption
after another; by these wyles begyleing some
&
corrupting others till at length they begane to per-
secute all
ye zealous professors in ye land (though
they knew
little what this discipline mente) both by
word &
deed, if they would not submitte to their
ceremonies,
& become slaves to them & their popish
trash, which
have no ground in ye word of God, but
are relikes
of yt man of sine. And the
more ye light
of ye
gospell grew, ye more yey urged their subscrip-
tions to
these corruptions. So as
(notwithstanding all
their former
pretences & fair colures) they whose
eyes God had
not justly blinded might easily see
wherto these
things tended. And to cast contempte
the more
upon ye sincere servants of God, they oppro-
briously
& most injuriously gave unto, & imposed
upon them,
that name of Puritans, which [it] is said
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 9
the
Novatians out of prid did assume & take unto
themselves.* And lamentable it is to see ye
effects
which have
followed. Religion hath been disgraced,
the godly
greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many
exiled,
sundrie have lost their lives in prisones &
otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been coun-
tenanced,
ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased,
& the
papists encouraged to hope againe for a day.
This made that holy man Mr. Perkins! crie
out in
his
exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2.
Religion
(saith he)
hath been amongst us this 35. years; but
the more it
is published, the more it is contemned &
reproached
of many, &c. Thus not prophanes nor
wickednes,
but Religion it selfe is a byword, a moking-
stock,
&:, a matter of reproach; so that in England at
this day the
man or woman yt begines to profes Religion,
&:, to
serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine
[5] mocks
& injueries even as though he lived amongst
ye
enimies of Religion. And this comone experience
hath
confirmed & made too apparente.
A late observation, as it were by the way,
worthy to be
Noted.!!
Full litle
did I thinke, yt the downfall of ye Bishops, with
their
courts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare,
when I first
begane these scribled writings (which was aboute
ye
year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure after-
*Ens: lib: 6. Chap. 42. !Page 421.
!!A note of the author at this place,
written subsequent to this portion of
the
narrative, on the reverse pages of his History.
10 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.
ward), or
that I should have lived to have seene or heard
of ye
same; but it is ye Lords doing, and ought to be
marvelous in
our eyes! Every plante which mine
heavenly
father hath
not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted
up. Mat: 15. 13.*
I have snared the, and thou art taken,
0 Babell
(Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art
found, and
also caught, because thou hast striven against
the
Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against ye
truth,
against ye servants of God; what, & against the Lord
him
selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to
anger? Are they
stronger
than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete
with their
match. Behold, I come unto ye,
O proud man,
saith the
Lord God of hosts; for thy day is come, even the
time that I
will visite the. Jer: 50. 31. May not the
people of
God now say (and these pore people among ye
rest), The
Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come,
let us
declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God.
Jer:
51. 10. Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for
he is
raised up
out of his holy place. Zach: 2. 13.
In this case, these poore people may say
(among ye
thousands of
Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the
cap-
tivite of
Zion, we were like them that dreame.
Psa: 126. 1.
The Lord
hath done greate things for us, wherof we rejoyce.
v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in
joye. They
wente
weeping, and carried precious seede, but they shall
returne with
joye, and bring their sheaves. v. 5, 6.
Doe you not now see ye fruits
of your labours, 0 all yee
servants of
ye Lord that have suffered for his truth, and
have been
faithfull witneses of ye same, and yee litle hand-
fall amongst
ye rest, ye least amongest ye thoasands of
Israll?
You have not
only had a seede time, but many of you have
seene ye
joyefull harvest; shoald you not then rejoyse, yea,
*All these and subsequent passages are
quoted from the Geneva version
of the
Bible.
CHAP. I.]
and againe
rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah, salvation, and glorie,
and honour,
and power, be to ye Lord our God; for true
and
righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2.
But thou wilte aske what is ye
mater? What is done?
Why, art
thou a stranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not
know what is
done? Are not those Jebusites overcome
that
have vexed
the people of Israll so long, even holding Jeru-
salem till
Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so
many ages;
and now begane to scorne that any David
should
meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower,
as that of
the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes
are throwne
downe, and their glory laid in ye dust. The
tiranous
bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their can-
nons
forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies useles
and
despised; their plots for popery prevented, and all their
superstitions
discarded & returned to Roome from whence
they came,
and ye monuments of idolatrie rooted out of ye land.
And the
proud and profane suporters, and cruel I defenders of
these (as
bloody papists & wicked athists, and their malignante
consorts)
marvelously over throwne. And are not
these greate
things? Who
can deney it?
But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on ye
white
horse, who
is caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and fighteth
righteously,
Rev: 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in
blood,
and his name
was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall
rule them
with a rode of iron; for it is he that treadeth the
winepress of
the feircenes and wrath of God almighty.
And
he hath upon
his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen,
The King of
Kings, and Lord of Lords. v. 15, 16.
Hallelu-iah.
Anno
Dom: 1646.
But that I may come more near my
intendmente;
when as by
the travell & diligence of some godly &
zealous
preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as
12 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.
in other
places of ye land, so in ye North parts, many
became
inlightened by ye word of God, and had their
ignorance
& sins discovered unto them, and begane by
his grace to
reforme their lives, and make conscience
of their
wayes, the worke of God was no sooner mani-
fest in
them, but presently they were both scoffed and
scorned by ye
prophane multitude, and ye ministers
urged with ye
yoak of subscription, or els must be
silenced;
and ye poore people were so vexed with
apparators,
& pursuants, & ye comissarie courts, as
truly their
affliction was not smale; which, notwith-
standing,
they bore sundrie years with much patience,
till they
were occasioned (by ye continuance & encrease
of these
troubls, and other means which ye Lord raised
up in those
days) to see further into things by the
light of ye
word of God. How not only these base
and beggerly
ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that
ye
lordly & tiranous power of ye prelats ought not to
be submitted
unto; which thus, contrary to the free-
dome of the
gospell, would load & burden mens con-
sciences,
and by their compulsive power make a prophane
mixture of
persons & things in ye worship of God. And
that their
offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were
unlawfull
and antichrist!an; being such as have no war-
rante in ye
word of God; but the same yt were used in
poperie,
& still retained. Of which a famous
author
thus writeth
in his Dutch comtaries. At ye coming of
*Em: meter: lib: 25. col. 119.
1602-1606?] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 13
king James
into England; The new king (saith he) found
their
established ye reformed religion, according to ye re-
formed
religion of king Edward ye 6.
Retaining, or
keeping
still ye spirituall state of ye Bishops, &c. after
ye
ould maner, much varying re differing from ye reformed
churches in
Scotland, France, & ye Neatherlands, Embden,
Geneva,
&c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen much
nerer ye
first Christian churches, as it was used in ye
Apostles
times.*
[6] SO many therfore of these proffessors
as saw ye
evill of
these things, in thes parts, and whose harts ye
Lord had
touched wth heavenJy zeale for his trueth, they
shooke of
this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as
ye
Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant
of the Lord)
into a church estate, in ye felowship of ye
gospell, to
walke in all his wayes, made known, or to
be made
known unto them, according to their best en-
deavours,
whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assist-
ing
them. And that it cost them something
this ensewing
historie
will declare.
These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches,
& in
regarde of distance of place did congregate sev-
erally; for
they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some
in
Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of
Yorkshire,
wher they border- nearest togeather. In
one
*The reformed churches shapen much neerer
ye primitive patterne then
England, for
they cashered ye Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and cere-
moneis, at
the first; and left them amongst ye popish tr, .to Ch wch
they per-
tained. (The
last word in the note is uncertain in the MS.)
14 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.
of these
churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John
Smith, a man
of able gifts, a good preacher, who
afterwards
was chosen their pastor. But these
after-
wards
falling into some errours in ye
ther (for ye
most part) buried them selves, & their
names.
But in this other church (wch
must be ye subjecte of
our
discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard
Clifton, a
grave & revered preacher, who by his paines
and
dilligens had done much good, and under God had
ben a means
of ye conversion of many. And
also that
famous and worthy
man Mr. John Robinson, who after-
wards was
their pastor for many years, till ye Lord
tooke him
away by death. Also Mr.
William Brewster a
reverent
man, who afterwards was chosen an elder
of ye
church and lived with them till old age.
But after these things they could not long
continue
in any
peaceable condition, but were hunted & perse-
cuted on
every side, so as their former afflictions were
but as
flea-bitings in comparison of these which now
came upon
them. For some were taken & clapt up
in
prison,
others had their houses besett & watcht night
and day,
& hardly escaped their hands; and ye most
were faine
to flie & leave their howses & habitations,
and the
means of their livelehood. Yet these
& many
other
sharper things which affterward befell them,
were no
other then they looked for, and therfore were ye
better
prepared to bear them by ye assistance of Gods
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 15
grace &
spirite. Yet seeing, them selves thus
molested,
[7] and that
ther was no hope of their continuance ther,
by a joynte
consente they resolved to goe into ye Low-
Countries,
wher they heard was freedome of Relioion
for all men;
as also how sundrie from London, & other
parts of ye
land, had been exiled and persecuted for
ye
same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Am-
sterdam,
& in other places of ye land.
So affter they
had
continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their
meetings
every Saboth in one place or other, exercising
the worship
of God amongst them selves, notwithstand-
ing, all ye
dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they
seeing they
could no longer continue in yt condition,
they
resolved to get over into Hollad as they could;
which was in
ye year 1607. & 1608.; of
which more at
large in ye
next chap.
2. Chap.
Of their
departure into
aboute, with some of ye many
difficulties they found
and mete withall.
Ano. 1608.
BEING thus constrained to leave their
native soyle
and
countries their lands & livings, and all their
freinds
& famillier acquaintance, it was much, and
thought
marvelous by many. But to goe into a
coun-
trie they
knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must
learne a new
language, and get their livings they
16 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.
knew not
how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to
ye
misseries of warr, it was by many thought an ad-
venture
almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a mis-
serie worse
then death. Espetially seeing they were
not
aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which yt
countrie
doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a
plaine
countrie life, & ye inocente trade of husbandrey.
But these
things did not dismay them (though they
did some
times trouble them) for their desires were
sett on ye
ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances;
but they
rested on his providence, & knew whom they
had
beleeved. Yet [8] this was not all, for
though
they could
not stay, yet were ye not suffered to goe,
but ye
ports & havens were shut against them, so as
they were
faine to seeke secrete means of conveance,
& to
bribe & fee ye mariners, & give exterordinarie
rates for
their passages. And yet were they often
times
betrayed (many of them), and both they &
their goods
intercepted & surprised, and therby put
to great
trouble & charge, of which I will give an in-
stance or
tow, & omitte the rest.
Ther was a large companie of them purposed
to get
passage at
Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end
had hired a
shipe wholy to them selves, & made
agreement
with the maister to be ready at a certaine
day, and
take them and their goods in, at a con-
veniente
place, wher they accordingly would all at-
tende in
readines. So after long waiting, &
large
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 1 7
expences,
though he kepte not day with them, yet he
came at
length & tooke them in, in ye night. But
when he had
them & their goods abord, he betrayed
them,
haveing before hand complotted with ye serchers
& other
officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put
them into
open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them,
searching
them to their shirts for money, yea even ye
women furder
then became modestie; and then caried
them back
into ye towne, & made them a spectackle
& wonder
to ye multitude, which came flocking on all
sids to
behould them. Being thus first, by the
chatch-
poule
officers, rifled, & stripte of their money, books,
and much
other goods, they were presented to ye
magestrates,
and messengers sente to informe ye lords
of ye
Counsell of them; and so they were comited to
ward. Indeed ye magestrats used them
courteously,
and shewed
them what favour they could; but could
not deliver
them, till order came from ye Counsell-
table. But ye issue was that after a
months impris-
onmente, ye
greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to
ye
places from whence they came; but 7. of ye prin-
cipall were
still kept in prison, and bound over to
ye
Assises.
The nexte spring after, ther was another
attempte
made by some
of these & others, to get over at an
other
place. And it so fell out, that they
light of a
Dutchman at
Hull, having a ship of his owne belong-
ing to
Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and
18 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.
acquainted
[9] him with their condition, hoping to
find more
faithfullnes in him, then in ye former of
their owne
nation. He bad them not fear, for he
would doe
well enough. He was by appointment to
take them in
betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher was a
large comone
a good way distante from any towne.
Now aganst
the prefixed time, the women & children,
with ye
goods, were sent to ye place in a small barke,
which they
had hired for yt end; and ye men were to
meete them
by land. But it so fell out, that they
were ther a
day before ye shipe came, & ye sea being
rough, and ye
women very sicke, prevailed with ye
seamen to
put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on
ground at
lowwater. The nexte morning ye
shipe
came, but
they were fast, & could not stir till aboute
noone. In ye mean time, ye shipe maister,
perceive-
ing how ye
matter was, sente his boate to be getting
ye
men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute ye
shore. But after ye first boat full was
gott abord, &
she was
ready to goe for more, the mr espied a greate
company,
both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, &
other
weapons; for ye countrie was raised to take
them. Ye Dutch-man seeing yt,
swore his countries
oath,
"sacremente," and having ye wind faire, waiged
his Ancor,
hoysed sayles, & away. But ye
poore men
which were
gott abord, were in great distress for
their wives
and children, which they saw thus to be
taken, and
were left destitute of their helps; and
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 19
them selves
also, not having a cloath to shifte them
with, more
then they had on their baks, & some
scarce a
peney aboute them, all they had being abord
ye
barke. It drew tears from their eyes,
and any thing
they had
they would have given to have been
a shore
againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy,
they must
thus sadly part. And afterward endured
a fearfull
storme at sea, being 14. days or more be-
fore yey
arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they
neither saw
son, moone, nor stars, & were driven
near ye
coast of Norway; the mariners them selves
often
despairing of life; and once with shriks & cries
gave over
all, as if ye ship had been foundred in ye
sea, &
they sinking without recoverie. But when
mans hope
& helpe wholy failed, ye Lords power &
mercie
appeared in ther recoverie; for ye ship rose
againe,
& gave ye mariners courage againe to manage
her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might de-
clare with
what fervente [10] prayres they cried unto
ye
Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of
them,) even
without any great distraction, when ye
water rane
into their mouthes & ears; & the mariners
cried out,
We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not
with
mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of
devine
faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord
thou canst
save; with shuch other expressions as I
will
forbeare. Upon which ye ship
did not only re-
cover, but
shortly after ye violence of ye storme be-
20 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.
gane to
abate, and ye Lord filed their afllicted minds
with shuch
comforts as everyone canot understand,
and in ye
end brought them to their desired Haven,
wher ye
people came flockeing admiring their deliver-
ance, the
storme having been so longe & sore, in
which much
hurt had been don, as ye masters freinds
related unto
him in their congrattulations.
But to returne to ye others
wher we left. The rest
of ye
men yt were in greatest danger, made shift to
escape away
before ye troope could surprise them;
those only
staying yt best might, to be assistante unto
ye
women. But pitifull it was to see ye
heavie case
of these poore
women in this distress; what weeping
& crying
on every side, some for their husbands, that
were caried
away in ye ship as is before related;
others not
knowing what should become of them, &
their litle
ones; others againe melted in teares, see-
ing their
poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying
for feare,
and quaking with could. Being thus apre-
hended, they
were hurried from one place to another,
and from one
justice to another, till in ye ende they
knew not
what to doe with them; for to imprison so
many women
& innocent children for no other cause
(many of
them) but that they must goe with their hus-
bands, semed
to be unreasonable and all would crie
out of them;
and to send them home againe was as
difficult,
for they aledged, as ye trueth was, they had
no homes to
goe to, for they had either sould, or other-
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 21
wise
disposed of their houses & livings. To be shorte,
after they
had been thus turmolyed a good while, and
]conveyed
from one constable to another, they were glad
to be ridd
of them in ye end upon any termes; for all
were wearied
& tired with them. Though in ye
mean
time they
(poore soules) indured miserie enough; and
thus in ye
end necessitie forste a way for them.
But yt I be not tedious in these
things, I will omitte
ye
rest, though I might relate many other notable pas-
sages and
troubles which they endured & underwente
in these
their wanderings & travells both at land & sea;
but I hast
to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte
ye
fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick
troubls, in
so many eminente places, their cause became
famouss,
& occasioned many to looke into ye same; and
their godly
cariage & Christian behaviour was such as
left a deep
impression in the minds of many. And
though some
few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp
beginings,
(as it was no marvell,) yet many more came
on with
fresh courage, & greatly animated others.
And
in ye
end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossi-
tion, they
all gatt over at length, some at one time &
some at an
other, and some in one place & some in an
other, and
mette togeather againe according to their
desires,
with no small rejoycing. .
22 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
The 3. Chap.
Of their setling in Holand, & their
maner of living, &
entertainmente ther.
BEING now come into ye Low
Countries, they saw
many goodly
& fortified cities, strongly walled and
garded with
troopes of armed men. Also they heard
a strange
& uncouth language, and beheld ye differente
maners &
customes of ye people, with their strange
fashons and
attires; all so farre differing from yt of
their plaine
countrie villages (wherin they were bred,
& had so
longe lived) as it seemed they were come into
a new
world. But these were not ye
things they much
looked on,
or long tooke up their thoughts; for they
had other
work in hand, & an other kind of warr
to wage
& maintaine. For though they saw
faire &
bewtifull
cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of
welth &
riches, yet it was not longe before they saw
the grime
& grisly face of povertie coming upon them
like an
armed man, with whom they must bukle &
incounter,
and from whom they could not flye; but
they were
armed with faith & patience against him, and
all his
encounters; and though they were sometimes
foyled, yet
by Gods assistance they prevailed and got
ye
victorie.
Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr.
Brewster, & other prin-
cipall
members were come over, (for they were of ye
1609.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 23
last, &
stayed to help ye weakest over before them,)
such things
were [12] thought on as were necessarie
for their
setting and best ordering of ye church affairs.
And when
they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year,
Mr. Robinson,
their pastor, and some others of best
discerning,
seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com-
panie was
allready fallen in to contention with ye church
yt
was ther before them, & no means they could use
would doe
any good to cure ye same, and also that
ye
flames of contention were like to breake out in yt
anciente
church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably
came to
pass); which things they prudently foresee-
ing, thought
it was best to remove, before they were
any way
engaged with ye same; though they well knew
it would be
much to ye prejudice of their outward
estats, both
at presente & in licklyhood in ye future;
as indeed it
proved to be.
Their remoovall to Leyden.
For these &, some other reasons they
removed to Ley-
den, a fair
& bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation,
but made
more famous by ye universitie wherwith it is
adorned, in
which of late had been so many learned
men. But wanting that traffike by sea which
Amster-
dam injoyes,
it was not so beneficiall for their outward
means of
living & estats. But being now hear
pitchet
they fell to
such trads & employments as they best
could;
valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above
24 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
any other
riches whatsoever. And at lenght they
came
to raise a
competente & comforteable living, but with
hard and
continuall labor.
Being thus setled (after many
difficulties) they con-
tinued many
years in a comfortable condition, injoying
much sweete
& delightefull societie & spirituall com-
forte
togeather in ye wayes of God, under ye able minis-
trie, and
prudente governmente of Mr. John Robinson,
& Mr.
William Brewster, who was an assistante unto
him in ye
place of an Elder, unto which he was now
called &
chosen by the church. So as they grew in
knowledge
& other gifts & graces of ye spirite of God,
& lived
togeather in peace, & love, and holines; and
many came
unto them from diverse parts of England,
so as they
grew a great congregation. And if at any
time any
differences arose, or offences broak [13] out
(as it
cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst
ye
best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt
in ye
head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as
still love,
peace, and communion was continued; or els
ye
church purged of those that were incurable & incor-
rigible,
when, after much patience used, no other means
would serve,
which seldom came to pass. Yea such
was ye
mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this
worthy man
had to his flocke, and his flocke to him,
that it might
be said of them as it once was of yt
famouse
Emperour Marcus Aurelious,* and ye people of
* Goulden booke, &c.
1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 25
Rome, that
it was hard to judge wheather he delighted
more in
haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing
such a
pastor. His love was greate towards
them, and
his care was
all ways bente for their best good, both
for soule
and body; for besids his singuler abilities in
devine
things (wherin he excelled), he was also very
able to give
directions in civill affaires, and to foresee
dangers
& inconveniences; by wch means he was very
helpfull to
their outward estats, & so was every way
as a commone
father unto them. And none did more
offend him
then those that were close and cleaving to
them selves,
and retired from ye commoe good; as also
such as
would be stiffe & riged in matters of outward
order, and
invey against ye evills of others, and yet be
remisse in
them selves, and not so carefull to express
a vertuous
conversation. They in like maner had
ever
a reverente
regard unto him, & had him in precious
estimation,
as his worth & wisdom did deserve; and
though they
esteemed him highly whilst he lived &
laboured
amongst them, yet much more after his death,
when they
came to feele ye wante of his help, and saw
(by woefull
experience) what a treasure they had lost,
to ye
greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls;
yea such a
loss as they saw could not be repaired; for
it was as
hard for them to find such another leader
and feeder
in all respects, as for ye Taborits to find
another
Ziska. And though they did not call
them-
selves
orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet
26 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
they had
cause as much to lamente, in another regard,
their present
condition, and. after usage. But to re-
turne; I
know not but it may be spoken to ye honour
of God,
& without prejudice [14] to any, that such
was ye
true pietie, ye humble zeale, & fervent love, of
this people
(whilst they thus lived together) towards
God and his
waies, and ye single hartednes & sinceir
affection
one towards another, that they came as near
ye
primative patterne of ye first churches, as any other
church of
these later times have done, according to
their ranke
& qualitie.
But
seeing it is not my purpose to treat of ye sev-
erall
passages that befell this people whilst they thus
lived in ye
Low Countries, (which might worthily re-
quire a
large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to
shew ye
begining of this plantation, which is that I
aime at; yet
because some of their adversaries did,
upon ye
rumore of their removall, cast out slanders
against
them, as if that state had been wearie of them,
& had
rather driven them out (as ye heathen histo-
rians did
faine of Moyses & ye Isralits when they
went out of
Egipte), then yt it was their owne free
choyse &
motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler
or too to
shew ye contrary, and ye good acceptation
they had in
ye place wher they lived. And
first
though many
of them weer poore, yet ther was none
so poore,
but if they were known to be of yt con-
gregation,
the Dutch (either bakers or others) would
1609-1620] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 27
trust them
in any reasonable matter when yey wanted
money. Because they had found by experience how
carfull they
were to keep their word, and saw them so
painfull
& dilligente in their callings; yea, they would
strive to
gett their custome, and to imploy them above
others, in
their worke, for their honestie & diligence.
Againe; ye magistrats of ye
citie, aboute ye time of
their coming
away, or a litle before, in ye publick
place of
justice, gave this comendable testemoney of
them, in ye
reproofe of the Wallons, who were of ye
French
church in yt citie. These English,
said they,
have lived
amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we
never had
any sute or accusation came against any of
them; but
your strifs & quarels are continuall, &c.
In these
times allso were ye great troubls raised by
ye
Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested ye whole
state, so
this citie in particuler, in which was ye
cheefe
universitie; so as ther were dayly & hote dis-
puts in ye
schooles ther aboute; and as ye studients &
other lerned
were devided in their oppinions hearin,
so were ye
2. proffessors or devinitie readers them
selves; the
one daly teaching for it, ye other against
it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the
discipls
of ye
one would hear ye other teach.
But Mr. Rob-
inson,
though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, &
write
sundrie books, besids his manyfould pains other-
wise, yet he
went constantly [15] to hear ther read-
ings, and
heard ye one as well as ye other; by which
28 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
means he was
so well grounded in ye controversie,
and saw ye
force of all their arguments, and knew ye
shifts of ye
adversarie, and being him selfe very able,
none was
fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as
appered by
sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be
terrible to
ye Arminians; which made Episcopius (ye
Arminian
professor) to put forth his best stringth, and
set forth
sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he
would defend
against all men. Now Poliander ye
other
proffessor, and ye cheefe preachers of ye citie,
desired Mr.
Robinson to dispute against him; but he
was loath,
being a stranger; yet the other did impor-
tune him,
and tould him yt such was ye abilitie and
nimblnes of
ye adversarie, that ye truth would suffer
if he did
not help them. So as he condescended,
&
prepared him
selfe against the time; and when ye day
came, the
Lord did so help him to defend ye truth &
foyle this
adversarie, as he put him to an apparent
nonplus, in
this great & publike audience. And ye
like he did
a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions.
The which as
it caused many to praise God yt the
trueth had
so famous victory, so it procured him
much honour
& respecte from those lerned men &
others which
loved ye trueth. Yea, so farr
were they
from being
weary of him & his people, or desiring
their
absence, as it was said by some, of no mean
note, that
were it not for giveing offence to ye state
of England,
they would have preferd him otherwise if
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 29
he would,
and alowd them some publike favour. Yea
when ther
was speech of their remoovall into these
parts,
sundrie of note & eminencie of yt nation would
have had
them come under them, and for yt end made
them large
offers. Now though I might aledg many
other
perticulers & examples of ye like kinde, to shew
ye
untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these
shall
suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only
raised by ye
malice of some, who laboured their
disgrace.
The 4. Chap.
Showing ye reasons & causes of their
remoovall.
AFTER they had lived in this citie about
some 11.
or 12.
years, (which is ye more observable being ye
whole time
of yt famose truce between that state &
ye
Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away
by death,
& many others begane to be well striken in
years, the grave
mistris Experience haveing taught
them many
things, [16] those prudent governours with
sundrie of ye
sagest members begane both deeply to
apprehend
their present dangers, & wisely to foresee
ye
future, & thinke of timly remedy. In
ye agitation
of their
thoughts, and much discours of things hear
aboute, at
length they began to incline to this conclu-
sion, of
remoovall to some other place. Not out
of
any
newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor,
by which men
are oftentimes transported to their
great hurt
& danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid
30 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.
reasons;
some of ye cheefe of which I will hear breefly
touch. And first, they saw & found by experience
the
hardnes of ye
place & countrie to be such, as few in
comparison
would come to them, and fewer that would
bide it out,
and continew with them. For many yt
came to
them, and many more yt desired to be with
them, could
not endure yt great labor and hard fare,
with other
inconveniences which they underwent &
were
contented with. But though they loved
their
persons,
approved their cause, and honoured their suf-
ferings, yet
they left them as it weer weeping, as
Orpah did
her mother in law Naomie, or as those
Romans did
Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused
& borne
with, though they could not all be Catoes.
For many,
though they desired to injoye ye ordinances
of God in
their puritie, and ye libertie of the gospell
with them,
yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with
danger of
conscience, rather then to indure these hard-
ships; yea,
some preferred & chose ye prisons in Eng-
land, rather
then this libertie in Holland, with these
afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and
easier place
of living could be had, it would draw many,
& take
away these discouragments. Yea, their
pastor
would often
say, that many of those wo both wrate &
preached now
against them, if they were in a place
wher they
might have libertie and live comfortably,
they would
then practise as they did.
21y. They saw that though ye people
generally bore
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 31
all these
difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute
courage,
being in ye best & strength of their years, yet
old age
began to steale on many of them, (and their
great &
continuall labours, with other crosses and sor-
rows,
hastened it before ye time,) so as it was not only
probably
thought, but apparently seen, that within a
few years
more they would be in danger to scatter, by
necessities
pressing them, or sinke under their burdens,
or
both. And therfore according to ye
devine proverb,
yt
a wise man seeth ye plague when it cometh, & hideth
him selfe,
Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten
souldiers
were fearfull either to be intrapped or sur-
rounded by
their enimies, so as they should neither be
able to
fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to
dislodge
betimes to some place of better advantage &
less danger,
if any such could be found. [16] Thirdly;
as
necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were
forced to be
such, not only to their servants, but in a
sorte, to
their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not
a title
wound ye tender harts of many a loving father &
mother, so
it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowful
effects. For many of their children, that were of best
dispositions
and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde
to bear ye
yoake in their youth, and willing to bear
parte of
their parents burden, were, often times, so
oppressed
with their hevie labours, that though their
minds were
free and willing, yet their bodies bowed
under ye
weight of ye same, and became decreped in
32 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.
their early
youth; the vigor of nature being consumed
in ye
very budd as it were. But that which was
more
lamentable,
and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne,
was that
many of their children, by these occasions,
and ye
great licentiousnes of youth in yt countrie, and
ye
manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away
by evill
examples into extravagante & dangerous courses,
getting ye
raines off their neks, & departing from their
parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon
them farr
viages by sea, and other some worse courses,
tending to
dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to
ye
great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God.
So that they
saw their posteritie would be in danger
to
degenerate & be corrupted.
Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great
hope &
inward zeall
they had of laying some good foundation,
or at least
to make some way therunto, for ye propagat-
ing &
advancing ye gospell of ye kingdom of Christ in
those remote
parts of ye world; yea, though they should
be but even
as stepping-stones unto others for ye per-
forming of
so great a work.
These, & some other like reasons, moved
them to
undertake
this resolution of their removall; the which
they
afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as
by the
sequell will appeare.
The place they had thoughts on was some of
those
vast &
unpeopled countries of America, which are frut-
full &
fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 33
inhabitants,
wher ther are only salvage & brutish men,
which range
up and downe, litle otherwise then ye wild
beasts of
the same. This proposition being made
pub-
like and
coming to ye scaning of all, it raised many
variable
opinions amongst men, and caused many fears
& doubts
amongst them selves. Some, from their
reasons
& hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & in-
courage the
rest to undertake & prosecute ye same;
others,
againe, out of their fears, objected against it,
& sought
to diverte from it, aledging many things, and
those
neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it,
was a great
designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable
perills
& dangers; as, besids the casulties of ye seas
(which none
can be freed from) the length of ye vioage
was such, as
ye weake bodys of women and other
persons
worne out with age & traville (as many
of them
were) could never be able to endure. And
yet
if they
should, the miseries of ye land which they
should be
[17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be
borne; and
lickly, some or all of them togeither, to
consume
& utterly to ruinate them. For ther
they
should be
liable to famine, and nakednes, & ye wante,
in a maner,
of all things. The chang of aire, diate,
&
drinking of
water, would, infecte their bodies with sore
sickneses,
and greevous diseases. And also those
which
should
escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett
be in
continuall danger of ye salvage people, who are
cruell,
barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious
34 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.
in their
rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not
being
contente only to kill, & take away life, but delight
to tormente
men in ye most bloodie maner that may be ;
fleaing some
alive with ye shells of fishes, cutting of ye
members
& joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling
on ye
coles, eate ye collops of their flesh in their sight
whilst they
live; with other cruelties horrible to be
related. And surely it could not be thought but ye
very hearing
of these things could not but move ye
very bowels
of men to grate within them, and make ye
weake to
quake & tremble. It was furder objected,
that it
would require greater sumes of money to furnish
such a
voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then
their
consumed estats would amounte too; and yett
they must as
well looke to be seconded with supplies,
as presently
to be trasported. Also many presidents
of ill
success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in
the like
designes, were easie to be found, and not for-
gotten to be
aledged; besids their owne experience,
in their
former troubles & hardships in their removall
into Holand,
and how hard a thing it was for them to
live in that
strange place, though it was a neighbour
countrie,
& a civill and rich comone wealth.
It was answered, that all great &
honourable actions
are
accompanied with great difficulties, and must be
both
enterprised and overcome with answerable cour-
ages. It was granted ye dangers were
great, but not
desperate;
the difficulties were many, but not invincible.
1620.]
For though
their were many of them likly, yet they
were not
cartaine; it might be sundrie of ye things
feared might
never befale; others by providente care
& ye use
of good means, might in a great measure
be
prevented; and all of them, through ye help of God,
by fortitude
and patience, might either be borne, or
overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not
to be made
and undertaken without good ground &
reason; not
rashly or lightly as many have done for
curiositie
or hope of gaine, &c. But their
condition
was not
ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable;
their
calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might
expecte ye
blessing of God in their proceding. Yea,
though they
should loose their lives in this action, yet
might they
have comforte in the same, and their en-
deavors would
be honourable. They lived hear but
as men in
exile, & in a poore condition; and as great
miseries
might possibly befale them in this place, for
ye
12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing
but beating
of drumes, and preparing for warr, the
events
wherof are all way uncertaine. Ye
Spaniard
might prove
as cruell as [18] the salvages of America,
and ye
famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, &
their
libertie less to looke out for remedie.
After
many other
perticuler things answered & aledged on
both sids,
it was fully concluded by ye major parte,
to put this
designe in execution, and to prosecute it
by the best
means they could.
36 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
The 5. Chap.
Shewing what means they used for
preparation to this
waightie vioag.
AND first after thir humble praiers unto
God for his
direction
& assistance, & a generall conferrence held
hear aboute,
they consulted what perticuler place to
pitch upon,
& prepare for. Some (& none of ye
meanest) had
thoughts & were ernest for
some of
those fertill places in those hott climats;
others were
for some parts of
English had
all ready made enterance, & begining.
Those for
fruitfull,
& blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a
florishing
greenes; where vigorous nature brought
forth all
things in abundance & plentie without any
great labour
or art of man. So as it must needs
make ye
inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of cloth-
ing and other
things would serve, then in more coulder
& less
frutfull countries must be had. As also
yt the
Spaniards
(having much more then they could possess)
had not yet
planted there, nor any where very near
ye
same. But to this it was answered, that
out of
question ye
countrie was both frutfull and pleasante,
and might
yeeld riches & maintenance to ye possessors,
more easily
then ye other; yet, other things con-
sidered, it
would not be so fitt for them. And
first,
1617.]
yt
such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases,
and many
noysome impediments, which other more
temperate
places are freer from, and would not so
well agree
with our English bodys. Againe, if they
should ther
live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard
would never
suffer them long, but would displante
or overthrow
them, as he did ye French in
who were
seated furder from his richest countries;
and the
sooner because they should have none to
protect
them, & their owne strength would be too
smale to
resiste so potent an enemie, & so neare a
neighbor.
On ye other hand, for
if they
lived among ye English wch wear ther planted,
or so near
them as to be under their goverment, they
should be in
as great danger to be troubled and per-
secuted for
the cause of religion, as if they lived in
too farr of,
they should neither have succour, nor de-
fence from
them.
But at length ye conclusion was,
to live as a dis-
tincte body
by them selves, under ye generall Gover-
ment of
majestie
that he would be pleased to grant them free-
dome of
Religion; and yt this might be obtained, they
wear putt in
good hope by some great persons, of
good ranke
& qualitie, that were made their freinds.
Whereupon 2.
were chosen [19] & sent in to
38 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
(at ye
charge of ye rest) to sollicite this matter, who
found the
Virginia Company very desirous to have
them goe
thither, and willing to grante them a patent,
with as
ample priviliges as they had, or could grant
to any, and
to give them the best furderance they
could. And some of ye cheefe of yt
company douted
not to
obtaine their suite of ye king for liberty in Re-
ligion, and
to have it confirmed under ye kings broad
seale,
according to their desires. But it
prooved a
harder peece
of worke then they tooke it for; for
though many
means were used to bring it aboute, yet
it could not
be effected; for ther were diverse of
good worth
laboured with the king to obtaine it,
(amongst
whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,*)
and some
other wrought with ye archbishop to give
way
therunto; but it proved all in vaine.
Yet thus
farr they
prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind,
that he
would connive at them, & not molest them,
provided
they carried them selves peacably. But
to
allow or
tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under
his seale,
they found it would not be. And this was
all the
cheefe of ye
their best
freinds could doe in ye case.
Yet they per-
swaded them
to goe on, for they presumed they
should not
be troubled. And with this answer ye
mes-
sengers
returned, and signified what diligence had bene
used, and to
what issue things were come.
* Sr Robert Nanton.
1617.]
But this made a dampe in ye
busines, and caused
some
distraction, for many were afraid that if they
should
unsetle them selves, & put of their estates,
and goe upon
these hopes, it might prove dangerous,
and but a
sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought
they might
better have presumed hear upon without
makeing any
suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be
thus
rejected. But some of ye
cheefest thought other
wise, and yt
they might well proceede hereupon, &
that ye
kings majestie was willing enough to suffer
them without
molestation, though for other reasons he
would not
confirme it by any publick acte. And
fur-
dermore, if
ther was no securitie in this promise inti-
mated, ther
would be no great certainty in a furder
confirmation
of ye same; for if after wards ther should
be a purpose
or desire to wrong them, though they
had a seale
as broad as ye house flore, it would not
serve ye
turne; for ther would be means enew found
to recall or
reverse it. Seeing therfore the course
was
probable, they must rest herein on Gods provi-
dence, as
they had done in other things.
Upon this resolution, other messengers were
dis-
patched, to
end with ye Virginia Company as well as
they
could. And to procure [20] a patent with
as
good and
ample conditions as they might by any good
means
obtaine. As also to treate and conclude
with
such
merchants and other freinds as had manifested
their
forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this
40 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
vioage. For
which end they had instructions given
them upon
what conditions they should proceed with
them, or els
to conclude nothing without further ad-
vice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a
letter
or too that
may give light to these proceedings.
A coppie of leter from Sr:
Edwin Sands, directed to Mr. John
Robinson &; Mr. William
Brewster.
After my hartie salutations. The agents of
your congre-
gation,
Robert Cushman & John Carver, have been in
comunication
with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties
Counsell for
scribed with
your names, have given them yt good degree of
satisfaction,
which hath caried them on with a resolution to
sett forward
your desire in ye best sorte yt may be, for your
owne &
the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave
to their
faith full reporte; having carried them selves heere with
that good discretion,
as is both to their owne and their credite
from whence
they came. And wheras being to treate for a
multitude of
people, they have requested further time to con-
ferr with
them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute
ye severall
particularities which in ye prosecution therof will
fall out
considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too.
And so they
doe now returne unto you. If therfore it
may
please God
so to directe your desires as that on your parts
ther fall
out no just impediments, I trust by ye same direction
it shall
likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to
set yon
forward shall be found in ye best sorte which with
reason may
be expected. And so I betake you with
this
designe (wch
I hope verily is ye worke of God), to the gracious
protection
and blessing of ye Highest.
Ano: 1617. EDWIN
SANDYS.
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 41
Their answer
was as foloweth.
Righte Worpl:
Our humble duties remembred, in our owne
our messengers,
and our
churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente
of your
singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so
more
spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our
good in this
weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which ye less
able we are
to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more
bound to
comend in our prayers unto God for recompence;
whom, as for
ye presente you rightly behould in our
indeavors,
so shall we
not be wanting on our parts (the same God assist-
ing us) to
returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto ye
labour of
your love bestowed upon us. We have with
ye best
speed and
consideration withall that we could, sett downe our
requests in
writing, subscribed, as you willed, wth the
hands of
ye greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente ye same
unto ye Counsell by our agente, & a deacon of our church,
John Carver,
unto whom we have also requested a gentleman
of our
company to adyone him selfe; to the care & discretion
of which
two, we doe referr ye prosecuting of ye bussines.
Now we
perswade our selves Right Worpp:
that we need not
provoke your
godly & loving minde to any further or more,
tender care
of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us
in your
selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things
in the
world, we relye upon you, expecting the care of your
love,
counsell of your wisdome, & the help & countenance of
your
authority. Notwithstanding, for your
encouragmente in
ye worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not for-
beare to
mention these instances of indusmente.
1.
We veryly beleeve & trust ye Lord
is with us, unto whom
& whose
service we have given our selves in many trialls; and
that he will
graciously prosper our indeavours according to ye
simplicitie
of our harts therin.
42 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
21y. We are well weaned from ye delicate milke of
our mother
countrie,
and enured to ye difficulties of a strange and hard
land, which
yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome.
31y. The people are for the body of them,
industrious, &
frugall, we
thinke we may safly say, as any company of people
in the
world.
41y. We are knite togeather as a body in a most
stricte &
sacred bond
and covenante of the Lord, of the violation*
wherof we
make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we
doe hould
our selves straitly tied to all care of each others
good, and of
ye whole by every one and so mutually.
5.
Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small
things can
discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish
them selves
at home againe. We knowe our
entertainmente in
arts &
means by removall; who, if we should be driven to
returne, we
should not hope to recover our present helps and
comforts,
neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine
unto ye
like in any other place during our lives, wch are now
drawing
towards their periods.
[22] These motives we have been bould to
tender unto you,
*NOTE. -- 0
sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and
precious
were the fruits that flowed from ye same, but when this fidelity de-
cayed, then
their ruine approached. 0 that these
anciente members had not
dyed, or
been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy
care and
constante faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that
survived,
and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that sub-
till serpente
hath slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie
and ye like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were
insensibly
by degrees
to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, ye same. I have been
happy, in my
first times, to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed
fruits of
this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age,
to find and
feele ye decay and wante therof (in a great
measure), and with
greefe and
sorrow of hart to lamente & bewaile ye
same. And for others warn-
ing and
admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note ye same.
[The above
reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the
reverse
pages of his History, at this place.]
1617.]
which you in
your wisdome may also imparte to any other our
worpp: freinds of ye
Counsell with you; of all whose godly dis-
possition
and loving towards our despised persons, we are most
glad, &
shall not faile by all good means to continue & in-
crease ye same. We will not be
further troublesome, but doe,
with ye renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your
Worpp: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any
other of our
wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our
leaves,
comiting your persons and counsels to ye
guidance and
direction of
the Almighty.
Yours much bounden in all duty,
Ano: 1617. WILLIAM
BREWSTER.
For further
light in these proceedings see some other letters
& notes
as followeth.
The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John
Worssenham.
Right Worpll: with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse
for your
singular care & pains in the bussines of
our, &,
we hope, the comone good, we doe remember our
humble dutys
unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required,
a further
explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified
by some of
his majesties Honbl Privie Counsell; and though it
be greevious
unto us that such unjust insinuations are made
against us,
yet we are most glad of ye occasion of making our
just
purgation unto so honourable personages.
The declara-
tions we
have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall,
which we
thinke ye fitter to be presented; the other something
more large,
and in which we express some smale accidentall
differances,
which if it seeme good unto you and other of our
worpl freinds, you may send in stead of ye former. Our prayers
unto God is,
yt your Worpp may see the frute of your worthy
44 HISTORY OF [CHAP. v.
endeaours,
which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by
all good
means in us. And so praing yt you would please with
ye
convenientest speed yt may be, to give us knowledge of ye
success of ye
bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and
accordingly
what your further pleasure is, either for our direc-
tion or
furtherance in ye same, so we rest
Your Worpp in all duty,
Leyden, J an: 27. JOHN ROBINSON,
Ano:
1617. old stile. WILLIAM
BREWSTER.
The first breefe note was this.
Touching ye Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for
teaching,
elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing ye
churches
contribution, as allso for ye too Sacrements, bap-
tisme, and ye Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points
agree [23]
with ye French reformed churches, according to
their
publick confession of faith.
The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly
take if it be
required of
us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given
by our
taking ye oath of Alleagence.
JOHN ROB:
WILLIAM BREWSTER,
Ye 2. was this.
Touching ye Ecclesiasticall ministrie,
&c. as in ye former,
we agree in
all things with the French reformed churches,
according to
their publick confession of faith; though some
small
differences be to be found in our practises, not at all
in ye substance of the things, but only in some accidentall
circumstances.
1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their
heads cov-
ered; ours
uncovered.
2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such
as are
able to
teach; which abilitie they doe not require.
1617.]
3.
Their elders & deacons are anuall, or at most for 2. or
3. years;
ours perpetuall.
4.
Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions &
excommunications
for publick scandals, publickly & before
ye
congregation; theirs more privately, & in their consistories.
5.
We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as
wherof ye
one parente, at ye least, is of some church, which
some of ther
churches doe not observe; though in it our prac-
tice accords
with their publick confession and ye judgmente of
ye
most larned amongst them.
Other differences, worthy mentioning, we
know none in these
points. Then aboute ye oath, as in ye
former.
Subscribed, JOHN R.
W. B.
Part of another letter from him that
delivered these.
London. Feb:
14.
1617.
Your letter
to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost
as soone as
I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him
ye opening & reading.
Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read
them to him
selfe, as also ye letter, and in ye reading he spake
to me &
said, Who shall make them? viz. ye ministers; I
answered his
Worpp that ye
power of making was in ye church,
to be
ordained by ye imposition of hands, by ye fittest instru-
ments they
had. It must either be in ye church or from ye
pope, &
ye pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr.
John, what ye
pope houlds
good, (as in ye Trinitie,) that we doe well to
assente too;
but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now.
And as for
your letters he would not show them at any hand,
least he
should spoyle all. He expected you
should have been
of ye archbp minde for ye calling of ministers, but it seems you
differed. I could have wished to have known ye contents of
your tow
inclosed, at wch he stuck so much, espetially ye larger.
46 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
I asked his
Worp what good news he had for me to write to
morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the
kings
majestie and
ye bishops have consented. He said he would
goe to Mr.
Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte
weeke I
should know more. I mett Sr. Edw: Sands on Wedens-
day night;
he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte ye
nexte
Wedensday,
wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be
troubl-
some at
present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of
certentie
concerning you. I comitte you to ye Lord. Yours,
S.
B.
[24] These
things being long in agitation, & mes-
sengers
passing too and againe aboute them, after all
their hopes
they were long delayed by many rubs that
fell in ye
way; for at ye returne of these messengers
into England
they found things farr otherwise then
they
expected. For ye Virginia Counsell was
now so
disturbed
with factions and quarrels amongst them
selves, as
no bussines could well goe forward. The
which may
the better appear in one of ye messengers
letters as
followeth.
To his loving freinds, &c.
I had thought long since to have write
unto you, but could
not effecte
yt which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as
I wished;
yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B. hath
writen to Mr.
Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound
also
to doe
something, least I be thought to neglecte you.
The
maine hinderance
of our proseedings in ye Virginia bussines,
is ye
dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs ye
Counsell
& Company of Virginia; which are such, as that
1619.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 47
ever since
we came up no busines could by them be dis-
patched. The occasion of this trouble amongst them is,
for
that a while
since Sr. Thomas Smith, repining at his many
offices
& troubls, wished ye Company of Virginia to ease him
of his
office in being Treasurer & Goverr. of
ye Virginia Com-
pany. Wereupon ye
Company tooke occasion to dismisse him,
and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer & Goverr of ye Company.
He having
60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and
Alderman
Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw
some parte
of his honour lost, was very angrie, & raised a
faction to
cavill & contend aboute ye
election, and sought to
taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him,
and allso
put him by his office of Governour. In
which con-
tentions
they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle
in any
bussines; and what issue things will come to we are
not yet
certaine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away,
and if he
doe, things will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise,
they will
goe ill enough allways. We hope in some
2. or 3.
Court days
things will setle. Mean space I thinke
to goe
downe into
Kente, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3.
weeks hence;
except either by these afforesaid contentions,
or by ye ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged,
of which
tidings I am now to speake.
Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke
(he upon notice
of ye intente of ye Counsell, came away before Sr. Georg
Yeardley
came ther, and so ther is no small dissention).
But
his tidings
are ill, though his person be wellcome.
He saith
Mr.
Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going
towards
winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried
them to the
southward beyond their course. And ye mr of
ye ship & some 6. of ye mariners
dieing, it seemed they could
not find ye bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute. Mr.
Blackwell is
dead, & Mr. Maggner, ye Captain; yea, ther are
dead, he
saith, 130. persons, one & other in yt
ship; it is said
48 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
ther was in
all an 180. persons in ye ship, so as they were
packed
togeather like herings. They had amongst
them ye
fluxe, and
allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather
wondred at yt so many are alive, then that so many are dead.
The marchants
hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack
so many in ye ship; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repin-
ings amongst
them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell, for his
dealing and
dispossing of them, when they saw how he had
dispossed of
them, & how he insulted over them.
Yea, ye
streets at
Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, cry-
ing out one
of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I
may thanke
the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I
would be
glad to
heare how farr it will discourage. I see
none hear dis-
couraged
much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by
other mens
harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed.
As we desire
to serve one another in love, so take heed of
being
inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be
discerned to
have an eye to them selves. It doth
often trouble
me to thinke
that in this bussines we are all to learne and none
to teach;
but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as
Mr. Blackwell was. Such a
strategeme he once made for Mr.
Johnson
& his people at Emden, wch was
their subversion. But
though he
ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out
of ye collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no
letters
come, ye ship captain Argole came in is yet in ye west
parts; all yt we hear is but his report; it seemeth he
came
away
secretly. The ship yt Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear
shortly. It is as Mr.
Robinson once said; he thought we should
hear no good
of them.
Mr. B.
is not well at this time; whether he will come back
to you or
goe into ye north, I yet know not. For my selfe,
I hope to
see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am
sorie to be
thus from you; if things had gone roundly forward,
I should
have been with you within these 14. days.
I pray
1619] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 49
God directe
us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for
such a
bussines. Thus having sumarily pointed
at things wch
Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to Mr. Robin-
son, I leave
you to the Lords protection.
Yours in all readines, &c. London,
May 8.
ROBART CUSHMAN. Ano:
1619.
A word or tow by way of digression
touching this
Mr.
Blackwell; he was an elder of ye church at Am-
sterdam, a
man well known of most of them. He
declined
from ye trueth wth Mr. Johnson & ye rest,
and went
with him when yey parted assunder in yt
wofull
maner, wch brought so great dishonour to God,
scandall to
ye trueth, & outward ruine to them selves
in this
world. But I hope, notwithstanding,
through
ye
mercies of ye Lord, their souls are now at rest with
him in ye
heavens, and yt they are arrived in ye Haven
of hapines;
though some of their bodies were thus
buried in ye
terrable seas, and others sunke under ye
burthen of
bitter affiictions. He with some others
had
prepared for
to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie
godly
citizens, being at a private meeing (I take it a
fast) in
London, being discovered, many of them were
apprehended,
wherof Mr. Blackwell was one; but he
so glosed wth
ye bps,* and either dissembled or flatly
denyed ye
trueth which formerly he had maintained;
and not only
so, but very unworthily betrayed and
accused
another godly man who had escaped, that so
* Bishops.
50 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
he might
slip his own neck out of ye collar, & to
obtaine his
owne freedome brought others into bonds.
Wherupon he
so wone ye bps favour (but lost ye Lord's)
as he was
not only dismiste, but in open courte ye arch-
bishop gave
him great applause and his sollemne bless-
ing to
proseed in his vioage. But if such
events follow
ye
bps blessing, happie are they yt misse ye same; it
is much
better to keepe a good conscience and have
ye
Lords blessing, whether in life or death.
But see how ye man thus
apprehended by Mr. Black-
wells means,
writs to a freind of his.
Right dear freind & christian
brother, Mr. Carver, I salute
you &
yours in ye Lord, &c. As
for my owne presente con-
dition, I
doubt not but yon well understand it ere this by our
brother
Maistersone, who should have tasted of ye same cupp,
had his
place of residence & his person been as well knowne
as my
selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how
ye matter still continues. I
have petitioned twise to Mr.
Sherives,
and once
to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to
move them to
pittie, that if they were not overruled by some
others, I
suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I
was a yonge
man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse
in our
citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close &
tedious
prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bnssines lying
still, my
only servante lying lame in ye
countrie, my wife being
also great
with child. And yet no answer till ye lords of his
majesties
Connsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell,
a man as
deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper
rate, with a
great deale less adoe; yea, with an addition of
ye Archp: blessing. I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I
wish it may
prove no worse. But yet he & some
others of
1618.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 51
them, before
their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for
ye best that I was nominated, not because ye Lord sanctifies evill
to good, but
that ye action was good, yea for ye best. One
reason I
well remember he used was, because this trouble
would
encrease ye Virginia plantation, in that now people
be-
gane to be
more generally inclined to goe; and if he had not
nomminated
some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was
knowne that
diverse citizens besids them selves were ther.
I expecte an
answer shortly what they intende conscerning
me; I
purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you
shall know
the certaintie. Thus not haveing further
at present
to acquaint
you withall, comending myselfe to your prair's, I
cease, &
comitte you and us all to ye Lord.
From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.
Your freind, & brother in bonds,
SABIN STARESMORE.
Septr: 4. Ano: 1618.
But thus much by ye way, which may be of
instruc-
tion &
good use.
But at last, after all these things, and
their long
attendance,
they had a patent granted them, and con-
firmed under
ye Companies seale; but these devissions
and
distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended
freinds, and
disappointed them of much of their hoped
for &
proffered means. By the advise of some
freinds
this
pattente was not taken in ye name of any of their
owne, but in
ye name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious
gentleman then
belonging to ye Countess of Lincoline),
who intended
to goe with them. But God so disposed
as he never
went, nor they ever made use of this patente,
52 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
which had
cost them so much labour and charge, as by
ye
sequell will appeare. This patente being
sente over
for them to
veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute
ye
propossitions between them & such marchants &
freinds as
should either goe or adventure with them,
and
espetially with those* on whom yey did cheefly de-
pend for
shipping and means, whose proffers had been
large, they
were requested to fitt and prepare them
selves with
all speed. A right emblime, it may be,
of ye
uncertine things of this world; yt when men have
toyld them
selves for them, they vanish into smoke.
The 6. Chap.
Conscerning
ye agreements and artickles between them,
and such marchants & other's as adventured moneys;
with other things falling out aboute making their
provisions.
UPON ye receite of these things
by one of their mes-
sengers,
they had a sollemne meeting and a day of
humilliation
to seeke ye Lord for his direction; and
their pastor
tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And
David's men
said unto him, see, we be aft'aid hear in
Judah, how
much more if we come -to Keilah against
ye host of the Phillistines? Then David asked counsell
of ye Lord againe, &c. From which texte he taught
many things
very aptly, and befitting ther present
*Mr. Tho: Weston, &c.
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 53
~
occasion and
condition, strengthing them against their
fears and
perplexities, and incouraging them in their
resolutions.
[27] After which they concluded both
what number
and what persons should prepare them
selves to
goe with ye first; for all yt were willing to
have gone
could, not gett ready for their other affairs
in so shorte
a time; neither if all could have been
ready, had
ther been means to have trasported them
alltogeather. Those that staied being ye greater
num-
ber required
ye pastor to stay with them; and indeede
for other
reasons he could not then well goe, and so
it was ye
more easilie yeelded unto. The other
then
desired ye
elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, which
was also
condescended unto. It was also agreed on
by mutuall
consente and covenante, that those that
went should
be an absolute church of them selves,
as well as
those yt staid; seing in such a dangrous
vioage, and
a removall to such a distance, it might
come to pass
they should (for ye body of them) never
meete againe
in this world; yet with this proviso, that
as any of ye
rest came over to them, or of ye other
returned
upon occasion, they should be reputed as mem-
bers without
any further dismission or testimoniall.
It was allso
promised to those yt wente first, by ye
body of ye
rest, that if ye Lord gave them life, & meas,
&
opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as
they could.
Aboute this time, whilst they were
perplexed with
54 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
ye
proseedings of ye Virginia Company, & ye ill news
from thence
aboute Mr. Blackwell & his company, and
making
inquirey about ye hiring & buying of shiping
for their
vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers
aboute
goeing with them. Also one Mr. Thomas
Weston,
a mrchant
of London, came to Leyden aboute ye same
time, (who
was well aquainted with some of them, and
a furtherer
of them in their former proseedings,) have-
ing much
conferance wth Mr. Robinson & other of ye.
cheefe of
them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems)
& not to
medle with ye Dutch, or too much to depend
on ye
Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came
to
resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds
(togeather
with their owne means) would sett them
forth; and
they should make ready, and neither feare
wante of
shipping nor money; for what they wanted
should be
provided. And, not so much for him selfe
as for ye
satisfing of such frends as he should procure
to adventure
in this bussines, they were to draw such
articls of
agreemente, and make such propossitions, as
might ye
better induce his freinds to venture.
Upon
which (after
ye formere conclusion) articles were drawne
& agreed
unto, and were showne unto him, and approved
by him; and
afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John
Carver) sent
into England, who, togeather with Robart
Cushman,
were to receive ye moneys & make provissione
both for
shiping & other things for ye vioage; with this
charge, not
to exseede their coffiission, but to proseed
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 55
according to
ye former articles. Also some
were chossen
to doe ye
like for such things as were to be prepared
there; so
those that weare to goe, prepared them selves
with all
speed, and sould of their estats and (such as
were able)
put in their moneys into ye commone stock,
which was
disposed by those appointed, for ye making
of generall
provissions. Aboute this time also they
had heard,
both by Mr. Weston and others, yt sundrie
Honbl: Lords had obtained a large grante from ye
king,
for ye
more northerly parts of that countrie, derived
out of ye
Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from
their
Govermente, and to be called by another name,
viz.
New-England. Unto which Mr. Weston, and
ye
cheefe of
them, begane to incline it was [28] best for
them to goe,
as for other reasons, so cheefly for ye hope
of present
profite to be made by ye fishing that was
found in yt
countrie.
But as in all bussineses ye
acting parte is most diffi-
culte,
espetially wher ye worke of many agents must
concurr, so
it was found in this; for some of those
yt
should have gone in England, fell of & would not
goe; other
marchants & freinds yt had offered to ad-
venture
their moneys withdrew, and pretended many
excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana;
others
againe would adventure nothing excepte they
wente to
Virginia. Some againe (and those that
were
most relied
on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and
would doe
nothing if they wente thither. In ye
midds
56 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
of these
distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of
their
estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought
into a
greate streight, fearing what issue these things
would come
too; but at length ye generalitie was swaid
to this
latter opinion.
But now another difficultie arose, for Mr.
Weston
and some
other that were for this course, either for
their better
advantage or rather for ye drawing on of
others, as
they pretended, would have some of those
conditions
altered yt were first agreed on at
To which ye
2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least
one of them
who is most charged with it) did con-
sente;
seeing els yt all was like to be dashte, &
ye
opportunitie lost, and yt they which had put of
their estats
and paid in their moneys were in hazard
to be
undon. They presumed to conclude with ye
marchants on
those termes, in some things contrary
to their
order & comission, and without giving them
notice of ye
same; yea, it was conceled least it should
make any
furder delay; which was ye cause afterward
of much
trouble & contention.
It will be meete I here inserte these
conditions,
which are as
foloweth.
Ano: 1620. July 1.
1.
The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person
that goeth
being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li.,
and ten
pounds to be accounted a single share.
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 57
2.
That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe
out with 10li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted
as haveing 20li. in stock, and in ye
devission shall receive a
double
share.
3.
The persons transported & ye
adventurers shall continue
their joynt
stock & partnership togeather, ye
space of 7. years,
(excepte
some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole
company to
agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits &
benifits
that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish-
ing, or any
other means of any person or persons, remaine still
in ye comone stock untill ye
division.
4.
That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number
of fitt
persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing
upon ye sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon
ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground,
&
makeing shuch comodities as shall be most use full for ye
collonie.
5.
That at ye end of ye 7. years, ye
capitall & profits, viz.
the houses,
lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided be-
twixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch
done, every man
shall be
free from other of them of any debt or detrimente
concerning
this adventure.
[29] 6.
Whosoever cometh to ye
colonie herafter, or putteth
any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7.
years be alowed
proportionably
to ye time of his so doing.
7.
He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall
be alowed
for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a
single share
in ye devision, or if he provid them
necessaries,
a duble
share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then
2. of them
to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation
and
devision.
8.
That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of
ten years,
have noe other shar in ye devi~ion, but 50. acers of
unmanured
land.
58 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
9.
That such persons as die before ye 7.
years be expired,
their
executors to have their parte or shaff at ye
devision, pro-
portionably
to ye time of their life in ye collonie.
10.
That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have
their meate,
drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon
stock &
goods of ye said collonie.
The cheefe & principall differences
betwene these &
the former
conditions, stood in those 2. points; that
ye
houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home
lotts should
remaine undevided wholy to ye planters
at ye
7. years end. 2ly, yt
they should have had 2.
days in a
weeke for their owne private imploymente,
for ye
more comforte of them selves and their families,
espetialy
such as had families. But because
letters are
by some wise
men counted ye best parte of histories,
I shall shew
their greevances hereaboute by their owne
letters, in
which ye passages of things will be more
truly
discerned.
A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver.
June 14. 1620. N. Stile.
My dear
freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise re-
member in my
best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never
cease to
comend to God by my best & most earnest praires.
You doe
throwly understand by our generall letters ye
estate
of things
hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante
of shiping,
and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of
having it
provided; though withal! ther be great want of money
& means
to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering, you know
before this,
will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Gush-
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 59
man presumed
of I know not how many 1001i. from him, &
I know not
whom. Yet it seems strange yt we should be put
to him to
receive both his & his partners adventer, and yet
Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in
regard of it, he hath drawne
upon him a
1001i. more.
But ther is in this some misterie,
as indeed it
seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids, wheras
diverse are
to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde,
they refuse
to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course
taken for
it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man
hear would pay
any thing,
if he had againe his money in his purse.
You
know right
well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon
such means
as he would procure for this commone bussines;
and when we
had in hand another course with ye
Dutchmen,
broke it of
at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him shortly
after
propounded. He did this in his love I
know, but things
appeare not
answerable from him hitherto. That he
should have
first have
put in his moneys, is thought by many to have
been but
fitt, but yt I can well excuse, he being a marchante
and haveing
use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had
been in
their hands, would have consumed it.
[30] But yt he
should not
but have had either shipping ready before this time,
or at least
certaine means, and course, and ye same
knowne to
us for it,
or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my
conscience
be excused. I have heard yt when he hath been
moved in the
bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and
referred it
to ye others;* and would come to Georg Morton,
&
enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been
some
accessarie unto it. Wether he hath
failed of some helps
from others
which he expected, and so be not well able to goe
through with
things, or whether he hath feared least you should
be ready too
Boone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above
yt is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put
* Yowthers
in the manuscript, an illegibly written word, doubtless intended
for "ye others."
60 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
us upon
straits, thinking yt therby Mr. Brewer and Mr.
Picker-
ing would be
drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what
other
misterie is in it, we know not; but sure 1ve are yt things
are not
answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks
himselfe
mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but
we have done
nothing in this but with good reason, as I am
perswaded,
nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those
tow; ye one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known
(though a
good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet)
most unfitt
to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie,
and too
great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak
truly) that*
we have had nothing from him but termes & pre-
sumptions. The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite
faith as it
were, upon generalities, without seeing ye
perticuler
course &
means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us.
For shiping,
Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon
hireing,
which yet I
wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope
of help from
hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what
to
expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, ex-
cepte in ye course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute
ye conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is
agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest
parte of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon
dressing
ther perticuler land & building houses, but upon fish-
ing,
trading, &c. So as ye land & house will be but a trifell
for
advantage to ye adventurers, and yet the devission of it
a great
discouragmente to ye planters, who would with singuler
care make it
comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep.
The same
consideration of comone imploymente constantly by
the most is
a good reason not to have ye 2.
daies in a weeke
denyed ye few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate
to comone
good. Consider also how much unfite that
you &
your liks
must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a
*This word is enclosed in brackets in the manuscript.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 61
daies
freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are
to goe, who
of usefull faculties, & how many, & perticulerly
of every
thing. I know you wante not a
minde. I am sorie
you have not
been at London all this while, but ye provissions
could not
wante you. Time will suffer me to write
no more;
fare you
& yours well allways in ye
Lord, in whom I rest.
Yours to use,
JOHN ROBINSON.
An other letter from sundrie of them at ye
same time.
[31] To
their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cush-
man, these,
&c.
Good bretheren, after salutations,
&c. We received diverse
letters at ye coming of Mr. Nash & our pilott, which is a great
incouragmente
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will
minister
occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not
sente him,
many would have been ready to fainte and goe
backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which have bene
taken up by
you, which all men are against, and partly in
regard of
our owne inabillitie to doe anyone of those many
waightie
bussineses you referr to us here. For ye
former
wherof,
wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike,
promising
therupon to alter ye same, or els saing we should
thinke he
hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them
therin,
refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them
to ye censure of ye godly wise. But our desires are that you
will not
entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable
courses as
those are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe
of mens
houses and lands at ye dividente; and that persons
should be
deprived of ye 2. days in a we eke agreed upon, yea
every
momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason
wherof we
cannot conceive why any should carie servants for
their own
help and comfort; for that we can require no more
of them then
all men one of another. This we have
only by
62 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
relation
from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your
owne,
&
therfore hope you. have not proceeded farr in so great a
thing
without us. But requiring you not to
exseed the bounds
of your
comission, which was to proceed upon ye
things or con-
ditions
agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going
over about
it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your
selfe, as
you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our
consultations,
and how few, as you fear, understands the
busnes
aright, should trouble us with such matters as these
are, &c.
Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not
deceived; we
pray you make known our estate unto him, and
if you
thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt
under God)
we much relie upon him & put our confidence in
him; and, as
your selves well know, that if he had not been
an
adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming
that if he
had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not
have begune
it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr
help us as
our expectation be no way made frustrate concern-
ing
him. Since therfore, good brethren, we
have plainly
opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c.
Thus
beseeching ye Ailmightie, who is allsufficiente to
raise
us out of
this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; raising
such means
by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore
children
& servants, as we may with comforte behould ye hand
of our God
for good towards us in this our bussines, which we
undertake in
his name & fear, we take leave & remaine
Your perplexed, yet hopfull
June 10. New
Stille, bretheren,
Ano: 1620. S.
F. E. W. W. B. J. A.*
*In Governor Bradford's Collection of
Letters, these subscribers are thus
wrote out at
length: SAMUEL FULLER, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC
ALLERTON,
ED. WINSLOW. --Prince.
1620.]
A letter of Robart Cushmans to them.
Brethern, I
understand by letters & passagess yt have
come
to me, that
ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed-
ings amongst
you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente
to beare
it, as not
doubting but yt partly by writing, and more princi-
pally by
word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie
any
reasonable man. I have been perswaded
[32] by some,
espetialy
this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but
as things
now stand I canot be absente one day, excepte I
should
hazard all ye viage.
Neither conceive I any great good
would come
of it. Take then, brethern, this as a
step to give
you
contente. First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one
clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no
blame lye on
me at all. For ye articles first brought over by
John Carver
were never seene of any of ye
adventurers hear,
excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because
of that
clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well
considered
it. But as at ye first ther was 500li. withdrawne by
Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye
rest would
have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had
not altered
yt clause.
Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon
points, as
we did, we reckoned without our host, which was
not my
falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter
ye equitie of
yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against
all Mr. Rob:
inconveniences, that without ye
alteratIon of yt
clause, we
could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie
wherby to
subsiste when we were ther. Yet
notwithstanding
all those
reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser
then my
selfe, without answer to anyone of them, here cometh
over many
quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording
it over my
brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves
&
bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I
did what I
list. And at last a paper of reasons,
framed against
64 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open,
so my answer
is open to you all. And first, as they
are no
other but
inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as
great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by
them, so
they misse & mistake both ye very
ground of ye article
and nature
of ye project.
For, first, it is said, that if ther had
been no
divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye
poore. True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we
should more
respecte him yt ventureth both his money and his
person, then
him yt ventureth but his person only.
2.
Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but
furnishing a
store house; no one shall be porer then another
for 7.
years, and if any be rich, none can be pore.
At ye least,
we must not
in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie.
Charitie
hath it life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this
most in a
hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not be-
fore you
have need.
3.
This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses,
contrarie to
ye advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it;
our purpose
is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need
be, we may
with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the
lighte; our
riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght; if
God send us
riches, we will imploye them to provid more men,
ships,
munition, &c. You may see it amongst
the best pollitiks,
that a
comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine
houses and
gay cloaths come up.
4.
The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But
if
it be on all
men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses,
ye Gover laboure is spared.
5.
All men are not of one condition.
A. If by condition
you mean
wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condi-
tion,
qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour
shall have
as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is
not of a
good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as
have an
1620.]
eie only to
them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is,
then
closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie,
either civil
or religious.
6.
It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it
may be not
worth halfe 5li.
[33] If then so smale a thing
will content
them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give
them
occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I
will not say
what I have heard since these complaints came
first over.
7.
Our freinds with us yt
adventure mind not their owne
profite, as
did ye old adventurers. A.
Then they are better
then we, who
for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw
back, and it
is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make
profite your
maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you
be like
Jonas to Tarshis. 21y. Though some of them mind
not their
profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well
as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we
must
labour to
give them all contente, if we can.
8.
It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed
by many
reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it
will best
foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.
9.
Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c.
A. As it is better for them, so for us; for
halfe is ours, besids
our living
still upon it, and if such profite in yt way
come, our
labour shall
be ye less on ye land, and our houses and lands
must &
will be of less value.
10.
Our hazard is greater then theirs.
A. True, but doe
they put us
upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not
ye motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they
any more
then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us
to means
upon equall termes & conditions? If
we will not
goe, they
are content to keep their moneys. Thus I
have
pointed at a
way to loose those knots, which I hope you will
consider
seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them.
66 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
Now furder,
I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made;
but surly
this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent
you. If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as
some
insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a
week for me
if you will. And when I have spoken to ye ad-
venturers of
times of working, they have said they hope we are
men of
discretion & conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our
selves with
that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at
Leyden was
mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering
every day,
&c.
As for them of Amsterdam I had thought
they would as
soone have
gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to
them as
ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish
Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let
them
yet draw
back; I will undertake they shall have their money
againe
presently paid hear. Or if the company
thinke me to
be ye Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be con-
tent to stay
with good will, having but ye
cloaths on my back;
only let us
have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full
litle did I
expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c.
Yours, R.
CUSHMAN.
But whether this letter of his ever came
to their
hands at
Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it
was staied
by Mr. Carver & kept by him, forgiving
offence. But this which follows was ther received;
both which I
thought pertenent to recite.
Another of his to ye aforesaid, June 11. 1620.*
Salutations,
&c. I received your ler. yesterday, by John
Turner, with
another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr.
*June 11. O.
S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the date of this
letter
should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter following. --Prince.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 67
W. savouring
of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the
many
discouragements I find her, togeather with ye
demurrs
and
retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my
accounts to
John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte him fully
with all
courses, and so leave it quite, with only ye pore
cloaths
on my
back. But gathering up my selfe by
further considera-
tion, [34] I
resolved yet to make one triall more, and to
aquainte Mr. Weston with ye
fainted state of our bussines ; and
though he
hath been much discontented at some thing amongst
us of late,
which hath made him often say, that save for his
promise, he
would not meadle at all with ye
bussines any more,
yet
considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how
it stood
both on our credits & undoing, at ye last
he gathered
up him selfe
a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he
tould me he
would not yet leave it. And so advising
togeather
we resolved
to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till
Monday,
about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot gett, excepte
it be tow
great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing
our neer
freinds ther
are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without
troubling
them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it
fitteth well
yt such as stumble at strawes allready, may
rest
them ther a
while, least worse blocks come in ye way
ere 7.
years be
ended. If you had beaten this bussines
so throuly
a month
agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus
have done
much more conveniently. But it is as it
is; I hope
our freinds
ther, if they be quitted of ye ship
hire, will be in-
dusced to
venture ye more.
All yt I now require is yt salt and
netts may
ther be boughte, and for all ye rest
we will here pro-
vid it; yet
if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month
or tow, and
we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds
tarie ther,
and bring ye ship to Southampton. We have hired'
another
pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to
Virginia
with a ship of kine.
You shall here distinctly by John Turner,
who I thinke shall
68 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
come hence
on Tewsday night. I had thought to have
come
with him, to
have answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne
to pass
litle for their censurs; and if I had more minde to goe
&
dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this
waightie
bussines, I were like them who live by clamours &
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at
libertie to
doe much,
for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study
to be quiet,
then to make answer to their exceptions.
If men
be set on
it, let them beat ye eair; I hope such as are my sin-
ceire
freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my
actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, & other
things
tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you
more
distinctly. Mean space entreate our
freinds not to be
too bussie
in answering matters, before they know them.
If
I doe such
things as I canot give reasons for, it is like you
have sett a
foole aboute your bussines, and so turne ye
reproofe
to your
selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my
Combes. But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I
refuse
not to have
my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent
men; and
when we come togeather I shall give accounte of
my actions
hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly
without
respect of
persons, see into ye equitie of my cause, and give
us quiet,
peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles,
and
sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever.
And so I take
my leave of
you all, in all love & affection.
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14.
days.
Your pore brother,
June 11. 1620. ROBART CUSHMAN.
Besids these things, ther fell out a
differance amongs
those 3.
that received [35] the moneys & made ye pro-
vissions in
England; for besids these tow formerly men-
tioned sent
from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 69
& Robart
Cushman, ther was one chosen in England
to be joyned
with them, to make ye provisions for
ye
vioage; his name was Mr. Martin, he came from
Billirike in
Essexe, from which parts came sundrie
others to
goe with them, as also from London & other
places; and
therfore it was thought meete & conveniente
by them in
Roland that these strangers that were to
goe with
them, should apointe one thus to be joyned
with them,
not so much for any great need of their
help, as to
avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any
partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving offence,
both in this
& other things afterward, turned to great
inconvenience
unto them, as in ye sequell will apeare;
but however
it shewed their equall & honest minds.
The
provissions were for ye most parte made at South-
hamton,
contrarie to Mr. Westons & Robert Cushmas
mind (whose
counsells did most concure in all things).
A touch of
which things I shall give in a letter of his
to Mr.
Carver, and more will appear afterward.
To his
loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.
Loving freind, I have received from you
some letters, full
of affection
& complaints, and what it is you would have of
me I know
not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence,
negligence,
I marvell why so negligente a man was used in
ye bussines. Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe
hear, shall
not be one hower behind, I warent you.
You have
reference to
Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then
his
adventure;
wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would
not have
done any thing. He saith we take a heady
course,
70 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
and is
offended yt our provissions are made so farr of; as
also
that he was
not made aquainted with our quantitie of things;
and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will,
with going
up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass
over ye somer before we will goe.
And to speake ye trueth,
ther is
fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are
redier to
goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage.
I have
received
from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4; letters
directed to
you, though they only conscerne me. I
will not
trouble you
with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amster-
damers
striking in with us. I trow you must
excomunicate
me, or els
you must goe without their companie, or we shall
wante no
quareling; bit let them pass. We have
reckoned,
it should
seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150.
persons,
ther cannot be founde above 1200li.
& odd moneys
of all ye venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stock-
ings, &
shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte
at least 3.
or 400li. I
would have had some thing shortened
at first of
beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs,
& now we
could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough
to serve our
turne, but now we cannot accept it without preju-
dice. You fear we have begune to build & shall
not be able
to make an
end; indeed, our courses were never established by
counsell, we
may therfore justly fear their standing.
Yea, ther
was a [36]
schisme amongst us 3. at ye first.
You wrote to
Mr. Martin, to prevente ye
making of ye provissions in Kente,
which he
did, and sett downe hi,s resolution how much he would
have of
every thing, without respecte to any counsell or excep-
tion. Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell,
may better
be a king then a consorte. To be short,
if ther
be not some
other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt
should be
partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples
of jangling
& insulting. Yet your money which
you ther must
have, we
will get provided for you instantly. 500li. you say
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 71
will serve;
for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be
used,
we may goe
scratch for it. For Mr.* Crabe, of whom you write,
he hath
promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be
without
feare till I see him shipped, for he is much opposed,
yet I hope
he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear
with
patience what is wanting, and ye Lord
guid us all.
Your loving freind,
London, June
10. ROBART
CUSHMAN.
Ano: 1620.
I have bene ye larger in these
things, and so shall
crave leave
in some like passages following, (thoug
in other
things I shal labour to be more contracte,)
that their
children may see with what difficulties their
fathers
wrastled in going throug these things in their
first
beginings, and how God brought them along not-
withstanding
all their weaknesses & infirmities.
As
allso that
some use may be made hereof in after times
by others in
such like waightie imployments; and here-
with I will
end this chapter.
The 7. Chap.
Of their
departure from Leyden, and other things ther
aboute, with their arivall at South
hamton, were they
all mete togeather, and tooke in ther
provissions.
AT length, after much travell and these
debats, all
things were
got ready and provided. A smale ship!
was bought,
& fitted in Holand, which was intended as
*He was a minister. !Of
some 60 tune.
72 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
to serve, to
help to transport them, so to stay in ye
cuntrie and
atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs
as might be
for ye good & benefite of ye colonie when
they came
ther. Another was hired at London, of
burden about
9. score; and all other things gott in
readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day
of solleme
humiliation, their pastor taking his texte
from Ezra 8.
21. And ther at ye river,
by Ahava, I
proclaimed a
fast, that we might humble ourselves before
our God, and
seeke of him a right way for us, and
for our
children, and for all our substance. Upon which
he spente a
good parte of ye day very profitably, and
suitable to
their presente occasion. The rest of the
time was
spente in powering out prairs to ye Lord with
great
fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears.
And
ye
time being come that they must departe, they were
accompanied
with most of their brethren out of ye
citie, unto
a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,
wher the
ship lay ready to receive them. So they
lefte
yt
goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting
place near
12. years; but they knew they were pil-
grimes,*
& looked not much on those things, but lift
up their
eyes to ye heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and
quieted
their spirits. When they [37] came to ye
place they
found ye ship and all things ready; and
shuch of
their freinds as could not come with them
followed
after them, and sundrie also came from Am-
*Heb. 11.
1620.]
sterdame to
see them shipte and to take their leave
of
them. That night was spent with litle
sleepe by
ye
most, but with freindly entertainmente & christian
discourse
and other reall expressions of true christian
love. The next day, the wind being faire, they
wente
aborde, and
their freinds with them, where truly dolfull
was ye
sight of that sade and mournfull parting; to see
what sighs
and sobbs and praires did sound amongst
them, what
tears did gush from every eye, & pithy
speeches
peirst each harte; that sundry of ye Dutch
strangers yt
stood on ye key as spectators, could not
refraine
from tears. Yet comfortable & sweete
it was
to see shuch
lively and true expressions of dear & un-
fained
love. But ye tide (which
stays for no man),
caling them
away yt were thus loath to departe, their
Reved: pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they
all with
him,) with watrie cheeks comended them with
most
fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing.
And then
with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they
tooke their
leaves one of an other; which proved to
be ye
last leave to many of them.
Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus
winde they
came in
short time to Southhamton, wher they found
the bigger
ship come from London, lying ready, wth
all the rest
of their company. After a joyfull well-
come, and
mutuall congratulations, with other frendly
entertainements,
they fell to parley aboute their bussi-
*This was about 22. of July.
74 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
nes, how to
dispatch with ye best expedition; as allso
with their
agents, aboute ye alteration of ye conditions.
Mr.
Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,
and knew not
well what ye other had don at London.
Mr.
Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what
he was urged
too, partly by ye grounds of equity, and
more
espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene
dasht and
many undon. And in ye
begining he
aquainted
his felow agents here with, who consented
unto him,
and left it to him to execute, and to receive
ye
money at London and send it downe to them at
Hamton, wher
they made ye provissions; the which he
accordingly
did, though it was against his minde, &
some of ye
marchants, yt they were their made.
And
for giveing
them notise at Leyden of this change, he
could not
well in regarde of ye shortnes of ye time;
againe, he
knew it would trouble them and hinder
ye
bussines, which was already delayed overlong in
regard of ye
season of ye year, which he feared they
would find
to their cost. But these things gave not
contente at
presente. Mr. Weston,
likwise, came up
from London
to see them dispatcht and to have ye
conditions
confirmed; but they refused, and answered
him, that he
knew right well that these were not
according to
ye first agreemente, neither could they
yeeld to
them without ye consente of the rest that
were
behind. And indeed they had spetiall
charge
when they
came away, from the cheefe of those that
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 75
were behind,
not to doe it. At which he was much
offended,
and tould them, they must then looke to
stand on
their owne leggs. So he returned in dis-
pleasure,
and this was ye first ground of discontent
betweene
them. And wheras ther wanted well near
100li.
to clear things at their going away, he would
not take
order to disburse a penie, but let them shift
as they
could. [38] So they were forst to selle of
some of
their provissions to stop this gape, which
was some 3.
or 4. score firkins of butter, which com-
oditie they
might best spare, haveing provided too
large a
quantitie of yt kind. Then
they write a leter
to ye
marchants & adventures aboute ye diferances
concerning ye
conditions, as foloweth.
Aug. 3. Ano: 1620.
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther
should be occasion
of writing
at all unto you, partly because we ever expected
to see ye most of you hear, but espetially because ther should
any
differance at all be conceived betweene us.
But seing
it faleth
out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it
meete
(though brefly) to show you ye just
cause & reason of
our
differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman,
without our
comission or knowledg. And though he
might
propound
good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his
doing
it. Our maine diference is in ye 5. & 9. article, con-
cerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoy-
ing wherof
some of your selves well know, was one spetiall
motive,
amongst many other, to provoke us to goe.
This
was thought
so reasonable, yt when ye
greatest of you in
adventure
(whom we have much cause to respecte), when he
76 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
propounded
conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he
set this
downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto
you, with
some additions then added by us; which being
liked on
both sids, and a day set for ye
paimente of moneys,
those of
Holland paid in theirs. After yt, Robart Cushman,
Mr. Peirce, & Mr.
Martine, brought them into a better forme,
& write
them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts
shewing them
and delivering Mr. Mullins a coppy therof under
his hand
(which we have), he payd in his money.
And we
of Holland
had never seen other before our coming to Hamton,
but only as
one got for him selfe a private coppy of them;
upon sight
wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put
of our
estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late
to rejecte ye vioage. Judge therfore we
beseech you indifer-
ently of
things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it wher
it is, &
not upon us, who have more cause to stand for ye one,
then you
have for ye other.
We never gave Robart Cushman
comission to
make anyone article for us, but only sent him
to receive
moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to
further ye provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste
him in
it. Yet since you conceive your selves
wronged as
well as we,
we thought meete to add a branch to ye end
of
our 9.
article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe,
which you
conceive to be in it. But that it may
appeare to
all men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire
also ye good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured
your moneys
with our persons, we have added our last article
to ye rest, promising you againe by leters in ye behalfe of the
whole
company, that if large profits should not arise within
ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer with
you, if
ye Lord give a blessing. This
we hope is sufficente to satisfie
any in this
case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if
the whole
charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will
*It was well for them yt this was not accepted.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 77
not stand
upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c.
We are in
shuch a
streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li.
worth of our
provissions to cleare ye Haven, & withall put our
selves upon
great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no
oyle, not a
sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword
to his side,
wanting many muskets, much armoure, &c.
And
yet we are
willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente
dangers as
are like to insue, & trust to ye good
providence
of God,
rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken
of for
us. Thus saluting all of you in love,
and beseeching
ye Lord to
give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our
harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest,
Yours, &c.
Aug. 3.
1620.
It was subscribed with many names of ye
cheefest
of ye
company.
At their parting Mr. Robinson
write a leter to ye
whole
company, which though it hath already bene
printed, yet
I thought good here likwise to inserte
it; as also
a breefe Jeter writ at ye same time to Mr.
Carver, in
which ye tender love & godly care of a true
pastor
appears.
My dear Brother, I received inclosed in your last leter
ye note of information, wch I
shall carefuly keepe & make use
of as ther
shall be occasion. I have a true feeling
of your
perplexitie
of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who
have allways
been able so plentifully to administer comforte
unto others
in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe
as that farr
greater difficulties then you have yet undergone
(though I
conceive them to have been great enough) cannot
78 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
oppresse you,
though they press you, as ye
Aspostle speaks.
The spirite
of a man (sustained by ye spirite of God) will sus-
taine his
infirmitie, I dout not so will yours.
And ye beter
much when
you shall injoye ye presence & help of so many
godly &
wise bretheren, for ye bearing of part of your burthen,
who also
will not admitte into their harts ye
least thought of
suspition of
any ye least negligence, at least presumption,
to
have been in
you, what so ever they thinke in others.
Now
what shall I
say or write unto you & your goodwife my loving
sister? even only this, I desire (& allways
shall) unto you
from ye Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe
yt my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily
coming at ye first oppertunitie. I have
writen a large leter to
ye whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to
them; &
the more, considering ye wante of a preacher, which
I shall also
make sume spurr to my hastening after you.
I
doe ever
comend my best affection unto you, which if I thought
you made any
doubte of, I would express in more, & ye same
more ample
& full words. And ye Lord in whom you trust &
whom you
serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid you with
his hand,
protecte you with his winge, and shew you & us his
salvation in
ye end, & bring us in ye mean while togeather in
ye place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake.
Amen. Yours,
&c.
July 27.
1620. Jo:
R.
This was ye last letter yt Mr.
Carver lived to see
from
him. The other follows.
*Lovinge
Christian friends, I doe hartily & in ye Lord salute
you all, as
being they with whom I am presente in my best
*This letter
is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters.--
Prince.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 79
affection,
and most ernest longings after you, though I be
constrained
for a while to be bodily absente from you.
I say
constrained,
God knowing how willingly, & much rather then
otherwise, I
would have borne my part with you in this first
brunt, were
I not by strong necessitie held back for ye
present.
Make
accounte of me in ye mean while, as of a man devided in
my selfe
with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set aside)
having my
beter parte with [40] you. And though I
doubt
not but in
your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve
upon yt which concerneth your presente state & condition,
both
severally & joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty
to add some
furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune
allready, if
not because you need it, yet because I owe it in
love &
dutie. And first, as we are daly to
renew our repent-
ance with
our God, espetially for our sines known, and gener-
ally for our
unknowne trespasses, so doth ye Lord
call us in
a singuler
maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie & danger
as lieth
upon you, to a both more narrow search & carefull
reformation
of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to
remembrance
our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take
advantage
against us, & in judgmente leave us for ye same
to be
swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the
contrary,
sine being taken away by ernest repentance & ye
pardon
therof from ye Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience
by his
spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all
dangers,
sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie
deliverance
from all evill, whether in life or in death.
Now next after this heavenly peace with
God & our owne
consciences,
we are carefully to provide for peace with all men
what in us
lieth, espetially with our associats, & for yt watch-
fullnes must
be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe
give, no nor
easily take offence being given by others.
Woe
be unto ye
world for offences, for though it be necessarie (con-
sidermg ye malice of Satan & mans corruption) that offences
80 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
come, yet
woe unto ye man or woman either by whom ye offence
cometh,
saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if
offences in ye un-
seasonable
use of things in them selves indifferent, be more
to be feared
then death itselfe, as ye Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor.
9. 15. how
much more in things simply evill, in which neither
honour of
God nor love of man is thought worthy to be re-
garded. Neither yet is it sufficiente yt we keepe our selves
by ye grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be
armed
against ye taking of them when they be given by
others.
For how
unperfect & lame is ye work of grace in yt person,
who wants
charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as ye
scriptures
speake. Neither are you to be exhorted
to this
grace only
upon ye com one grounds of Christianitie, which
are, that
persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie,
to cover
offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie;
or lastly,
are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our
Lord
teacheth, Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne expe-
rience, few
or none have bene found which sooner give offence,
then shuch
as easily take it; neither have they ever proved
sound &
profitable members in societies, which have nurished
this touchey
humor. But besids these, ther are
diverse motives
provoking
you above others to great care & conscience this
way: As first, you are .many of you strangers, as
to ye per-
sons, so to
ye infirmities one of another, & so
stand in neede
of more
watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall
out in men
& women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly
affected
with them; which doth require at your hands much
wisdome
& charitie for ye covering & preventing of incident
offences
that way. And lastly, your intended
course of civill
comunitie
will minister continuall occasion of offence, & will
be as fuell
for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with
brotherly
forbearance. And if taking of offence
causlesly or
easilie at
mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much
more heed is
to be taken yt we take not offence at God him
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 81
selfe, which
yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe murmure
at his
providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch
afflictions
as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us.
Store up
therfore
patience against ye evill day, without which we take
offence at ye Lord him selfe in his holy & just works.
A
4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that
with your
comone imployments you joyne comone affections
truly bente
upon ye generall good, avoyding as a deadly
[41] plague
of your both comone & spetiall comfort all re-
tirednes of
minde for proper advantage, and all singularly
affected any
maner of way; let every man represe in him
selfe &
ye whol body in each person, as so many rebels
against ye comone good, all private respects of mens selves,
not sorting
with ye generall conveniencie. And as men are
carfull not
to have a new house shaken with any violence
before it be
well setled & ye parts firmly knite, so be you,
I beseech
you, brethren, much more carfull, yt the
house of
God which
you are, and are to be, be not shaken with un-
necessarie
novelties or other oppositions at ye
first setting
therof.
Lastly, wheras you are become a body
politik, using amongst
your selves
civill govermente, and are not furnished with any
persons of
spetiall eminencie above ye rest, to be chosen by you
into office
of goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare,
not only in
chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will
promote ye
comone good, but also in yeelding unto them all
due honour
& obedience in their lawfull administrations; not
behoulding
in them ye ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods
ordinance
for your good, not being like ye
foolish multitud
who more
honour ye gay coate, then either ye vertuous minde
of ye man, or glorious ordinance of ye Lord. But you know
better
things, & that ye image of ye Lords power & authontie
which ye magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane per-
sons
soever. And this dutie you both may ye more willingly
82 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
and ought ye more conscionably to performe, because you are
at least for
ye present to have only them for your
ordinarie
governours,
which your selves shall make choyse of for that
worke.
Sundrie other things of importance I could
put you in minde
of, and of
those before mentioned, in more words, but I will
not so farr
wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless
of these
things, ther being also diverce among you so well able
to admonish
both them selves & others of what concerneth
them. These few things therfore, & ye same in few words,
I doe
ernestly comend unto your care & conscience, joyning
therwith my
daily incessante prayers unto ye Lord, yt he
who
hath made ye heavens & ye
earth, ye sea and all rivers of
waters, and
whose providence is over all his workes, espetially
over all his
dear children for good, would so guide & gard
you in your
wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly
by ye hand of his power, as yt both you & we also, for & with
you, may
have after matter of praising his name all ye days
of
your and our
lives. Fare you well in him in whom you
trust, and
in whom I rest.
An unfained wellwiller of your hapie
success in this hopefull voyage,
JOHN ROBINSON.
This letter, though large, yet being so
frutfull in
it selfe,
and suitable to their occation, I thought meete
to inserte
in this place.
All things being now ready, &. every
bussines dis-
patched, the
company was caled togeather, and this
letter read
amongst them, which had good acceptation
with all,
and after fruit with many. Then they
ordered
&
distributed their company for either shipe, as they
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 83
conceived
for ye best. And chose a Govr & 2. or 3.
assistants
for each shipe, to order ye people by ye way,
and see to ye
dispossing of there provissions, and shuch
like
affairs. All which was not only with ye
liking
of ye
maisters of ye ships, but according to their
desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from
thence
aboute ye 5. of August; but what befell them
further upon
ye coast of
nexte
chapter.
The 8. Chap.
Off the
troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea
being forced, after much trouble, to
leave one of ther
ships & some of their companie
behind them.
[42] BEING thus put to sea they had not
gone farr,
but Mr.
Reinolds ye mr. of ye leser ship complained
that he
found his ship so leak as he durst not put
further to
sea till she was mended. So ye
mr. of ye
biger ship
(caled Mr. Jonas) being consulted with, they
both resolved
to put into Dartmouth & have her ther
searched
& mended, which accordingly was done, to
their great
charg & losse of time and a faire winde.
She was hear
thorowly searcht from steme to sterne,
some leaks
were found & mended, and now it was
conceived by
the workmen & all, that she was sufli-
ciente,
& they might proceede without either fear or
danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put
to sea
againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably
84 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.
on, not looking
for any more lets of this kind; but
it fell out
otherwise; for after they were gone to sea
againe above
100. leagues without the Lands End,
houlding
company togeather all this while, the mr. of
ye
small ship complained his ship was so leake as he
must beare
up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce
free her
with much pumping. So they came to con-
sultation
againe, and resolved both ships to bear up
backe againe
& put into Plimoth, which accordingly
was
done. But no spetiall leake could be founde,
but
it was
judged to be ye generall weaknes of ye shipe,
and that
shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage.
Upon which
it was resolved to dismise her & parte of
ye
companie, and proceede with ye other shipe. The
which
(though it was greevous, & caused great dis-
couragmente)
was put in execution. So after they
had tooke
out such provission as ye other ship could
well stow,
and concluded both what number and what
persons to
send bak, they made another sad parting,
ye
one ship going backe for London, and ye other was
to proceede
on her viage. Those that went bak were
for the most
parte such as were willing so to doe,
either out
of some discontente, or feare they conceived
of ye
ill success of ye vioage, seeing so many croses
befale,
& the year time so farr spente; but others, in
regarde of
their owne weaknes, and charge of many
yonge
children, were thought least usefull, and most
unfite to
bear ye brunte of this hard adventure; unto
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 85
which worke
of God, and judomente of their brethern,
they were
contented to submite. And thus, like
Gedions
armie, this
small number was devided, as if ye Lord by
this worke
of his providence thought these few to many
for ye
great worke he had to doe. But here by
the way,
let me show,
how afterward it was found yt the leaknes
of this ship
was partly by being, over masted, and too
much pressed
with sayles; for after she was sould &
put into her
old trime, she made many viages & per-
formed her service
very sufficiently, to ye great profite
of her
owners. But more espetially, by the
cuning &
deceite of ye
mr. & his company, who were hired to
stay a whole
year in ye cuntrie, and now fancying dis-
like &
fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strate-
gem to free
them selves; as afterwards was knowne, &
by some of
them confessed. For they apprehended
yt
the greater ship, being of force, & in whom most
of ye
provissions were stowed, she would retayne
enough for
her selfe, what soever became of them or
ye
passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast
out by some
of them; and yet, besids other incourag-
ments, ye
cheefe of them that canoe from Leyden wente
in this
shipe to give ye mr. contente. But so strong
was self
love &, his fears, as he forgott all duty and
[43] former
kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them,
though he
pretended otherwise. Amongest those that
returned was
Mr. Cushman & his families whose hart
&
courage was gone from them before, as it seems,
86 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.
though his
body was with them till now he departed;
as may
appear by a passionate letter he write to a
freind in
London from Dartmouth, whilst ye ship lay
ther a
mending; the which, besids ye expressions of his
owne fears,
it shows much of ye providence of God work-
ing for
their good beyonde man's expectation, & other
things
concerning their condition in these streats. I will
hear relate
it. And though it discover some
infirmities
in him (as
who under temtation is free), yet after this he
continued to
be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and
to doe ye
offices of a loving freind & faithfull brother
unto them,
and pertaker of much comforte with them.
The letter is as followth.
To his
loving friend Ed: S.* at Henige House in ye
these, &c.
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance
to you & your
wife, with
loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke
to see
againe. For besids ye eminente dangers of this viage,
which are no
less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased
me, which
will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death. What
to call it I
know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were,
crushing my
harte more & more these 14. days, as that all-
though I doe
ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but
as
dead; but ye will of God be done. Our
pinass will not cease.
leaking, els
I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia,
our viage
hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves
have been of
crokednes. We put in hear to trime her,
& I
* In Governor Bradford's Collection of
Letters, this is Edward Southworth.--
Prince.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 87
thinke; as
others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers
more, shee
would have sunke right downe. And
though she
was twise trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is
open and
leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man
might have
puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher
ye
water came in as at a mole hole. We lay
at Hamton 7.
days, in
fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear
waiting for
her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have
done these
4. days, apd are like to lye 4. more, and by yt
time ye
wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton.
Our
victualls
will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from
the coaste
of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall
not have a
months victialls when we come in ye countrie.
Neare 700li.
hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I
know
not. Mr. Martin saith he neither
can nor will give
any accounte
of it, and if he be called upon for accounts
he clieth
out of unthankfullnes for his paines & care, that
we are
susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end noth-
ing. Also he so insulteh over our poore people, with
shuch
scorne &
contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe
his
shoes. It would break your hart to see
his dealing,* and
ye
mourning of our people. They complaine
to me, & alass!
I can doe
nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies
in my face,
as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be
heard or
received but by him selfe, and saith they are for-
warde, &
waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear
them. Ther are others yt would lose all
they have put in,
or make
satisfaction for what they have had, that they might
departe; but
he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe
ashore,
least they should rune away. The sailors
also are
so offended
at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & con-
trouling in
things he knows not what belongs too, as yt some
threaten to
mischeefe him, others say they will leave ye shipe
*He was
governonr in ye biger ship, & Mr. Cnshman assistante.
88 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.
& goe
their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks
him selfe a
Scorne & laughing stock unto them.
As for Mr.
Weston,
excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will
hate us ten
times more then ever he loved us, for not con-
firming ye
conditions. But now, since some pinches
have
taken them,
they begine to reveile ye trueth, & say Mr. Robin-
son was in ye
falte who charged them never to consente to
those
conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed
them to
chose them they did chose. But he &
they will rue
too late,
they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it
is too late,
that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate
in their
courses. I am sure as they were resolved
not to seale
those
conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left
ye
whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, & better ye
vioage to
have bene broken of then, then to have brought such
miserie to
our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our
loving
freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or
5. of ye cheefe of
them which
came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe
on those
conditions. And Mr. Martine,
he said he never re-
ceived no
money on those conditions, he was not beholden to
ye
marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not
what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions
wth
the
marchants, nor ever spake with them. But
did all that
money flie
to Hampton, or was it his owne? Who will
goe &
layout money
so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know
how he comes
by it, or on what conditions? 21y. I tould him
of ye
alteration longe agoe, & he was contente;
but now he
dominires,
& said I had betrayed them into ye hands of slaves;
he is not
beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe
to a
viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li.
in, & if he
should give
up his accounts he would not have a penie left
him, as I am
persuaded, ! &c. Freind, if ever we
make a
*I thinke he was deceived in these things.
! This was found true afterward.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 89
plantation,
God works a mirakle; especially considering how
scante we
shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited
amongst our
selves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente.
Violence
will break all. Wher is ye
meek & humble spirite
of
Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified
ye wals of Jerusa-
lem, &
ye state of Israell? Is not ye
sound of Rehoboams
braggs daly
hear amongst us? Have not ye
philosophers and
all wise men
observed yt, even in setled comone welths, vio-
lente
governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath,
to ruine;
how much more in ye raising of comone wealths,
when ye
morter is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye
wales. If I should write to you of all things which
pro-
miscuously
fore rune our ruine, I should over charge my
weake head
and greeve your tender hart; only this I pray you pre-
pare for
evill tidings of us every day. But pray
for us in-
stantly, it
may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or
other to
make for us. I see not in reason how we
shall
escape even
ye gasping of hunger starved persons; but God
can doe
much, & his will be done. It is
better for me to
dye, then
now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & ex-
pecte it
howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death,
both within
me & without me. Poore William King
& my
selfe doe
strive* who shall be meate first for ye fishes; but
we looke for
a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus
after ye
flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt is before
us, we will
endure all these things and accounte them light
in
comparison of yt joye we hope for.
Remember me in all
love to our
freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I
desire
ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with
more
comforte looke them in ye face.
The Lord give us
that true
comforte which none can take from us. I had a
desire to
make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind.
* In
the manuscript it is "strive dayly," but a pen has been drawn through
the latter
word.
90 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
I doubte not
but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to
utter things
as here after you shall be called to it.
That
which I have
writen is treue, & many things more which I
have
forborne. I write it as upon my life,
and last confes-
sion in
England. What is of use to be spoken
[45] of
presently,
you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile,
conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake,
& my
body feeble, ye Lord make me strong in him, & keepe
both you
& yours.
Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
Dartmouth,
Aug. 17. 1620.
These being his conceptions & fears at
Dartmouth,
they must
needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.
The 9. Chap.
Of their vioage, & how they passed ye sea, and of their
safe arrivall at Cape Codd.
SEPTR: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now
all being
compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put
to sea
againe with a prosperus winde, which continued
diverce days
togeather, which was some incourag-
mente unto
them; yet according to ye usuall maner
many were
afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may
not
omite hear a
spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther
was a proud
& very profane yonge man, one of ye
sea-men, of
a lustie, able body, which made him the
* For
Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Appendix,
No.1.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 91
more hauty;
he would allway be contemning ye
poore
people in
their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with
greeous
execrations, and "did not let to tell them, that
he hoped to
help to cast halfe of them over board
before they
came to their jurneys end, and to make
mery with
what they had; and if he were by any
gently
reproved, he would curse and swear most
bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe
seas over,
to smite this yong man with a greeveous
disease, of
which he dyed in a desperate maner, and
so was him
selfe ye first yt was throwne overbord.
Thus his
curses light on his owne head; and it was
an
astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it
to be ye
just hand of God upon him.
After they had injoyed faire winds and
weather for
a season,
they were incountred many times with crosse
winds, and
mette with many feirce stormes, with which
ye
shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works
made very
leakie; and one of the maine beames in
ye
midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them
in some fear
that ye shipe could not be able to per-
forme ye
vioage. So some of ye cheefe
of ye com-
pany,
perceiveing ye mariners to feare ye suffisiencie
of ye
shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they
entred into
serious consulltation with ye mr. & other
officers of
ye ship, to consider in time of ye danger;
and rather
to returne then to cast them selves into a
desperate
& inevitable perill. And truly ther
was
92 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
great
distraction & differance of opinion amongst ye
mariners
them selves; faine would they doe what
could be
done for their wages sake, (being now halfe
the seas
over,) and on ye other hand they were loath
to hazard
their lives too desperatly. But in
examen-
ing of all
opinions, the mr. & others affirmed they
knew ye
ship to be stronge & firme under water; and
for the
buckling of ye maine beame, ther was a great
iron scrue ye
passengers brought out of Holland, which
would raise
ye beame into his place; ye which being
done, the
carpenter & mr. affirmed that with a post
put under
it, set firme in ye lower deck, & otherways
bounde, he
would make it sufficiente. And as for ye
decks &
uper workes they would calke them as well
as they
could, and though with ye workeing of ye ship
they [46]
would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther
would
otherwise be no great danger, if they did not
overpress
her with sails. So they comited them
selves
to ye
will of God, & resolved to proseede.
In sundrie
of these
stormes the winds were so feirce, & ye seas
so high, as
they could not beare a knote of saile, but
were forced
to hull, for diverce days togither. And
in one of
them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty
storme, a
lustie yonge man (called John Howland)
coming upon
some occasion above ye grattings, was,
with a seele
of ye shipe throwne into [ye] sea; but
it pleased
God yt he caught hould of ye top-saile
halliards,
which hunge over board, & rane out at
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 93
length; yet
he held his hould (though he was sundrie
fadomes
under water) till he was hald up by ye same
rope to ye
brime of ye water, and then with a boat
hooke &
other means got into ye shipe againe, & his
life saved;
and though he was something ill with it,
yet he lived
many years after, and became a profitable
member both
in church & comone wealthe. In all
this
viage ther
died but one of ye passengers, which was
William
Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller,
when they
drew near ye coast. But to
omite other
things,
(that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at
sea they
fell with that land which is called Cape Cod;
the which
being made & certainly knowne to be it,
they were
not a litle joyful. After some
deliberation
had amongst
them selves & with ye mr. of ye ship, they
tacked
aboute and resolved to stande for ye southward
(ye
wind & weather being faire) to finde some place
aboute
Hudsons river for their habitation. But
after
they had
sailed yt course aboute halfe ye day, they
fell amongst
deangerous shoulds and roring breakers,
and they
were so farr intangled ther with as they
conceived
them selves in great danger; & ye wind
shrinking
upon them withall, they resolved to bear
up againe
for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy
to gett out
of those dangers before night overtooke
them, as by
Gods providence they did. And ye
next
day they
gott into ye Cape-harbor wher they ridd in
saftie. A word or too by ye way of this
cape; it was
94 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
thus first
named by Capten Gosnole & his company, *
An°: 1602,
and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape
James; but
it retains ye former name amongst sea-
men. Also yt pointe which first shewed
those danger-
ous shoulds
unto them, they called Pointe Care, &
Tuckers
Terrour; but ye French & Dutch to this day
call it
Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds,
and ye
losses they have suffered their.
Being thus arived in a good harbor and
brought safe
to land,
they fell upon their knees & blessed ye God
of heaven,
who had brought them over ye vast &
furious
ocean, and delivered them from all ye periles &
miseries
therof, againe to set their feete on ye firme
and stable
earth, their proper elemente. And no
mar-
vell if they
were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca
was so
affected with sailing a few miles on ye coast
of his owne
Italy; as he affirmed,! that he had
rather
remaine
twentie years on his way by land, then pass
by sea to
any place in a short time; so tedious &
dreadfull
was ye same unto him.
But hear I cannot but stay and make a
pause, and
stand half
amased at this poore peoples presente con-
dition; and
so I thinke will the reader too, when he
well
considers [47] ye same. Being
thus passed ye
vast ocean,
and a sea of troubles before in their prep-
aration (as
may be remembred by yt which wente
before),
they had now no freinds to wellcome them,
*Because yey
tooke much of yt fishe there !
Epist: 53.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 95
nor inns to
entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten
bodys, no
houses or much less townes to repaire too,
to seeke for
succoure. It is recorded in scripture *
as a mercie
to ye apostle & his shipwraked company,
yt
the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in
refreshing
them, but these savage barbarians, when
they mette
with them (as after will appeare) were
readier to
fill their sids full of arrows then other-
wise. And for ye season it was winter,
and they
that know ye
winters of yt cuntrie know them to be
sharp &
violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes,
deangerous
to travill to known places, much more to
serch an
unknown coast. Besids, what could they
see
but a
hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts
& willd
men? and what multituds ther might be of
them they
knew not. Nether could they, as it were,
goe up to ye
tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willder-
nes a more
goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for
which way
soever they turnd their eys (save up-
ward to ye
heavens) they could have litle solace or
content in
respecte of any outward objects. For
surner being
done, all things stand upon them with
a
wetherbeaten face; and ye whole countrie, full of
woods &
thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw.
If they
looked behind them, ther was ye mighty
ocean which
they had passed, and was now as a
maine barr
& goulfe to seperate them from all ye
*Act. 28.
96 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
civill parts
of ye world. If it be said
they had a
ship to
Sucour them, it is trew; but what heard
they daly
from ye mr. & company? but yt with
speede they
should looke out a place with their
shallop,
wher they would be at some near distance;
for ye
season was shuch as he would not stirr from
thence till
a safe harbor was discovered by them
wher they
would be, and he might goe without
danger; and
that victells consumed apace, but he
must &
would keepe sufficient for them selves &
their
returne. Yea, it was muttered by some,
that
if they gott
not a place in time, they would turne
them &
their goods ashore & leave them. Let
it
also be
considred what weake hopes of supply &
succoure
they left behinde them, yt might bear up
their minds
in this sade condition and trialls they
were under;
and they could not but be very smale.
It is true,
indeed, ye affections & love of their
brethren at
Leyden was cordiall & entire towards
them, but
they had litle power to help them, or
them selves;
and how ye case stode betweene them
& ye
marchants at their coming away, hath allready
been
declared. What could now sustaine them
but
ye
spirite of God & his grace? May not
& ought
not the
children of these fathers rightly say: Our
faithers
were Englishmen which came over this great
ocean, and
were ready to perish in this willdernes;*
*Den: 26. 5, 7.
1620.]
but they
cried unto ye Lord, and he heard their voyce,
and looked
on their adversitie, &c. Let them
therfore
praise ye
Lord, because he is good, & his
mercies en-
durefor
ever. Yea, let them which have been
redeemed
of ye
Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from ye
hand of ye
oppressour. When they wandered in ye;
deserte
willdernes out of ye way, and found no citie
to dwell in,
both hungrie, & thirstie, their sowle was
overwhelmed
in them. Let them confess before ye
Lord
his loving
kindnes, and his wonderfull works before ye
sons of men.
The 10. Chap.
Showing how they sought out a place of
habitation, and
what befell them theraboute.
[48] BEING thus arrived at Cap-Cod ye
11. of
November,
and necessitie calling them to looke out
a place for
habitation, (as well as the maisters &
mariners
importunitie,) they having brought a large
shalop with
them out of England, stowed in quarters
in ye
ship, they now gott her out & sett their carpenters
to worke to
trime her up; but being much brused &
shatered in
ye shipe wth foule weather, they saw she
would be
longe in mending. Wherupon a few of
them
tendered them selves to goe by land and dis-
covere those
nearest places, whilst ye shallop was in
mending; and
ye rather because as they wente into
*107 Psa: v.l, 2, 4, 5, 8.
98 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
yt
harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or
3 leagues
of, which ye maister judged to be a river.
It was
conceived ther might be some danger in ye
attempte,
yet seeing them resolute, they were per-
mited to
goe, being 16. of them well armed, under
ye
conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch instruc-
tions given
them as was thought meete. They sett
forth ye
15. of Novebr: and when they had marched
aboute ye
space of a mile by ye sea side, they espied
5. or 6.
persons with a dogg coming towards them,
who were
salvages; but they fled from them, & rane
up into ye
woods, and ye English followed them,
partly to
see if they could speake with them, and
partly to
discover if ther might not be more of them
lying in
ambush. But ye Indeans seeing
them selves
thus
followed, they againe forsooke the woods, & rane
away on ye
sands as hard as they could, so as they
could not
come near them, but followed them by ye
tracte of
their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they
had come the
same way. So, night coming on, they
made their
randevous & set out their sentinels, and
rested in
quiete yt night, and the next morning fol-
lowed their
tracte till they had headed a great creake,
& so
left the sands, & turned an other way into ye
woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hope-
ing to find
their dwellings; but they soone lost both
them &
them selves, falling into shuch thickets as
were ready
to tear their cloaths & armore in peeces,
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 99
but were
most distresed for wante of drinke. But
at length
they found water & refreshed them selves
being ye
first New-England water they drunke of, and
was now in
thir great thirste as pleasante unto them
as wine or
bear had been in for-times. Afterwards
they
directed their course to come to ye other [49]
shore, for
they knew it was a necke of land they
were to
crosse over, and so at length gott to ye
sea-side,
and marched to this supposed river, & by
ye
way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly
after a good
quantitie of clear ground wher ye Indeans
had formerly
set corne, and some of their graves.
And
proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher
corne had been
set ye same year, also they found
wher latly a
house had been, wher some planks and
a great
ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly
padled with
their hands, which they, digging up, found
in them
diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne,
and some in
eares, faire and good, of diverce collours,
which seemed
to them a very goodly sight, (haveing
never seen
any shuch before). This was near ye
place
of that
supposed river they came to seeck; unto which
they wente
and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes
with a high
cliffe of sand in ye enterance, but more
like to be
crikes of salte water then any fresh, for
ought they
saw; and that ther was good harborige
for their
shalope; leaving it further to be discovered
by their
shalop when she was ready. So their time
100 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
limeted them
being expired, they returned to ye ship,
least they
should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke
with them
parte of ye corne, and buried up ye rest,
and so like
ye men from Eshcoll carried with them
of ye
fruits of ye land, & showed their breethren; of
which, &
their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and
their harts
incouraged.
After this, ye shalop being
got ready, they set out
againe for ye
better discovery of this place, & ye mr.
of ye
ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went
some 30.
men, but found it to be no harbor for
ships but
only for boats; ther was allso found 2.
of their
houses covered with matts, & sundrie of
their
implements in them, but ye people were rune
away &
could not be seen; also ther was found
more of
their corne, & of their beans of various
collours. The corne & beans they brought away,
purposing to
give them full satisfaction when they
should meete
with any of them (as about some 6.
months
afterward they did, to their good contente).
And here is
to be noted a spetiall providence of
God, and a
great mercie to this poore people, that
hear they
gott seed to plant them corne ye next
year, or els
they might have starved, for they had
none, nor
any liklybood to get any [50] till ye season
had beene
past (as ye sequell did manyfest).
Neither
is it lickly
they had had this, if ye first viage had
not been
made, for the ground was now all covered
1620.]
with snow,
& hard frozen. But the Lord is never
wanting unto
his in their greatest needs; let his holy
name have
all ye praise.
The month of November being spente in
these affairs,
& much
foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desemr: they
sente out
their shallop againe with 10. of their prin-
cipall men,
& some sea men, upon further discovery,
intending to
circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd.
The weather
was very could, & it frose so hard as
ye
sprea of ye sea lighting on their coats, they were
as if they
had been glased; yet that night betimes
they gott
downe into ye botome of ye bay, and as
they drue
nere ye shore they saw some 10. or 12.
Indeans very
busie aboute some thing. They landed
aboute a
league or 2. from them, and had much a
doe to put a
shore any wher, it lay so full of flats.
Being
landed, it grew late, and they made them selves
a barricade
with loggs & bowes as well as they could
in ye
time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them
to rest, and
saw ye smoake of ye fire ye savages made
yt
night. When morning was come they
devided their
company,
some to coaste along ye shore in ye boate,
and the rest
marched throw ye woods to see ye land,
if any fit
place might be for their dwelling. They
came allso
to ye place wher they saw the Indans ye
night
before, & found they had been cuting up a great
fish like a
grampus, being some 2. inches thike of
fate like a
hogg, some peeces wher of they had left
102 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
by ye
way; and ye shallop found 2. more of these
fishes dead
on ye sands, a thing usuall after storms
in yt
place, by reason of ye great flats of sand that
lye of. So they ranged up and doune all yt
day,
but found no
people, nor any place they liked. When
ye
sune grue low, they hasted out of ye woods to meete
with their
shallop, to whom they made signes to come
to them into
a creeke hardby, the which they did at
high water;
of which they were very glad, for they had
not seen
each other all yt day, since ye morning. So
they made
them a barricado (as usually they did every
night) with
loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, ye height
of a man,
leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter
them from ye
could & wind (making their fire in ye
midle, &
lying round aboute it), and partly to defend
them from
any sudden assaults of ye savags, if they
should
surround them. So being very weary, they
betooke them
to rest. But aboute midnight, [51] they
heard a
hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled,
"Arme,
arme"; so they bestired them & stood to their
armes, &
shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the
noys
seased. They concluded it was a companie
of
wolves, or
such like willd beasts; for one of ye sea
men tould
them he had often heard shuch a noyse in
New-found
land. So they rested till about 5. of ye
clock in the
morning, for ye tide, & ther purposs to
goe from
thence, made them be stiring betimes. So
after praier
they prepared for breakfast, and it being
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 103
day dawning,
it was thought best to be earring things
downe to ye
boate. But some said it was not best
to carrie ye
armes downe, others said they would be
the readier,
for they had laped them up in their coats
from ye
dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary
theirs till they
wente them selves, yet as it fell out,
ye
water being not high enough, they layed them
downe on ye
banke side, & came up to breakfast.
But
presently, all on ye sudain, they heard a great
&
strange crie, which they knew to be the same
voyces they
heard in ye night, though they varied
their notes,
& one of their company being abroad
came runing
in, & cried, "Men, Indeans, Indeans";
and wthall,
their arowes came flying amongst them.
Their men
rane with all speed to recover their armes,
as by ye
good providence of God they did. In ye
mean time,
of those that were ther ready, tow muskets
were
discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in
ye
enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded
not to
shoote till they could take full aime at them;
& ye
other 2. charged againe with all speed, for ther
were only 4.
had armes ther, & defended ye baricado
which was
first assalted. The crie of ye
lndeans was
dreadfull,
espetially when they saw ther men rune out
of ye
randevoue towourds ye shallop, to recover their
armes, the
lndeans wheeling aboute upon them. But
some runing
out with coats of malle on, & cutlasses
in their
hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye
104 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
amongs them,
and quickly stopped their violence. Yet
ther was a
lustie man, and no less valiante, stood be-
hind a tree
within halfe a musket shot, and let his
arrows flie
at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes,
which were
all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a
musket, till
one taking full aime at him, and made
ye
barke or splinters of ye tree :fly about his ears,
after which
he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away
they wente
all of them. They left some to keep ye
shalop, and
followed them aboute a quarter of a mille,
and shouted
once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces,
& so
returned. This they did, that they might
con-
ceive that
they were not [52] affrade of them or any
way
discouraged. Thus it pleased God to
vanquish
their
enimies, and give them deliverance; and by
his spetiall
providence so to dispose that not any one
of them were
either hurte, or hitt, though their
arrows came
close by them, & on every side them,
and sundry
of their coats, which hunge up in ye
barricado,
were shot throw & throw. Aterwards
they
gave God
sollamne thanks & praise for their deliver-
ance, &
gathered up a bundle of their arrows, &
sente them
into England afterward by ye mr. of ye
ship, and
called that place ye first encounter. From
hence they
departed, & costed all along, but discerned
no place
likly for harbor; & therfore hasted to a place
that their
pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had
bine in ye
cuntrie before) did assure them was a good
1620.]
harbor,
which he bad been in, and they might fetch
it before
night; of which they were glad, for it be-
gane to be
foule weather. After some houres
sailing,
it begane to
snow & raine, & about ye midle of ye
afternoons,
ye wind increased, & ye sea became very
rough, and
they broake their rudder, & it was as much
as 2. men
could doe to steere her with a cupple of
oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere,
for he saw ye
harbor; but ye storme increasing, &
night
drawing on, they bore what saile they could to
gett in,
while they could see. But herwith they
broake their
mast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over
bord, in a
very grown sea, so as they had like to
have been
cast away; yet by Gods mercie they re-
covered them
selves, & having ye floud with them
struck into
ye harbore. But when it came
too, ye
pillott was
deceived in ye place, and said, ye Lord
be mercifull
unto them, for his evs never saw yt
place
before; &, he & the mr. ate would have rune
her ashore,
in a cove full of breakers, before ye winde.
But a lusty
seaman which steered, bad those which
rowed, if
they were men, about with her, or ell they
were all
cast away; the which they did with speed.
So he bid
them be of good cheere & row lustly, for
ther was a
faire sound before them, & he doubted not
but they
should find one place or other wher they
might ride
in saftie. And though it was very
dark,
and rained
sore, yet in ye end they gott, under ye lee
106 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
of a smalle
iland, and remained ther all yt night in
saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till
morning, but
were derided in their minds; some would
keepe ye
boate for fear they might be amongst ye
Indians;
others were so weake and could, they could
not endure,
but got a shore, & with much adoe got
fire, (all
things being so wett,) and ye rest were glad
to come to
them; for after midnight ye wind shifted
to the [53]
north-west, & it frose hard. But
though
this had
been a day & night of much trouble &
danger unto
them, yet God gave them a morning of
comforte
& refreshing (as usually he doth to his child-
dren), for ye
next day was a faire sunshinig day, and
they found
them sellvs to be on an iland secure from
ye
Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their
peeces,
& rest them selves, and gave God thanks for
his mercies,
in their manifould deliverances. And
this
being the last
day of ye weeke, they prepared ther to
keepe ye
Sabath. On Munday they
sounded ye harbor,
and founde
it fitt for shipping; and marched into ye
land, &
found diverse cornfeilds, & title runing brooks,
a place (as
they supposed) fitt for situation; at least
it was ye
best they could find, and ye season, & their
presente
necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it.
So they
returned to their shipp againe with this news
to ye
rest of their people, which did much comforte
their harts.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 107
On ye
15. of Desemr: they wayed anchor to goe to
ye
place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues
of it, but
were faine to bear up againe; but ye 16.
day ye
winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this
harbor. And after wards tooke better view of ye
place, and
resolved wher to pitch their dwelling;
and ye
25. day begane to erecte ye first house for
comone use
to receive them and their goods.
The 2. Booke.
THE rest of this History (if God give me
life, &
opportunitie)
I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way
of annalls,
noteing only the heads of principall things,
and passages
as they fell in order of time, and may
seeme to be
profitable to know, or to make use of.
And this may
be as ye 2. Rooke.
The remainder of Ano: 1620.
I SHALL a litle returne backe and begine
with a
combination
made by them before they came ashore,
being ye
first foundation of their govermente in this
place;
occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous
speeches
that some of the strangers amongst them had
let fall
from them in ye ship --That when they came
a shore they
would use their owne libertie; for none
had power to
comand them, the patente they had
being for
Virginia, and not for New-england, which
belonged to
an other Goverment, with which ye Vir-
ginia
Company had nothing to doe. And partly
that
shuch an
[54] acte by them done (this their condi-
tion
considered) might be as firme as any patent, and
in some
respects more sure.
The forme was as followeth.
110 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names
are under-
writen, the
loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King
James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, &
king,
defender of ye faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for ye glorie
of God, and
advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of
our king
& countrie, a voyage to plant ye
first colonie in ye
Northerne
parts of
mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant
&
combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for
our better
ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends
aforesaid;
and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and
frame such
just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitu-
tions, &
offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most
meete &
convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto
which we
promise all due submission and obedience.
In witnes
wherof we
have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd
ye 11. of November, in ye year
of ye raigne of our soveraigne
lord, King
James, of England, France, & Ireland ye
eighteenth,
and of
Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano:
Dom. 1620.
After this they chose, or rather
confirmed, Mr. John
Carver (a
man godly & well approved amongst them)
their
Governour for that year. And after they
had
provided a
place for their goods, or common store,
(which were
long in unlading for want of boats,
foulnes of
winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,)
and begune
some small cottages for their habitation,
as time
would admitte, they mette and consulted of
lawes &
orders, both for their civill & military Gov-
ermente, ye
necessitie of their condition did re-
quire, still
adding therunto as urgent occasion in
severall
times, and as cases did require.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 111
In these hard & difficulte beginings
they found some
discontents
& murmurings arise amongst some, and
mutinous
speeches & carriags in other; but they were
soone
quelled & overcome by ye wisdome, patience,
and just
& equall carrage of things by ye Govr and
better part,
wch clave faithfully togeather in ye maine.
But that
which was most sadd & lamentable was,
that in 2.
or 3. moneths time halfe of their com-
pany dyed,
espetialy in Jan: & February, being ye
depth of
winter, and wanting houses & other com-
forts; being
infected with ye scurvie & [55] other
diseases,
which this long vioage & their inacomodate
condition
had brought upon them; so as ther dyed
some times
2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time;
that of 100.
& odd persons, scarce 50. remained.
And
of these in
ye time of most distres, ther was but 6.
or 7. sound
persons, who, to their great comendations
be it
spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but
with
abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne
health,
fetched them woode, made them fires, drest
them meat,
made their beads, washed their lothsome
cloaths,
cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did
all ye
homly & necessarie offices for them wch dainty
& quesie
stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and
all this
willingly & cherfully, without any grudging
in ye
least, shewing herein their true love unto their
freinds
& bretheren. A rare example &
worthy to
be
remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr.
William
112 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Brewster,
ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther
Captein
& military comander, unto whom my selfe,
& many
others, were much beholden in our low &
sicke
condition. And yet the Lord so upheld
these
persons, as
in this generall calamity they were not at
all infected
either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what
I have said
of these, I may say of many others who
dyed in this
generall vissitation, & others yet living,
that whilst
they had health, yea, or any strength con-
tinuing,
they were not wanting to any that had need
of
them. And I doute not but their
recompence is
with ye
Lord.
But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable
passage not
to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell
among ye
passengers that were to be left here to
plant, and
were hasted a shore and made to drinke
water, that
ye sea-men might have ye more bear, and
one* in his
sicknes desiring but a small cann of
beere, it
was answered, that if he were their owne
father he
should have none; the disease begane to
fall amongst
them also, so as allmost halfe of their
company dyed
before they went away, and many of
their
officers and lustyest men, as ye boatson, gunner,
3.
quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others.
At wch ye
mr.
was something strucken and sent to ye sick a
shore and
tould ye Govr he should send for beer for
them that
had need of it, though he drunke water
*Which was this author him selfe.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 113
homward
bound. But now amongst his company [56]
ther was
farr another kind of carriage in this miserie
then amongst
ye passengers; for they that before had
been bootie
companions in drinking, & joyllity in ye
time of
their health & wellfare, beoane now to deserte
one another
in this calamities saing, they would not
hasard ther
lives for them, they should be infected
by coming to
help them in their cabins, and so, after
they came to
dye by it, would doe litle or nothing
for them,
but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch
of ye
passengers as were et abord shewed them what
mercy they
could, wch made some of their harts re-
lente, as ye
boatson (& some others), who was a
prowd yonge
man, and would often curse & scofe at
ye
passengers; but when he grew weak, they had
compassion
on him and helped him; then he con-
fessed he
did not deserve it at their hands, he had
abused them
in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I
now see,
shew your love like Christians indeed one
to another,
but we let one another lye & dye like
doggs. Another lay cursing, his wife, saing, if it
had
not ben for
her he had never come this unlucky viage,
and anone
cursing his felows, saing he had done this
& that,
for some of them, he had spente so much,
& so
much, amongst them, and they were now weary
of him, and
did not help him, having need. Another
gave his
companion all he had, if he died, to help
him in his
weaknes; he went and got a litle spise
114 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
& made
him a mess of meat once or twise, and be-
cause he
dyed not so soone as he expected, he went
amongst his
fellows, & swore ye rogue would cousen
him, he
would see him choaked before he made him
any more
meate; and yet ye pore fellow dyed before
morning.
All this while ye Indians came
skulking about them,
and would
sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but
when any
aproached near them, they would rune away.
And once
they stoale away their tools wher they had
been at
worke, & were gone to diner. But
about ye
16. of March
a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst
them, and
spoke to them in broken English, which
they could
well understand, but marvelled at it. At
length they
understood by discourse with him, that he
was not of
these parts, but belonged to ye eastrene
parts, wher
some English-ships came to fhish, with
whom he was
aquainted, & could name sundrie of
them by
their names, amongst whom he had gott his
language. He became proftable to them [57] in
aquainting
them with many things concerning ye state
of ye
cuntry in ye east-parts wher he lived, which was
afterwards
profitable unto them; as also of ye people
hear, of
their names, number, & strength; of their
situation
& distance from this place, and who was
cheefe amongst
them. His name was Samaset; he
tould them
also of another Indian whos name was
Squanto, a
native of this place, who had been in Eng-
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 115
land &
could speake better English then him selfe.
Being, after
some time of entertainments & gifts, dis-
mist, a
while after he came againe, & 5. more with
him, &
they brought againe all ye tooles that were
stolen away
before, and made way for ye coming of
their great
Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4.
or 5. days
after, came with
the cheefe of his freinds
& other
attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto.
With
whom, after
frendly entertainment, & some gifts given
him, they
made a peace with him (which hath now
continued
this 24. years) in these terms.
1.
That neither he nor any of his, should injurie
or doe hurte
to any of their peopl.
2.
That if any of his did any hurte to any of
theirs, he
should send ye offender, that they might
punish him.
3.
That if any thing, were taken away from any of
theirs, he
should cause it to be restored; and they
should doe ye
like to his.
4.
If any did unjustly warr against him, they would
aide him; if
any did warr against them, he should
aide them.
5.
He should send to his neighbours confederats,
to certifie
them of this, that they might not wrong
them, but
might be likewise comprised in ye condi-
tions of
peace.
6.
That when ther men came to them, they should
leave their
bows & arrows behind them.
116 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
After these things he returned to his
place caled
Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto
contiued
with them, and was their interpreter, and
was a
spetiall instrument sent of God for their good
beyond their
expectation. He directed them how to
set their
corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other
comodities,
and was also their pilott to bring them to
unknowne
places for their profitt, and never left them
till he
dyed. He was a native [58] of the
place, &
scarce any
left alive besids him selfe. He was
caried
away with
diverce others by one Hunt, a mr. of a
ship, who
thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine;
but he got
away for
marchante in
land &
other parts, & lastly brought hither into these
parts by one
Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by
Sr.
Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other
designes in
these parts. Of whom I shall say some
thing,
because it is mentioned in a booke set forth
Ano:
1622. by ye Presidente & Counsell for New-Eng-
land,* that he made ye peace betweene ye
salvages
of these
parts & ye English; of which this planta-
tion, as it
is intimated, had ye benefite.
But what a
peace it
was, may apeare by what befell him & his
men.
This Mr. Dermer was hear the
same year that these
people came,
as apears by a relation written by him,
*Page 17.
162O.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 117
& given
me by a freind, bearing date June 30. Ano:
1620. And they came in Novembr: following,
so ther
was but 4.
months differance. In which relation to
his honored
freind, he hath these passages of this very
place.
I will first begine (saith he) wth that place from whence
Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; wch in Cap: Smiths
mape is called Plimoth: and I would
that Plimoth had ye like
comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear
be
seated, if
ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward.
Otherwise at
Charlton, because ther ye savages are lese to be
feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plimoth,
bear an
inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more
streingth
then all ye savags from thence to Penobscote. Their
desire of
revenge was occasioned by an English man, who hav-
ing many of
them on bord, made a great slaughter with their
murderers
& smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no
injurie on
their parts. Whether they were English
or no, it
may be
douted; yet they beleeve they were, for ye
Frenche
have so
possest them; for which cause Squanto canot deney
but they
would have kiled me when I was at Namasket, had
he not
entreated hard for me. The soyle of ye borders of
[59] this
great bay, may be compared to most of ye
planta-
tions which
I have seene in Virginia. The land is of
diverce
sorts; for Patuxite
is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel &
Saughtughtett are for ye most part a blakish & deep mould,
much like
that wher groweth ye best Tobaco in Virginia.
In ye botume of yt great bay is store of Codd & basse,
or
mulett,
&c.
But above
all he comends Pacanawkite for ye richest
soyle, and
much open ground fitt for English graine, &c.
118 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth,
& situate
in ye mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very
fertill for
ye most parte.
With sundrie shuch relations which I
forbear to tran-
scribe,
being now better knowne then they were to him.
He was taken prisoner by ye
Indeans at Manamoiak
(a place not
farr from hence, now well knowne). He
gave them
what they demanded for his liberty, but
when they
had gott what they desired, they kept him
still &
indevored to kill his men; but he was freed
by seasing
on some of them, and kept them bound
till they
gave him a cannows load of corne. Of
which, see
Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was
An°: 1619.
After ye writing of ye
former relation he came to
ye
Ile of Chapawack (which lyes south of this place
in ye
way to Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto wth
him, wher he
going a shore amongst ye Indans to
trad, as he
used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by
them, &
all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat;
but him
selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they
had cut of
his head upon ye cndy of his boat, had
not ye
man reskned him with a sword. And so
they
got away,
& made shift to gett into Virginia, wher
he dyed;
whether of his wounds or ye diseases of
ye
cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine.
[60] By
all which it
may appeare how farr these people were
from peace,
and with what danger this plantation was
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 119
begune, save
as ye powerfull hand of the Lord did
protect
them. These things* were partly the
reason
why they
kept aloofe & were so long before they
came to the
English. An other reason (as after them
selvs made
know) was how aboute 3. years before, a
French-ship
was cast away at Cap-Codd, but ye men
gott ashore,
& saved their lives, and much of their
victails,
& other goods; but after ye lndeans heard
of it, they
geathered togeather from these parts, and
never left
watching & dogging them till they got
advantage, and
kild them all but 3. or 4. which they
kept, &
sent from one Sachem to another, to make
sporte with,
and used them worse then slaves; (of
which ye
foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;)
and they
conceived this ship was now come to re-
venge it.
Also, (as after was made knowne,) before
they came
to ye
English to make freindship, they gott all the
Powachs of ye cuntrie, for 3. days
togeather, in a
horid and
divellish maner to curse & execrate them
with their
cunjurations, which asembly & service they
held in a
darke & dismale swampe.
But to returnee. The spring now approaching, it
pleased God
the mortalitie begane to cease amongst
them, and ye
sick and lame recovered apace, which
put as it
were new life into them; though they had
borne their
sadd affliction with much patience & con-
*Thing in the manuscript.
120 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
tentednes,
as I thinke any people could doe. But it
was ye
Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand
prepared
them; many having long borne ye yoake, yea
from their
youth. Many other smaler maters omite,
sundrie of
them having been allready published in a
Jurnall made
by one of ye company; and some other
passages of
jurneys and relations allredy published, to
which I
referr those that are willing to know them
more
perticulerly. And being now come to ye
25.
of March I
shall begine ye year 1621.
[61] Anno. 1621.
THEY now begane to dispatch ye
ship away which
brought them
over, which lay tille aboute this time,
or ye
begining of Aprill. The reason on their
parts
why she
stayed so long, was ye necessitie and danger
that lay
upon them, for it was well towards ye ende
of Desember
before she could land any thing hear, or
they able to
receive any thing ashore. Afterwards,
ye
14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a
generall
randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were
faine to
retire abord for shilter. Then the
sicknes
begane to
fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so
bad as they
could not make much sooner any dispatch.
Againe, the
Govr & cheefe of them, seeing so many
dye, and
fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom
to send away
the ship, their condition considered, and
ye
danger they stood in from ye Indeans, till they
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 121
could
procure some shelter; and therfore thought it
better to
draw some more charge upon them selves
&
freinds, then hazard all. The mr.
and sea-men like-
wise, though
before they hasted ye passengers a shore
to be goone,
now many of their men being dead, &
of ye
ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of
ye
rest many lay sick & weake, ye mr. durst not put
to sea, till
he saw his men begine to recover, and ye
hart of
winter over.
Afterwards they (as many as were able)
began to
plant ther
corne, in which servise Squanto stood them
in great
stead, showing them both ye maner how to
set it, and
after how to dress & tend it. Also
he
tould them
excepte they gott fish & set with it (in
these old
grounds) it would come to nothing, and he
showed them
yt in ye midle of Aprill they should have
store enough
come up ye brooke, by which they be-
gane to
build, and taught them how to take it, and
wher to get
other provissions necessary for them; all
which they
found true by triall & experience.
Some
English seed
they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came
not to good,
eather by ye badnes of ye seed, or latenes
of ye
season, or both, or some other defecte.
[62]
In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie
about their
seed, their Govr (Mr. John Carver) came
out of ye
feild very sick, it being a hott day; he
complained
greatly of his head, and lay downe, and
within a few
howers his sences failed, so as he never
122 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
spake more
till he dyed, which was within a few days
after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused
great
heavines amongst them, as ther was cause.
He
was buried
in ye best maner they could, with some
vollies of
shott by all that bore armes; and his wife,
being a weak
woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after
him.
Shortly after William Bradford was chosen
Gover
in his
stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes,
in which he
had been near ye point of death; Isaak
Allerton was
chosen to be an Asistante unto him,
who, by
renewed election every year, continued sundry
years
togeather, which I hear note once for all.
May 12. was ye first
mariage in this place, which,
according to
ye laudable custome of ye Low-Cuntries,
in which
they had lived, was thought most requisite
to be
performed by the magistrate, as being a civill
thing, upon
which many questions aboute inheritances
doe depende,
with other things most proper to their
cognizans,
and most consonante to ye scripturs, Ruth
4. and no
wher found in ye gospell to be layed on
ye
ministers as a part of their office.
"This decree
or law about
mariage was published by ye Stats of
ye
Low-Cuntries Ano: 1590. That
those of any re-
ligion,
after lawfull and open publication, coming before
ye magistrats, in ye Town or Stat-house, were to be
orderly (by
them) maried one to another."
Petets
Hist. fol:
1029. And this practiss hath continued
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 123
amongst, not
only them, but hath been followed by
all ye
famous churches of Christ in these parts to
this time,
-- Ano: 1646.
Haveing in some sorte ordered their
bussines at
home, it was
thought meete to send some abroad to
see their
new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon
him some
gratuitie to bind him ye faster unto them;
as also that
hearby they might veiw ye countrie, and
see in what
maner he lived, what strength he had
aboute him,
and how ye ways were to his place, if
at any time
they should have occasion. So ye
2. of
July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow
& Mr. Hopkins,
with ye
foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him
a suite of
cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some
other small
things, which were kindly accepted; but
they found
but short comons, and came both weary
&
hungrie home. For ye lndeans
used then to have
nothing [63]
so much corne as they have since ye
English have
stored them with their hows, and seene
their
industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith.
They found
his place to be 40.
miles from hence, ye
soyle good,
& ye people not many, being dead &
abundantly
wasted in ye late great mortalitie which
fell in all
these parts aboute three years before ye
coming of ye
English, wherin thousands of them dyed,
they not
being able to burie one another; ther sculs
and bones
were found in many places lying still above
ground,
where their houses & dwellings had been; a
124 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
very sad
spectackle to behould. But they brought
word that ye
Narighansets lived but on ye other side
of that
great bay, & were a strong people, & many
in number,
living compacte togeather; & had not been
at all
touched with this wasting plague.
Aboute ye later end of this
month, one John Billing-
ton lost him
selfe in ye woods, & wandered up &
downe some
5. days, living on beries & what he could
find. At length he light on an Indean plantation,
20.
mils south
of this place, called Manamet, they conveid
him furder
of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had
before set
upon ye English when they were costing,
whilest ye
ship lay at ye Cape, as is before noted.
But ye
Gover caused him to be enquired for among
ye
Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher
he was, and
ye Gover sent a shalop for him, & had
him
delivered. Those people also came and
made their
peace; and
they gave full satisfaction to those whose
corne they
had found & taken when they were at Cap-
Codd.
Thus ther peace & aquaintance was
prety well estab-
lisht wth
the natives aboute them; and ther was an
other Indean
called Hobamack come to live amongst
them, a
proper lustie man, and a man of accounte
for his
vallour & parts amongst ye Indeans, and con-
tinued very
faithfull _and constant to ye English till
he
dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon
bussines
amonge ye
Indeans, at their returne (whether it was
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 125
out of envie
to them or malice to the English) ther
was a Sachem
called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte,
but never
any good freind to ye English to "this day,
mett with
them at an lndean towne caled Namassakett
14. miles to
ye west of this place, and begane to
quarell wth
[64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack;
but being a
lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him,
and came
runing away all sweating and tould ye Govr
what had
befalne him, and he feared they had killed
Squanto, for
they threatened them both, and for no
other cause
but because they were freinds to ye Eng-
lish, and
servisable unto them. Upon this ye
Gover
taking
counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne;
for if they
should suffer their freinds & messengers
thus to be
wronged, they should have none would
cleave unto
them, or give them any inteligence, or
doe them
serviss afterwards; but nexte they would
fall upon
them selves. Whereupon it was resolved
to
send ye
Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe
& fall
upon them in ye night; and if they found that
Squanto was
kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not
to hurt any
but those that had a hand in it. Hoba-
mack was
asked if he would goe & be their guid,
& bring
them ther before day. He said he would,
&
bring them
to ye house wher the man lay, and show
them which
was he. So they set forth ye
14. of
August, and
beset ye house round; the Captin giving
charg to let
none pass out, entred ye house to search
126 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
for
him. But he was goone away that day, so
they
mist him;
but understood yt. Squanto was alive, &
that he had
only threatened to kill him, & made an
offer to
stabe him but did not. So they withheld
and did no
more hurte, & ye people came trembling,
&
brought them the best provissions they had, after
they were
aquainted by Hobamack what was only in-
tended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out
of ye
house, and asaid to pass through ye garde.
These they
brought home with them, & they had
their wounds
drest & cured, and sente home. After
this they
had many gratulations from diverce sachims,
and much
firmer peace; yea, those of ye Iles of Capa-
wack sent to
make frendship; and this Corbitant him
selfe used ye
mediation of Massassoyte to make his
peace, but
was shie to come neare them a longe while
after.
After this, ye 18. of Sepembr:
they sente out ther
shalop to
the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto
for their
guid and [65] interpreter, to discover and
veiw that
bay, and trade with ye natives; the which
they
performed, and found kind entertainement.
The
people were
much affraid of ye Tarentins, a people to
ye
eastward which used to come in harvest time and
take away
their corne, & many times kill their persons.
They
returned in saftie, and brought home a good
quanty of
beaver, and made reporte of ye place, wish-
ing they had
been ther seated; (but it seems ye Lord,
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 127
who assignes
to all men ye bounds of their habitations,
had apoynted
it for an other use. And thus they
found ye
Lord to be with them in all their ways, and
to blesse
their outgoings & incomings, for which let
his holy
name have ye praise for ever, to all posteritie.
They begane now to gather in ye
small harvest they
had, and to
fitte up their houses and dwellings against
winter,
being all well recovered in health & strenght,
and had all
things in good plenty; for as some were
thus
imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised
in fishing,
aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which
yey
tooke good store, of which every family had their
portion. All ye somer ther was no wante. And now
begane to
come in store of foule, as winter aproached,
of which
this place did abound when they came first
(but
afterward decreased by degrees). And
besids
water foule,
ther was great store of wild Turkies, of
which they
tooke many, besids venison, &c.
Besids
they had
aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person,
or now since
harvest, Indean corne to yt proportion.
Which made
many afterwards write so largly of their
plenty hear
to their freinds in England, which were
not rained,
but true reports.
In Novembr, about yt
time twelfe month that them
selves came,
ther came in a small ship to them unex-
pected or
loked for,* in which came Mr. Cushman (so
much spoken
of before) and with him 35. persons to
*She came ye 9. to ye
Cap.
128 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
remaine
& live in ye plantation; which did not a litle
rejoyce
them. And they when they came a shore
and
found all
well, and saw plenty of vitails in every
house, were
no less glade. For most of them were
lusty yonge
men, and many of them wild enough,
who litle
considered whither or aboute what they
wente, till
they came into ye harbore at Cap-Codd,
and ther saw
nothIng but a naked and barren place.
They then
begane to thinke what should become of
them, if the
people here were dead or cut of by ye
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches
that some of
ye sea-men had cast out) to take ye sayls
from ye
yeard least ye ship [66] should gett away and
leave them
ther. But ye mr.
hereing of it, gave them
good words,
and tould them if any thing but well
should have
befallne ye people hear, he hoped he had
vitails
enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he
had a bitt
they should have their parte; which gave
them good
satisfaction. So they were all landed;
but
ther was not
so much as bisket-cake or any other
victialls*
for them, neither had they any beding, but
some sory
things they had in their cabins, nor pot,
nor pan, to
drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths,
for many of
them had brusht away their coats & cloaks
at Plimoth
as they came. But ther was sent over
some
burching-lane
suits in ye ship, out of which they were
supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition
*Nay I they were faille to spare ye shipe some to carry her home.
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 129
of strenght,
but could have wished that many of them
had been of
beter condition, and all of them beter
furnished
with provissions; but yt could not now be
helpte.
In this ship Mr. Weston sent a
large leter to Mr.
Carver, ye
late Gover, now deseased, full of complaints
&
expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton;
and ye
keeping ye shipe so long in ye country, and
returning
her without lading, &c., which for brevitie
I
omite. The rest is as followeth.
Part of Mr. Westons letter.
I durst never aquainte ye adventurers with ye
alteration of
ye couditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since
been very
glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as
much as I
doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny
of what was
necesary for this ship. That you sent no
lading
in the ship
is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I
know your
weaknes was
the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of
judgmente,
then weaknes of hands. A quarter of ye time you
spente in
discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done
much more;
but that is past, &c. If you mean,
bona fide, to
performe the
conditions agreed upon, doe us ye
favore to coppy
them out
faire, and subscribe them with ye
principall of your
names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly
as you
can how our
moneys were laid out. And then I shall
be able
to give them
some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with.
I good words
to shift of. And consider that ye life of the bussi-
nes depends
on ye lading of this ship, which, if you doe to
any
good
purpose, that I may be freed from ye
great sums I have
disbursed
for ye former, and must doe for the later, I promise
130 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
you I will
never quit ye bussines, though all the other
adventurers
should.
[67]
We have procured you a Charter, the best we could,
which is
beter then your former, and with less limitation. For
any thing yt is els worth writting, Mr.
Cushman can informe
you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you.
And so
praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary
both for
this life & that to come, I rest
Your very loving frend,
THO. WESTON.
London, July
6. 1621.
This ship
(caled ye Fortune) was speedily dispatcht
away, being
laden with good clapbord as full as she
could stowe,
and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter
skins, which
they gott with a few trifling comodities
brought with
them at first, being alltogeather unpro-
vided for
trade; neither was ther any amongst them
that ever
saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and
were
informed by Squanto. The fraight was
estimated
to be worth
near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe
also with
this ship, for so Mr. Weston & ye rest had
apoynted
him, for their better information. And
he
doubted not,
nor them selves neither, but they should
have a
speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr.
Cushmans
perswation, and letters received from Ley-
den, wherin
they willed them so to doe, they yeelded*
to ye
afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with
their
hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr.
Wes-
* Yeeled in the manuscript.
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 131
ton, who had
made yt large promise in his leter, (as
is before
noted,) that if all ye rest should fall of, yet
he would
never quit ye bussines, but stick to them,
if they
yeelded to ye conditions, and sente some lad-
ing in ye
ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confi-
dent, and
confirmed ye same from his mouth, & serious
protestations
to him selfe before he came. But all
proved but
wind, for he was ye first and only man
that
forsooke them, and that before he so much as
heard of ye
returne of this ship, or knew what was
done; (so
vaine is ye confidence in man.)
But of this
more in its
place.
A leter in answer to his write to Mr.
Carver, was
sente to him
from ye Govr, of which so much as is
pertenente
to ye thing in hand I shall hear inserte.
Sr: Your large letter writen to Mr.
Carver, and dated ye
6. of July,
1621, I have received ye 10. of
Novembr, wherin
(after ye apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie
imputations
upon him and us all. Touching him, he is
de-
parted this
life, and now is at rest [68] in ye Lord
from all
those
troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to
strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and
pains
was so great
for ye commone good, both ours and yours, as
that
therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and short-
ened his
days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine.
At great
charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene,
and many
losses may sustaine; but ye loss of his and many
other honest
and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed
at any
prise. Of ye one, ther may be hope of recovery, but
ye other no recompence can make good. But I will not in-
132 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
siste in
generalls, but come more perticulerly to ye
things them
selves. You greatly blame us for keping ye ship so long in
ye countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5.
weks at
Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a
long
journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we
sought out
in the foule winter a place of habitation.
Then
we went in
so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter
us and our
goods, aboute wch labour, many of our armes &
leggs can
tell us to this day we were not necligent.
But it
pleased God
to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with
so generall
a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie
the dead;
and ye well not in any measure sufficiente to tend
ye sick. And now to be so
greatly blamed, for not fraighting
ye ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But
you say you
know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think
we had not
cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it,
but it was
more weaknes
of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes
herin
is great we
confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently
amongst ye rest, till God send us wiser men.
But they which
tould you we
spent so much time in discoursing & consulting,
&c.,
their harts can tell their toungs, they lye.
They cared
not, so they
might salve their owne sores, how they wounded
others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are
(beyound ex-
pectation)
yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will
never doe
good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c.
The rest of ye letter declared
how they had sub-
scribed
those conditions according to his desire, and
sente him ye
former accounts very perticulerly; also
how ye
ship was laden, and in what condition their
affairs
stood; that ye coming of these [69] people
would bring
famine upon them unavoydably, if they
had not
supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more
1621.]
fully
informe him & ye rest of ye adventurers). Also
that seeing
he was now satisfied in all his demands ,
that
offences would be forgoten, and he remember his
promise,
&c.
After ye departure of this
ship, (which stayed not
above 14.
days,) the Gover & his assistante haveing
disposed
these late comers into severall families, as
yey
best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their
provissions
in store, and proportioned ye same to ye
number of
persons, and found that it would not hould
out above 6.
months at halfe alowance, and hardly that.
And they
could not well give less this winter time till
fish came in
againe. So they were presently put to
half
alowance, one as well as an other, which begane
to be hard,
but they bore it patiently under hope of
supply.
Sone after this ships departure, ye
great people of
ye
Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger
unto them
with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with
a great
sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould
them was a
threatening & a chaleng. Upon which
ye
Govr, with ye advice of others, sente them a round
answere,
that if they had rather have warre then peace,
they might
begine when they would; they had done
them no
wrong, neither did yey fear them, or should
they find
them unprovided. And by another
messenger
sente ye
sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they
would not
receive it, but sent it back againe. But
134 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
these things
I doe but mention, because they are more
at large
allready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow,
at ye
requeste of some freinds. And it is like
ye
reason was
their owne ambition, who, (since ye death
of so many
of ye Indeans,) thought to dominire &
lord it over
ye rest, & conceived ye English would be a
barr in
their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheil-
ter allready
under their wings.
But this made them ye more
carefully to looke to
them selves,
so as they agreed to inclose their dwell-
ings with a
good strong pale, and make flankers in
convenient
places, with gates to shute, which were
every night
locked, and a watch kept, and when neede
required
ther was also warding in ye day time. And
ye
company was by ye Captaine and ye Govr [70] ad-
vise,
devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had
ther quarter
apoynted them, unto which they were to
repaire upon
any suddane alarme. And if ther should
be any crie
of fire, a company were appointed for a
gard, with
muskets, whilst others quenchet ye same, to
prevent
Indean treachery. This was accomplished
very
cherfully,
and ye towne impayled round by ye begin-
ing of
March, in which evry family had a prety garden
plote
secured. And herewith I shall end this
year.
Only I shall
remember one passage more, rather of
mirth then
of waight. One ye day called
Chrismas-
day, ye
Govr caled them out to worke, (as was used,)
but ye
most of this new-company excused them selves
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 135
and said it
wente against their consciences to work on
yt
day. So ye Govr
tould them that if they made it
mater of
conscience, he would spare them till they
were better
informed. So he led-away ye
rest and
left them;
but when they came home at noone from
their worke,
he found them in ye streete at play,
openly; some
pitching ye barr, & some at stoole-ball,
and shuch
like sports. So he went to them, and
tooke
away their
implements, and tould them that was against
his
conscience, that they should play & others worke.
If they made
ye keeping of it mater of devotion, let
them kepe
their houses, but ther should be no game-
ing or
revelling in ye streets.
Since which time noth-
ing hath
been atempted that way, at least openly.
Anno 1622.
AT ye spring of ye
year they had apointed ye
chusets to
come againe and trade with them, and be-
gane now to
prepare for that vioag about ye later end
of
March. But upon some rumors heard,
Hobamak,
their
Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had,
he feared
they were joyned wth ye Narighansets and
might betray
them if they were not carefull. He inti-
mated also
some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gath-
ered from
some private whisperings betweene him and
other
Indeans. But [71] they resolved to
proseede,
and sente
out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe
men aboute ye
begining of Aprill, and both Squanto
136 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
&
Hobamake with them, in regarde of ye jelocie be-
tweene
them. But they had not bene gone longe,
but
an Indean
belonging to Squantos family came runing
in seeming
great fear, and tould them that many
of ye
Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought
also
Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he
gott away to
tell them, not without danger. And
being
examined by ye Govr, he made as if they were
at hand, and
would still be looking back, as if they
were at his
heels. At which the Govr
caused them
to take
armes & stand on their garde, and suppos-
ing ye
boat to be still within hearing (by reason it
was calme)
caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote
of, the which
yey heard and came in. But no
Indeans
apeared;
watch was kepte all night, but nothing was
seene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and
thought all
was false; yet ye Govr caused him to send
his wife
privatly, to see what she could observe (pre-
tening other
occasions), but ther was nothing found,
but all was
quiet. After this they proseeded on
their
vioge to ye
Massachusets, and had good trade, and
returned in
saftie, blessed be God.
But by the former passages, and other
things of
like nature,
they begane to see yt Squanto sought his
owne ends,
and plaid his owne game, by putting ye
Indeans in
fear, and drawing gifts from them to en-
rich him
selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up
warr against
whom he would, & make peece for whom
1622.]
he
would. Yea, he made them beleeve they
kept ye
plague
buried in ye ground, and could send it amongs
whom they
would, which did much terrifie the Indeans,
and made
them depend more on him, and seeke more
to him then
to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie,
and had like
to have cost him his life. For after ye
discovery of
his practises, Massasoyt sought it both pri-
vatly and
openly; which caused him to stick close to
ye
English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed.
They also
made good use of ye emulation yt grue be-
tweene
Hobamack and him, which made them cary more
squarely. And ye Govr seemed to
countenance ye one,
and ye
Captaine ye other, by which they had better
intelligence,
and made them both more diligente.
[72]
Now in a maner their provissions were wholy
spent, and
they looked hard for supply, but none came.
But about ye
later end of May, they spied a boat at
sea, which
at first they thought had beene some French-
man; but it
proved a shalop which came from a ship
which Mr.
Weston & an other had set out a fishing,
at a place
called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to ye
eastward of
them, wher were yt year many more
ships come a
fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers
and some
letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any.
Some part of
which I shall set downe.
Mr. Carver, in my last leters by
ye Fortune, in whom Mr.
Cushman
wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly
138 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
expecte ye
shipe back againe. She departed hence, ye
begin-
ing of July,
with 35. persons, though not over well provided
with
necesaries, by reason of ye parsemonie of ye adventurers.
I have
solisited them to send you a supply of men and provis-
sions before
shee come. They all answer they will doe
great
maters, when
they hear good news. Nothing before; so
faith-
full,
constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest
freinds,
that if they hear not from you, they are like to send
you no
supplie, &c. I am now to relate ye
occasion of send-
ing this
ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will
have a more
favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof
Pickering is
one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which
is in part
true, &c. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe bought this
litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may
be, to uphold !
ye
plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and
partly to
gett up what we are formerly out; though we are
otherwise
censured, &c. This is ye
occasion we have sent
this ship and these passengers, on our owne
accounte; whom we
desire you
will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch neces-
aries as you
cane spare, and they wante, &c. And
among
other things
we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne,
and if you
have ye salt remaining of ye last year, that yu will
let them
have it for their presente use, and we will either pay
you for it,
or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to
worke, which
we desire may be set up in one of ye litle ilands
in your bay,
&c. And because we intende, if God
plase, [73]
(and ye generallitie doe it not,) to
send within a month another
shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal
goe to Vir-
ginia, &c.
And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide
with you on ye coast, which I conceive
may be a great help to
ye
plantation. To ye end our
desire may be effected, which, I
assure my
selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give
them
entertainmente in your houses ye time they shall be with
* Adventures in the
mannscript. !I know not wch way.
1622.]
you, that
they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand
to fell
trees & cleave them, to ye end lading may be ready and
our ship
stay not.
Some of ye adventurers have
sent you hearwith all some
directions
for your furtherance in ye comone bussines, who
are like
those St. James speaks of, yt bid their
brother eat,
and warme
him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make
salt, and
uphold ye plantation, but send you no means wher-
withall to
doe it, &c. By ye next we purpose to send more
people on
our owne accounte, and
to take a patente; that if your
peopl should
be as unhumane as some of ye adventurers, not
to admite us
to dwell with them, which were extreme barba-
risme, and
which will never enter into my head to thinke you
have any
shuch
passengers I
must of force doe it; and for some other reasons
not
necessary to be writen, &c. I find ye
generall so backward,
and your
freinds at
on your
leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.
Subscribed,
your loving freind,
Jan: 12.
1621. THO:
WESTON.
Sundry other things I pass over, being
tedious &
impertinent.
All this was but could comfort to fill
their hungrie
bellies, and
a slender performance of his former late
promiss; and
as litle did it either fill or warme them,
as those ye
Apostle James spake of, by him before
mentioned. And well might it make them remember
what ye
psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust
in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa.
146. Put not you trust in prince (much less in ye
140 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
marchants) nor
in ye sane of man, for ther is no help
in them. v. 5.
Blesed is he that hath ye God of
Jacob for
his help, whose hope is in ye Lord his God.
And as they
were now fayled of sllply by him and
others in
this their greatest neede and wants, which
was caused
by him and ye rest, who put so great a
company of
men upon them, as ye former company
were,
without any food, and came at shuch a time as
they must
live almost a whole year before any could
[74] be
raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon
ye
pointe they never had any supply of vitales more
afterwards
(but what the Lord gave them otherwise);
for all ye
company sent at any time was allways too
short for
those people yt came with it.
Ther came allso by ye same ship
other leters, but of
later date,
one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte
of ye
adventurers, as foloweth.
Mr, Carver, since my last, to ye
end we might ye more readily
proceed to
help ye generall, at a meeting of some of ye prin-
cipall adventurers,
a proposition was put forth, & alowed by
all presente
(save
parte of
what he formerly had done. And ther are
some other
yt
folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard
wherof ye
greater part of ye adventurers being willing to uphold
ye
bussines, finding it no reason that those yt are willing should
uphold ye
bussines of those that are unwilling, whose back-
wardnes doth
discourage those that are forward, and hinder
other
new-adventurers from coming in, we having well con-
sidered
therof, have resolved, according to an article in ye
1622.]
agreemente,
(that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of
ye
adventurers &; planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their
joynte
stock,) to breake
it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and
confirme ye
same on your parts. Which being done, we
shall
ye
more willingly goe forward for ye upholding of you with
all things
necesarie. But in any case you must
agree to ye
artickls,
and send it by ye first under your hands & seals. So
I end
Your loving freind,
THO: WESTON.
Jan: 17.
1621.
Another leter was write from part of ye
company
of ye
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed
with 9. of
their names, wherof Mr. Westons & Mr.
Beachamphs
were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto
them, seeing
this unconstancie & shufling; it made
them to
thinke ther was some misterie in ye matter.
And therfore
ye Govr concealed these letters from ye
publick, only
imparted them to some trustie freinds
for advice,
who concluded with him, that this tended
to disband
& scater them (in regard of their straits);
and if Mr.
Weston & others, who seemed to rune in
a perticuler
way, should come over with shiping so
provided as
his letters did intimate, they most would
fall to him,
to ye prejudice of them selves & ye rest
of the
adventurers, their freinds; from whom as yet
they heard
nothing. And it was doubted whether he
had not
sente [75] over shuch a company jn ye former
* Adventures in the mannsclipt.
142 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ship, for
shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion
of those 7.
men which this ship, which fished to ye
eastward,
had kept till planting time was over, and so
could set no
corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for yey
turned them
off wthout any, and indeed wanted for
them
selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as
yey
could not performe any of those things which Mr.
Weston had
apointed, and might have starved if ye
plantation
had not succoured them; who, in their
wants, gave
them as good as any of their owne.
The ship
wente to
ship &
fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston
had a very
slender accounte.
After this came another of his ships,
and brought
letters
dated ye 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as
followeth.
Mr. Bradford, these,
&c. The Fortune is arived, of
whose
good news
touching your estate & proceeings, I am very glad
to
hear. And how soever he was robed on ye
way by ye French-
men, yet I
hope your loss will not be great, for ye conceite of so
great a
returne doth much animate ye adventurers, so yt I
hope some
matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As
for my
selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them,
so as I am
quit* of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c.
Now though I
have nothing to pretend as an adventurer
amongst you,
yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if
you can
apprehend it. I perceive & know as
well as another,
ye
dispositions of your adventurers, whom ye hope of gaine hath
* See how his promiss is fulfild.
1622.]
drawne on to
this they have done; and yet I fear yt hope will
not draw
them much furder. Besids, most of
them are against
ye sending of them of
was first
begune, and some
of ye most religious (as Mr. Greene by
name)
excepts against them. So yt
my advice is (you may
follow it if
you please) that you forthwith break of your
joynte
stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law &
conscience,
for ye most parte of ye adventurers have given
way unto it
by a former letter. And ye
means you have
ther, which
I hope will be to some purpose by ye trade of this
spring, may,
with ye help of some freinds hear, bear ye charge
of
trasporting those of
I make no
question but by Gods help you will be able to sub-
sist of your
selves. But I shall leave you to your
discretion.
I desired diverce of ye
adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene,
&
others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or
leters, to
send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent
not so much
as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters
they had,
and with some dificultie one of them tould me he
had one,
which was delivered him with [76] great charge of
secrecie;
and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes,
& sow it
betweene ye soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking
ye
leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open,
and found
this treacherous letter subscribed by ye hands of Mr.
Pickering
& Mr. Greene. Wich leter
had it come to your hands
without
auswer, might have caused ye hurt, if not ye ruine, of
us all. For assuredly if you had followed their
instructions,
and shewed
us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to
hold us in
distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occa-
sion to have
set us togeather by ye eares, to ye distruction of us
all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they
knowing
what
bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but
others also,
would have been violent, and heady against you,
&c. I mente to have setled ye people I
before and now send,
144 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
with or near
you, as well for their as your more securitie and
defence, as
help on all occasions. But I find ye
adventurers
so jealous
& suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, &
given order
to my brother & those with him, to doe as they
and him
selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c.
Your loving freind,
Aprill
10.1621. THO:
WESTON.
Some part of Mr Pickerings
letter before mentioned.
To Mr.
Bradford & Mr. Brewster, &c.
My dear love remembred unto you all,
&c. The company
hath bought
out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed
of him, he
being judged a man yt thought him selfe above ye
generall,
and not expresing so much ye fear of God as was
meete in a
man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed
in a matter
of so great importance. I am sparing to
be so
plaine as
indeed is clear against him; but a few words to ye
wise.
Mr. Weston will not permitte
leters to be sent in his ships,
nor any
thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some
reason in
respecte of him selfe, &c. His
brother Andrew,
whom he doth
send as principall in one of these ships, is a
heady yong
man, & violente, and set against you ther, & ye
company
hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which
tend to your
& our undooing in respecte of our estates ther,
and
prevention of our good ends. For by
credible testimoney
we are
informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pre-
tending he
comes for and from ye adventurers, and will seeke
to gett what
you have in readynes [77] into his ships, as if
they came
from ye company, & possessing all, will be so much
profite to
him selfe. And further to in forme them
selves what
spetiall
places or things you have discovered, to ye end that
they may
supres & deprive you, &c.
1622.]
The Lord,
who is ye watchman of Israll & slepeth not, pre-
serve you
& deliver you from unreasonable men.
I am sorie
that ther is
cause to admonish you of these things concerning
this man; so
I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you
into
thousands, to the advancemente of ye glorious gospell of
our Lord
Jesus. Amen. Fare well.
Your loving freinds,
EDWARD PICKERING.
WILLIAM GREENE.
I pray
conceale both ye writing & deliverie of this leter, but
make the
best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month.
The heads of his answer.
Mr. Bradford, this is ye
leter yt I wrote unto you of, which
to answer in
every perticuler is needles & tedious.
My owne
conscience
& all our people can and I thinke will testifie, yt
my end in
sending ye ship Sparrow was your good, &c. Now
I will not
deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows,
as these men
terme them; yet I presume they will be governed
by such as I
set over them. And I hope not only to be
able
to reclaime
them from yt profanenes that may scandalise ye
vioage, but
by degrees to draw them to God, &c.
I am
so farr from
sending rude fellows to deprive you either by
fraude or
violence of what is yours, as I have charged ye
Mr.
of ye ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of
bread, but
also a good quantitie of fish,. &c.
But I will
leave it to
you to consider what evill this leter would or
might have
done, had it come to your hands & taken ye
effecte ye
other desired.
Now if you be of ye mind yt
these men are, deale plainly
with us,
& we will seeke our residence els-wher.
If you
*But ye [he] left not his own men a bite of
bread.
146 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
are as
freindly as we have thought you to be, give us ye
entertainment
of freinds, and we will take nothing from you,
neither
meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one
kind or
other, pay you for, &c. I shall
leave in ye coun-
trie a litle
ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners
&
fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with ye
savages,
& ye old plantation. It
may be we shall be as
helpfull to
you, as you will be to us. I thinke I
shall see
you ye
next spring; and so I comend you to ye protection
of God, who
ever keep you.
Your loving freind,
THO: WESTON.
[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr.
Weston
were layed
in ye dust, and all his promised helpe
turned into
an empttie advice, which they apprehended
was nether
lawfull nor profitable for them to follow.
And they
were not only thus left destitute of help in
their
extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any
thing to
trade with, but others prepared & ready to
glean up
what ye cuntrie might have afforded for their
releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions
in-
timated in ye
former and following leters, they desired
to judg as
charitably and wisly of them as they could,
waighing
them in ye ballance of love and reason; and
though they
(in parte) came from godly & loveing
freinds, yet
they conceived many things might arise
from over
deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with un-
meete
provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston
pursued his
owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite.
1622.]
For after
the receit of ye former leters, the Govr re-
ceived one
from Mr. Cushman, who went home in ye
ship, and
was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as
former
passages declare), and it was much marveled
that nothing
was heard from him, all this while. But
it should
seeme it was ye difficulty of sending, for
this leter
was directed as ye leter of a wife to her
husband, who
was here, and brought by him to ye
Govr. It was as followeth.
Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your
health,
and many
thanks for your love. By Gods providence
we
got well
home ye 17. of Feb.
Being robbed by ye French-
men by ye
way, and carried by them into
kepte ther
15. days, and lost all yt we had that was worth
taking; but
thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives
&
ship. I see not yt it worketh
any discouragment hear.
I purpose by
Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June
nexte, or
before. In ye mean space know
these things, and
I pray you
be advertised a litle. Mr.
Weston hath quite
broken of
from our company, through some discontents yt
arose
betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath
sould all
his adventurs, & hath now sent 3. smale ships for his
perticuler
plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100.
tune,
Mr.
Reynolds goeth mr. and he wth ye rest purposeth to
come him
selfe; for what end I know not.
The people which they
I pray you
entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for
man with
them, excepte it be some of your worst.
He hath
taken a
patente for him selfe. If they offerr to
buy any
thing of
you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let
them give ye worth of it. If they
borrow any thing of you,
148 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
let them
leave a good pawne, &c. It is like
he [78] will
plant to ye
southward of ye
lavishly
tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack,
Mohiggen,
& ye Narigansets. I fear
these people will hardly
deale so
well with ye savages as they should. I pray you
therfore
signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body
from us, and
we have nothing to doe with them, neither
must be
blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their
fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in
Our freinds
at
many as can this
time. I hope all will turne to ye
best,
wherfore I
pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your
selfe to goe
thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage
in yt
place wherin God hath sett you, untill ye day of re-
freshing
come. And ye Lord God of sea
& land bring us
comfortably
togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.
Yours, ROBART
CUSHMAN.
On ye other sid of ye
leafe, in ye same leter, came
these few lines
from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name
the patente
was taken, and of whom more will follow,
to be spoken
in its place.
Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration
that
which is
writen on ye other side, and not any way to
damnifie
your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes,
and may
therby be more infeebled. And for ye
leters of
association,
by ye next ship we send, I hope you shall re-
ceive
satisfaction; in ye mean time whom you admite I will
approve. But as for Mr. Weston's company, I
thinke them
so base in
condition (for ye most parte) as in all apearance
* The number is repeated in the Ms.
1622.]
not fitt for
an honest mans company. I wish they
prove
other
wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my
selfe, but
cease in
these few lins, and so rest
Your loving freind,
JOHN PEIRCE.
All these things they pondred and well
considered,
yet
concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente;
partly in
regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering
what he had
been unto them, & done for them, & to
some, more
espetially; and partly in compassion to ye
people, who
were now come into a willdernes, (as
them selves
were,) and were by ye ship to be pres-
ently put a
shore, (for she was to
gers to
Virginia, who lay at
great charge,) and they
were
alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to
doe. So as they had received his former company of
7. men, and
vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so
they also
received these (being aboute 60. lusty men),
and gave
[79] housing for them selves and their
goods; and
many being sicke, they had ye best means
ye
place could aford them. They stayed hear
ye most
parte of ye
somer till ye ship came back againe from
Virginia.
Then, by his direction, or those whom he
set over
them, they removed into ye Massachusset
Bay, he
having got a patente for some part ther, (by
light of
ther former discovery in leters sent home).
Yet they
left all ther sicke folke hear till they were
setled and
housed. But of ther victails they had
not
150 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
any, though
they were in great wante, nor any thing
els in
recompence of any courtecie done them; neither
did they
desire it, for they saw they were an unruly
company, and
had no good govermente over them, and
by disorder
would soone fall into wants if Mr. Wes-
ton came not
ye sooner amongst them; and therfore,
to prevente
all after occasion, would have nothing of
them.
Amids these streigths, and ye
desertion of those
from whom
they had hoped for supply, and when
famine
begane now to pinch them sore, they not know-
ing what to
doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) pre-
sents them
with an occasion, beyond all expectation.
This boat
which came from ye eastward brought them
a letter
from a stranger, of whose name they had
never heard
before, being a captaine of a ship come
ther a
fishing. This leter was as
followeth. Being
thus
inscribed.
To all his
good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.
Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I
salute you, and wish
you all
health and hapines in ye Lord.
I make bould with
these few
lines to trouble you, because unless I were un-
humane, I
can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it
selfe
too farr;
yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with
many good
freinds in ye south-collonie of
ceived shuch
a blow, that 400. persons large will not make
good our
losses. Therfore I doe intreat you
(allthough not
knowing you)
that ye old rule which I learned when I went
to schoole,
may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he
whom
1622.]
other mens
harmes doth make to beware. And now
againe
and againe,
wishing all those yt willingly would serve ye
Lord, all
health and happines in this world, and everlasting
peace in ye
world to come. And so I rest,
Yours,
JOHN HUDLSTON.
By this boat ye Govr returned a thankfull answer,
as was
meete, and sent a boate of their owne with
them, which
was piloted by them, in which Mr.
Wins-
low was
sente to procure what provissions he could
of ye ships, who was kindly received by ye foresaid
gentill-man,
who not only spared what he [90 *] could,
but writ to
others to doe ye like.
By which means
he gott some
good quantitie and returned in saftie, by
which ye plantation had a duble benefite, first, a pres-
ent
refreshing by ye food brought, and secondly, they
knew ye way to those parts for their benifite hear-
after. But what was gott, & this small boat
brought,
being
devided among so many, came but to a litle,
yet by Gods
blesing it upheld them till harvest. It
arose but to
a quarter of a pound of bread a day to
each person;
and ye Govr
caused it to be dayly given
them,
otherwise, had it been in their owne custody,
they would
have eate it up & then starved. But
thus,
with what
els they could get, they made pretie shift!
till corne
was ripe.
*Mr. Hunter writes: "Here is an error in
passes from
79 to 90. No part of the manuscript is
here lost." 79 is repeated
in the
paging.
152 HIS'TORY OF [BOOK II.
This somer
they builte a fort with good timber,
both strong
& comly, which was of good defence, made
with a flate
rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance
were
mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch,
espetially
in time of danger. It served them allso
for
a meeting
house, and was fitted accordingly for that
use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes
and time of
wants; but ye deanger of ye time required
it, and both
ye continuall rumors of ye fears from ye
Indeans
hear, espetially ye Narigansets, and also ye
hearing of
that great massacre in
hands
willing to despatch ye same.
Now ye
wellcome time of harvest aproacbed, in which
all had
their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle,
in comparison of a full years supplie; partly
by reason
they were
not yet well aquainted with ye maiier of Indean
corne, (and
they. had no other,) allso their many other
imployments,
but cheefly their weaknes for wante of
food, to
tend it as they
should have
done. Also much was stolne both by
night &
day, before it became scarce eatable, & much
more
afterward. And though many were well
whipt
(when they
were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet
hunger made
others (whom conscience did not re-
straine) to
venture. So as it well appeared yt famine
must still
insue ye next year allso, if not some way
prevented,
or supplie should faile, to which they durst
not
trust. Markets there was none to goe
too, but
1622.]
only ye Indeans, and they had no trading comodities.
Behold now
another providence of God; a ship comes
into ye [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe
therin. They were set out by some marchants to dis-
covere all ye harbors betweene this & Virginia, and ye
shoulds of
Cap-Cod, and to trade along ye
coast wher
they
could. This ship had store of
English-beads
(which were
then good trade) and some knives, but
would sell
none but at dear rates, and also a good
quantie
togeather. Yet they we ere glad of ye occa-
sion, and
faine to buy at any rate; they were faine
to give
after ye rate of cento per cento, if not more,
and yet pay
away coat-beaver at 3s. perli.,
which in a
few years
after yeelded 20s. By
this means they were
fitted
againe to trade for beaver & other things, and
intended to
buy what corne they could.
But I will hear take liberty to make a
title digres-
sion. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by
name
Mr. John Poory; he had been secretarie in
and was now
going home passenger in this ship.
After his
departure he write a leter to ye Govr in ye
postscrite
wherof he hath these lines.
To your selfe and Mr. Brewster,
I must acknowledg my
selfe many
ways indebted, whose books I would have you
thinke very
well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch
juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much
less to
begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon ye 5.
books of
Moyses. Both his & Mr.
Robinsons doe highly
154 HISTORY OF. [BOOK II.
com end the
authors, as being most conversante in ye scrip-
turs of all
others. And what good (who knows) it may
please God
to worke by them, through my hands, (though
most
unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them.
God have you
all in his keeping.
Your unfained and firme freind,
Aug.
28.1622. JOHN
PORY.
These things I hear inserte for honour
sake of ye
authors
memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus in-
geniusly
acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne
did this
poore-plantation much credite amongst those
of no mean
ranck. But to returnee
[92] Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who
were now
seated at ye Massachusets, and by disorder
(as it
seems) had made havock of their provissions,
begane now
to perceive that want would come upon
them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading
comodities
& intended to trade for corne, they write
to ye Govr and desired they might joyne with them,
and they
would imploy their small ship in ye
servise;
and furder
requested either to lend or sell them so
much of
their trading comodities as their part might
come to, and
they would undertake to make paymente
when Mr. Weston, or their supply, should come. The
Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente,
thinkeing to
goe aboute ye Cap to ye southward
with ye ship, wher some store of corne might be
got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish
was
1622.]
apointed to
goe with them, and Squanto for a guid &
interpreter,
about ye latter end of September; but ye
winds put
them in againe, & putting out ye 2.
time,
he fell sick
of a feavor, so ye Govr
wente him selfe.
But they
could not get aboute ye should of Cap-Cod,
for flats
& breakers, neither could Squanto directe
them better,
nor ye mr.
durst venture any further, so
they put
into
could
ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of
an
Indean
feavor, bleeding much at ye nose (which ye
Indeans take
for a simptome of death), and within a
few days
dyed ther; desiring ye Govr to
pray for him,
that he
might goe to ye Englishmens God in heaven,
and
bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his
English
freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom
they had a great
loss. They got in this vioage, in one
place &
other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne &
beans, which
was more then ye Indeans could well
spare in
these parts, for ye set but a litle till they got
English
hows. And so were faine to returne, being
sory
they could
not gett about the Cap, to have been better
laden. After ward ye Govr tooke a few men & wente
to ye inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch
it home at ye spring, which did help them something.
[93]
After these things, in Feb: a messenger came
from John
Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr.
Wes-
ton's men in
ye bay of Massachusets, who brought a
*Wth in
the mannscript.
156 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
letter
shewing the great wants they were falen into;
and he would
have borrowed a hh of corne of ye In-
deans, but
they would lend him none. He desired
advice
whether he might not take it from them by
force to
succore his men till he came from ye
east-
ward,
whither he was going. The Govr & rest de-
swaded him
by all means from it, for it might so
exasperate
the Indeans as might endanger their saftie,
and all of
us might smart for it; for they had already
heard how
they had so wronged ye Indeans by steal-
ing their
corne, &c. as they were much incensed
against
them. Yea, so base were some of their
own
company, as
they wente & tould ye Indeans yt their
Govr was purposed to come and take their corne by
force. The which with other things made them enter
into a
conspiracie against ye English, of which more
in ye nexte. Hear with I end
this year.
Anno Dom: 1623.
IT may be thought strang that these people
should
fall to
these extremities in so short a time, being left
competently
provided when ye ship left them, and had
an addition
by that moyetie of corn that was got by
trade,
besids much they gott of ye Indans wher they
lived, by
one means & other. It must needs be
their
great
disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they
had, or
could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte
away among ye Indeans (for he yt was
their cheef
1623.]
was taxed by
some amongst them for keeping Indean
women, how
truly I know not). And after they
begane to
come into wants, many sould away their
cloathes and
bed coverings; others (so base were they)
became
servants to ye Indeans, and would cutt them
woode &
fetch them water, for a cap full of corne;
others fell
to plaine stealing, both night & day, from
ye Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In
ye end, they came to that misery, that some starved
& dyed
with could & hunger. One in
geathering
shell-fish
was so weake as he stuck fast in ye
mudd,
and was
found dead in ye place.
At last most of them
left their
dwellings & scatered up & downe in ye [94]
woods, &
by ye water sids, wher they could find
ground nuts
& clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By
which their
cariages they became contemned & scorned
of ye Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over
them in a
most insolente maner; insomuch, many times
as they lay
thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot
with ground
nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the
Indeans
would come and eate it up; and when night
came, wheras
some of them had a sorie blanket, or
such like,
to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would
take it and
let ye other lye all nighte in the could;
so as their
condition was very lamentable. Yea, in
ye end they were faine to hange one of their men,
whom they
could not recliame from stealing, to give
ye Indeans contente.
158 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Whilst
things wente in this maner with them, ye
Govr
& people hear had notice yt Massasoyte ther
freind was
sick & near unto death. They sent to
vissete him,
and withall sente him such comfortable
things as
gave him great contente, and was a means
of his
recovery; upon which occasion he discovers ye
conspiracie
of these Indeans, how they were resolved
to cutt of Mr.
Westons people, for the continuall in-
juries they
did them, & would now take opportunitie
of their
weaknes to doe it; and for that end had con-
spired with
other Indeans their neighbours their aboute.
And thinking
the people hear would revenge their
death, they
therfore thought to doe ye like by them,
& had
solisited him to joyne with them. He
advised
them therfore
to prevent it, and that speedly by tak-
ing of some
of ye cheefe of them, before it was to
late, for he
asured them of ye truth hereof.
This did much trouble them, and they tooke
it into
serious
delibration, and found upon examenation other
evidence to
give light hear unto, to longe hear to
relate. In ye mean time, came one of them
from
ye
Massachucts, with a small pack at his back; and
though he
knew not a foote of ye way, yet he got
safe hither,
but lost his way, which was well for him,
for he was
pursued, and so was mist. He tould them
hear how all
things stood amongst them, and that he
durst stay
no longer, he apprehended they (by what
he observed)
would be all knokt in ye head shortly.
1623.]
This made
them make ye more hast, & dispatched a
boate a way
wth Capten Standish & some men, who
found them
in a miserable condition, out of which he
rescued
them, and helped them to some releef, cut of
some few of
ye cheefe conspirators, and, according to
his order,
offered to bring them all hither if they
thought
good; and they should fare no worse then
them selves,
till Mr. Weston or some supplie came to
them. Or, if any other course liked them better,
he was to
doe them any helpfullnes he could. They
thanked him
& ye rest. But most of
them desired he
would help
them with some corne, and they would
goe with
their smale ship to ye eastward, wher hapily
they might
here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from
him, seing ye
time of ye year was for fishing ships
to [95] be
in ye land. If not, they
would worke
among ye
fishermen for their liveing, and get ther pas-
sage into
Weston in
time. So they shipped what they had of
any worth,
and he got them all ye corne he could
(scarce
leaving to bring him home), and saw them
well out of
ye bay, under saile at sea, and so came
home, not
takeing ye worth of a peny of any thing
that was
theirs. I have but touched these things
breefly,
because they have allready been published in
printe more
at large.
This was ye end of these that
some time bosted of
their
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what
160 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
they would
doe & bring to pass, in comparison of ye
people hear,
who had many women & children and
weak ons
amongst them; and said at their first arivall,
when they
saw the wants hear, that they would take
an other
course, and not to fall into shuch a condition
as this
simple people were come too. But a mans
way is not
in his owne power; God can make ye
weake to
stand; let him also that standeth take heed
least he
fall.
Shortly after, Mr. Weston came
over with some of
ye
fishermen, under another name, and ye disguise of a
blacke-smith,
were he heard of ye mine and disolution
of his
colony. He got a boat and with a man or
2. came to
see how things were. But by ye
way, for
wante of
skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in
ye
botome of ye bay between Meremek river & Pas-
cataquack,
& hardly escaped with life, and afterwards
fell into
the hands of ye Indeans, who pillaged him
of all he
saved from the sea, & striped him out of
all his
cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to
Pas-
cataquack,
& borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got
means to
come to Plimoth. A strang alteration
ther
was in him
to such as had seen & known him in his
former
florishing condition; so uncertaine are ye muta-
ble things
of this unstable world. And yet men set
their
harts upon
them, though they dayly see ye vanity
therof.
After many passag~s, and much discourse,
(former
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 161
things
boyling in his mind, but bit in as was dis-
cernd,) he
desired to borrow some beaver of them;
and tould
them he had hope of a ship & good supply
to come to
him, and then they should have any thing
for it they
stood in neede of. They gave title
credite
to his
supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered
former
curtesies. They tould him he saw their
wants,
and they
knew not when they should have any supply;
also how ye
case stood betweene them & their ad-
venturers,
he well knew; they had not much bever,
& if
they should let him have it, it were enoughe to
make a
mutinie among ye people, seeing ther was no
other means
to procure them foode which they so much
wanted,
& cloaths allso. Yet they tould him
they
would help
him, considering his necessitie, but must
doe it
secretly for ye former reasons.
So they let
him have
100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170li. odd
pounds. Thus they helpt him when all ye
world faild
him, and
with this means he went againe to ye ships,
and stayed
his small ship & some of his men, &
bought
provissions and fited him selfe; and it was ye
only
foundation [96] of his after course. But
he re-
quited them
ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie
unto them
upon all occasions, and never repayed them
any thing
for it, to this day, but reproches and evill
words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none
of their
best freinds, whilst he yet had ye beaver in
his boat;
that he could now set them all togeather by
162 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
ears, because they had done more then they could
answer, in
letting him have this beaver, and he did
not spare to
doe what he could. But his malice could
not prevaile.
All this whille no supply was heard of,
neither knew
they when
they might expecte any. So they begane
to thinke
how they might raise as much corne as they
could, and
obtaine a beter crope then they had done,
that they
might not still thus languish in miserie.
At
length,
after much debate of things, the Govr (with
ye
advise of ye cheefest amongest them) gave way that
they should
set corne every man for his owne per-
ticuler, and
in that regard trust to them selves; in all
other things
to goe on in ye generall way as before.
And so
assigned to every family a parcell of land,
according to
the proportion of their number for that
end, only
for present use (but made no devission for
inheritance),
and ranged all boys & youth under some
familie. This had very good success; for it made all
hands very
industrious, so as much more corne was
planted then
other waise would have bene by any
means ye
Govr or any other could use, and saved him
a great
deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente.
The women
now wente willingly into ye feild, and
tooke their
litle-ons with them to set corne, which
before would
aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to
have
compelled would have bene thought great tiranie
and
oppression.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 163
The experience that was had in this comone
course
and
condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst
godly and
sober men, may well evince the vanitie of
that
conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded
by some of
later times; that ye taking away of
propertie,
and bringing in comunitie into a comone
wealth,
would make them happy and florishing; as if
they were
wiser then God. For this comunitie (so
farr as it
was) was found to breed much confusion &
discontent,
and retard much imploymet that would
have been to
their beneflte and comforte. For ye
yong-men
that were most able and fitte for labour &
service did
repine that they should spend their time
&
streingth to worke for other mens wives and chil-
dren, with
out any recompence. The strong, or man
of parts,
had no more in devission of victails & cloaths,
then he that
was weake and not able to doe a quarter
ye
other could; this was thought injuestice.
The aged
and graver
men to be ranked and [97] equalised in
labours, and
victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner &
yonger
sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect
unto
them. And for mens wives to be commanded
to
doe servise
for other men, as dresing their meate, wash-
ing their
cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie,
neither
could many husbands well brooke it. Upon
ye
poynte all
being to have alike, and all to doe alike,
they thought
them selves in ye like condition, and one
as good as
another; and so, if it did not cut of those
164 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
relations
that God hath set amongest men, yet it did
at least
much diminish and take of ye mutuall respects
that should
be preserved amongst them. And would
have bene
worse if they had been men of another
condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption,
and nothing
to ye course it selfe. I
answer, seeing all
men have
this corruption in them, God in his wis-
dome saw
another course fiter for them.
But to returnee. After this course setled, and by
that their
core was planted, all ther victails were
spente, and
they were only to rest on Gods provi-
dence; at
night not many times knowing wher to have
a bitt of
any thing ye next day. And
so, as one well
observed,
had need to pray that God would give them
their dayly
brade, above all people in ye world.
Yet
they bore
these wants with great patience & allacritie
of spirite,
and that for so long a time as for ye most
parte of 2.
years; which makes me remember what
Peter
Martire writs, (in magnifying ye Spaniards) in
his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a m is-
erable life
for 5. days togeather, with ye parched graine
of maize
only, and that not to saturitie; and then con-
cluds,
that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger,
he thought
none living which is not a Spaniard could
have endured.
But alass! these, when they had maize
(yt
is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a
feast, and
wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but
some time 2.
or 3. months togeather, and neither had
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 165
bread nor
any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other
place, in
his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how
others of
them were worse put to it, wher they were
faine to
eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so
dyed almost
all. From these extremities the * Lord
in
his goodnes
kept these his people, and in their great
wants
preserved both their lives and healthes; let his
name have ye
praise. Yet let me hear make use of
his
conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied
to this
people: That with their miseries they
opened
a way to
these new-lands; and after these stormes, with
what ease
other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte
of ye
calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to
goe to a
bride feaste wher all things are provided for
them.
They haveing but one boat left and she
not over
well fitted,
they were devided into severall companies,
6. or 7. to
a gangg or company, and so wente out
with a nett
they had bought, to take bass & such like
fish, by course,
every company knowing their turne.
No sooner
was ye boate discharged [98] of what she
brought, but
ye next company tooke her and wente
out with
her. Neither did they returne till they
had
cauight
something, though it were 5. or 6. days be-
fore, for
they knew ther was nothing at home, and to
goe home
emptie would be a great discouragemente
to ye
rest. Yea, they strive who should doe
best.
*They in the MS.
166 HISTORY OF [BOOK ll.
If she
stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seek-
ing of
shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out
of ye
sands. And this was their living in ye
somer
time, till
God sente ym beter; & in winter they were
helped with
ground-nuts and foule. Also in ye
somer
they gott
now & then a dear; for one or 2. of ye
fitest was
apoynted to range ye woods for yt end, &
what was
gott that way was devided amongst them.
At length they received some leters from ye
ad-
venturers,
too long and tedious hear to record, by
which they
heard of their furder crosses and frustra-
tions;
begining in this maner.
Loving freinds, as your sorrows &
afflictions have bin
great, so
our croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear,
have not
been small. For after we had with much
trouble
& charge
sente ye Parragon away to sea, and thought
all ye
paine past,
within 14. days after she came againe hither,
being
dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious
stormes, so
as shee was faine to be had into ye
docke, and
an 100li. bestowed upon her. All ye
passengers lying upon
our charg
for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and dis-
temper was
occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente
had like to
insewed. But we trust all shall be well
and
worke for ye best and your benefite, if yet with patience
you can
waite and but have strength to hold in life.
Whilst these
things were doing, Mr. Westons ship came
and brought
diverce leters from you, &c. It
rejoyseth us
much to hear
of those good reports yt diverce have brought
home from
you, &c.
These letters
were dated Des. 21: 1622.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 167
So farr of
this leter.
This ship was brought by Mr.
John Peirce, and set
out at his
owne charge, upon hope of great maters.
These
passengers, & ye goods the company sent in
her, he
tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed
with him to
be delivered hear. This was he in whose
name their first
patente was taken, by reason of
aquaintance,
and some aliance that some of their
freinds had
with him. But his name was only used in
trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus
seated, and
by ye success God gave them had obtained
ye
favour of ye Counsell of New-England, he goes and
sues to them
for another patent of much larger extente
(in their
names), which was easily obtained. But
he
mente to
keep it to him selfe and alow them what
he pleased,
to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his
courts as
cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which
follows. But ye Lord marvelously crost him;
for after
this first
returne, and ye charge above mentioned,
when shee
was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and
taks in more
passengers, and those not very good to
help to bear
his losses, and sets out ye 2. time.
But
[99] what ye
event was will appear from another leter
from one of
ye cheefe of ye company, dated ye 9. of
Aprill,
1623. writ to ye Govr hear, as followeth.
Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have
received one
from you well-nigh by this time. But
when
I write in
Des: I litle thought to have seen Mr.
John
168 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Peirce till
he had brought some good tidings from you.
But
it pleased
God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his
returne when
he was half-way over, by extraime tempest,
werin ye goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their
lives, being
109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce,
&c., and
ye companie put upon so great charge, as
veryly, &c.
Now with great trouble & loss, we have
got Mr. John
Peirce to
assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie,
which he had
taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd
our former
grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear
thinke
yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first
and 2. time
of his returne; in regard he, whom you and
we so confidently
trusted, but only to use his name for ye
company,
should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make
you & us
tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance
or patente
being quite voyd & disanuled by his means.
I
desire to
judg charitably of him. But his
unwillingnes to
part with
his royall Lordship, and ye high-rate he set it at,
which was
500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake
and judg
hardly of him. The company are out for
goods in
his ship,
with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li.,
&c.
We have agreed with 2. marchants for a
ship of 140.
tunes, caled
ye Anne, which is to be ready ye last of this
month, to
bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.
This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.
These were ther owne words and judgmente of
this
mans dealing
& proceedings; for I thought it more
meete to
render them in theirs then my owne words.
And yet
though ther was never got other recompence
then the
resignation of this patente, and ye shares he
had in
adventure, for all ye former great sumes, he
was never
quiet, but sued them in most of ye cheefe
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 169
courts in
England, and when he was still cast, brought
it to ye
Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I
will
leave him to
ye Lord.
This ship suffered ye greatest
extreemitie at sea at
her 2.
returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be
saved; as I
have been informed by Mr. William Peirce
who was then
mr. of her, and many others that were
passengers
in her. It was aboute ye midle
of Feb:
The storme
was for ye most parte of 14. days, but
for 2. or 3.
days & nights togeather in most violent
extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, ye
storme beat
of their round house and all their uper
works; 3.
men had worke enough at ye helme, and he
that cund ye
ship before ye sea, was faine [100] to be
bound fast
for washing a way; the seas did so over-
rake them,
as many times those upon ye decke knew
not whether
they were within bord or withoute; and
once she was
so foundered in ye sea as they all
thought she
would never rise againe. But yet ye
Lord
preserved them, and brought them at last safe
to Ports-mouth,
to ye wonder of all men yt saw in
what a case
she was in, and heard what they had
endured.
About ye later end of June
came in a ship, with
Captaine
Francis West, who had a comission to be
admirall of
New-England, to restraine interlopers, and
shuch
fishing ships as came to fish & trade without
a licence
from ye Counsell of New-England, for which
170 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
they should
pay a round sume of money. But he
could doe no
good of them, for they were to stronge
for him, and
he found ye fisher men to be stuberne
fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to
ye
Parlemente, procured an order yt fishing should be
free. He tould ye Govr they
spooke with a ship at
sea, and
were abord her, yt was coming for this plan-
tation, in
which were sundrie passengers, and they
marvelled
she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage;
for they
lost her in a storme that fell shortly after
they had
been abord. Which relation filled them
full
of fear, yet
mixed with hope. The mr. of
this ship
had some 2.
hh of pease to sell, but seeing their
wants, held
them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, & under
8li.
he would not take, and yet would have beaver at
an under
rate. But they tould him they had lived
so long with
out, and would doe still, rather then
give so
unreasonably. So they went from hence to
Virginia. *
*I may not
here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines & indns-
trie, and ye great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, & take
away the
same, and to threaten further & more sore famine unto them, by
a great
drought which continued from ye 3.
weeke in May, till about ye
midle of
July, without any raine, and with great heat (for ye most parte),
insomuch as
ye corne begane to wither away, though it
was set with fishe,
the moysture
wherof helped it much. Yet at length it
begane to languish
sore, and
some of ye drier grounds were partched like withered
hay, part
wherof was
never recovered. Upon which they sett a
parte a solemne day
of
humilliation, to seek ye Lord by humble & fervente prayer, in
this great
distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious
& speedy answer, both
to their
owne, & the lndeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all
ye morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather &
very hotte,
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANATION. 171
About 14. days after came in this ship,
caled ye
Anne, wherof
Mr. William Peirce was mr., and aboute
a weeke or
10. days after came in ye pinass which in
foule
weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of
about 44.
tune, which ye company had builte to stay
in the
cuntrie. They brought about 60. persons
for
ye
generall, some of them being very usefull persons,
and became
good members to ye body, and some were
ye
wives and children of shuch as were hear allready.
And some
were so bad, as they were faine to be at
charge to
send them home againe ye next year.
Also,
besids these
ther came a company, that did not belong
to ye
generall body, but came one* their perticuler,
and were to
have lands assigned them, and be for
them selves,
yet to be subjecte to ye generall Gov-
and not a
cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it
begane to
overcast, and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle
showers, as
gave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God. It came, without
either wind,
or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in yt abundance,
as that ye earth was thorowly were and soked therwith. Which did so
apparently
revive & quicken ye decayed Corne & other fruits, as was
won-
derfull to
see, and made ye Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards
the
Lord sent
them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme
weather, as,
through his blessing, caused a fruitfull & liberall harvest, to
their no
small comforte and rejoycing. For which
mercie (in time con-
veniente)
they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing.
This being overslipt
in its
place, I thought meet here to inserte ye
same.
[The above is written on the reverse of
page 103 of the original, and
should
properly be inserted here. This passage,
"being overslipt in its
place,"
the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding
year; but,
discovering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it,
and wrote
beneath, "This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on
page 103, wher
it is inserted."]
* On.
172 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
erment;
which caused some diferance and disturbance
[101]
amongst them, as will after appeare. I
shall
hear againe
take libertie to inserte a few things out
of shuch
leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather
to manefest
things in ther words and apprehentions,
then in my
owne, as much as may be, without
tediousness.
Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all,
with trust of
your healths
& wellfare, being right sorie yt no
supplie hath
been made to
you all this while; for defence wher of, I
must referr
you to our generall leters. Naitheir
indeed have
we now sent
you many things, which we should & would,
for want of
money. But persons, more then inough,
(though
not all we
should,) for people come flying in upon us, but
monys come
creeping in to us. Some few of your old
freinds are
come, as, &c. So they come droping
to you,
and by
degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all.
And because
people press so hard upon us to goe, and often
shuch as are
none of ye fitest, I pray you write ernestly to
ye Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It
greeveth me
to see so weake a company sent you, and yet
had I not
been hear they had been weaker. You must
still
call upon
the company hear to see yt honest men be sente
you, and
threaten to send them back if any other come, &c.
Weare not
any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an
noughty
persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without
my con-
sente; but ye importunitie of their freinds got promise of
our
Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther
need we
should take
any lewd men, for we may have honest men
enew,
&c.
Your assured freind,
R. C.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 173
The
following was from ye genrall.
Loving freinds, we most hartily salute
you in all love and
harty
affection; being yet in hope yt the
same God which
hath
hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet
continue
your lives and health, to his owne praise and all
our
comforts. Being right sory that you have
not been sent
unto all
this time, &c. We have in this ship
sent shuch
women, as
were willing and ready to goe to their husbands
and freinds,
with their children, &c. We would
not have
you
discontente, because we have not sent you more of your
old freinds,
and in spetiall, him* on whom you most depend.
Farr be it
from us to neclecte you, or contemne him.
But
as ye intente was at first, so ye
evente at last shall shew it,
that we will
deal fairly, and squarly answer your expec-
tations to
the full. Ther are also come unto you,
some
honest men
to plant upon their particulers besids you.
A
thing which
if we should not give way unto, we should wrong
both them
and you. Them, by puting them on things more
inconveniente,
and you, for that being honest men, they will
be a
strengthening to ye place, and good neighbours [102]
unto
you. Tow things we would advise you of,
which we
have likwise
signified them hear. First, ye trade for skins
to be retained
for the generall till ye devidente; 21y. yt their
setling by
you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither
inconvenient
for ye lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your
speedy &
easie assembling togeather.
We have sente you diverse fisher men, with
salte, &c.
Diverse
other provissions we have sente you, as will appear
in your bill
of lading, and though we have not sent all we
would
(because our cash is small), yet it is yt we
could, &c.
And allthough it seemeth you have
discovered many more
rivers and
fertill grounds then yt wher you are, yet seeing by
*I. R.
174 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Gods
providence yt place fell to your
lote, let it be accounted
as your
portion; and rather fixe your eyes upou that which
may be done
ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher.
If your
place be not ye best, it is better, you shall be ye
less envied
and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly
minded, will
not setle too near your border.* If ye land
afford you
bread, and ye sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while
contented,
God will one day afford you better fare.
And all
men shall
know you are neither fugetives nor discontents.
But can, if
God so order it, take ye worst to your selves,
with
content,! & leave ye best to your neighbours, with
cherfullnes.
Let it not be greeveous unto you yt you have been instru-
ments to
breake ye ise for others who come after with less
dificulty,
the honour shall be yours to ye
worlds end, &c.
We bear you always in our brests, and our
harty affection
is towards
you all, as are ye harts of hundreds more which
never saw
your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as
their owne,
as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that ye
same God
which hath so marvelously preserved you from
seas, foes,
and famine, will still preserve you from all
future
dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and
glorious in
blise at ye last day.
And so ye Lord be with
you all
& send us joyfull news from you, and inable us
with one
shoulder so to accomplish & perfecte this worke,
as much
glorie may come to Him yt confoundeth ye mighty
by the weak,
and maketh small thinges great. To whose
greatnes, be
all glolie for ever & ever.
This leter was subscribed with 13. of their
names.
These passengers, when they saw their low
& poore
condition a
shore, were much danted and dismayed,
*This
proved rather, a propheti. then advice.
!Contend in the manuscript.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 175
and
according to their diverse humores were diversly
affected;
some wished them selves in England againe;
others fell
a weeping, fancying their own miserie in
what yey
saw now in others; other some pitying the
distress
they saw their freinds had been long in, and
still were
under; in a word, all were full of sadnes.
Only some of
their old freinds rejoysed to see them,
and yt
it was no worse with them, for they could not
expecte it
should be better, and now hoped they should
injoye
better days togeather. And truly it was
[103]
no marvell
they should be thus affected, for they were
in a very
low condition, many were ragged in aparell,
& some
litle beter then halfe naked; though some yt
were well
stord before, were well enough in this re-
gard. But for food they were all alike, save some yt
had got a
few pease of ye ship yt was last hear. The
best dish
they could presente their freinds with was
a lobster,
or a peece of fish, without bread or any
thing els
but a cupp of fair spring water. And ye
long
continuance
of this diate, and their labours abroad,
had
something abated ye freshnes of their former com-
plexion. But God gave them health and strength in
a good
measure; and shewed them by experience ye
truth of yt
word, Deut. 8. 3. Ye man liveth not by
bread only,
but by every word ye proceedeth out of ye.
mouth of ye Lord doth a man live.
When I think qow sadly ye
scripture speaks of the
famine in
Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns,
176 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Goe buy us
food, that we may live and not dye.
Gen. 42. 2.
and 43.1, that the famine was great, or
heavie in
the land; and yet they had such great herds,
and store of
catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh,
must needs
produse other food, as milke, butter &
cheese,
&c., and yet it was counted a sore aflliction;
theirs hear
must needs be very great, therfore, who
not only
wanted the staffe of bread, but all these
things, and
had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd
them out of
ye sea for ye most parte, so wonderfull
is his
providence over his in all ages; for his mercie
endureth for
ever.
On ye other hand the old
planters were affraid that
their corne,
when it was ripe, should be imparted to ye
new-comers,
whose provissions wch they brought with
them they
feared would fall short before ye year wente
aboute (as
indeed it did). They came to ye
Govr and
besought him
that as it was before agreed that they
should set
corne for their perticuler, and accordingly
they had
taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that
they might
freely injoye the same, and they would not
have a bitte
of ye victails now come, but waite till
harvest for
their owne, and let ye new-comers injoye
what they
had brought; they would have none of it,
excepte they
could purchase any of it of them by
bargaine or
exchainge. Their requeste was granted
them, for it
gave both sides good contente; for ye
new-comers
wera as much afraid that ye hungrie
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 177
planters
would have eat up ye provissions brought, and
they should
have fallen into ye like condition.
This ship was in a shorte time laden with
clapbord,
by ye
help of many hands. Also they sente in
her all
ye
beaver and other furrs they had, & Mr. Winslow
was sent
over with her, to informe of all things, and
procure such
things as were thought needfull for their
presente
condition. By this time harvest was
come,
and in stead
of famine, now God gave them plentie,
and ye
face of things was changed, to ye rejoysing of
ye
harts of many, for which they blessed God.
And
ye
effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for
all had, one
way & other, pretty well to bring ye year
aboute, and
some of ye abler sorte and more [104]
industrious
had to spare, and sell to others, so as any
generall
wante or famine hath not been amongst them
since to
this day.
Those that come on their perticuler looked
for greater
matters then
they found or could attaine unto, aboute
building
great houses, and such pleasant situations for
them, as
them selves had fancied; as if they would be
great men
& rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved
castls in ye
aire. These were ye
conditions agreed on
betweene ye
colony and them.
First, that ye Govr,
in ye name and with ye consente
of ye
company, doth in all love and frendship receive
and imbrace
them; and is to allote them competente
places for
habitations within ye towne.
And promiseth
178 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to shew them
all such other curtesies as shall be rea-
sonable for
them to desire, or us to performe.
2.
That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such
laws &
orders as are already made, or hear after shall
be, for ye
publick good.
3.
That they be freed and exempte from ye generall
imployments
of the said company, (which their pres-
ente
condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte com-
mune
defence, & such other imployments as tend to
ye
perpetuall good of ye collony.
4ly. Towards ye maintenance of Govrt,
& publick
officers of
ye said collony, every male above ye age of
16. years
shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or
ye
worth of it, into ye commone store.
5ly. That (according to ye agreemente ye
marchants
made with ym
before they came) they are to be wholy
debared from
all trade with the Indeans for all sorts
of furrs,
and such like commodities, till ye time of ye
comunallitie
be ended.
About ye midle of September
arrived Captaine
Robart
Gorges in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, with
sundrie
passengers and families, intending ther to
begine a
plantation; and pitched upon ye place Mr.
Weston's
people had forsaken. He had a comission
from ye
Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gover
of ye
cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell &
assistance,
Captaine Francis West, ye aforesaid admirall,
Christopher
Levite, Esquire, and ye Govr of Plimoth for
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 179
ye
time beeing, &c. Allso, they gave
him authoritie to
chuse such
other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave
(by their
comission) full power to him & his assistants,
or any 3. of
them, wherof him selfe was allway to be
one, to doe
and execute what to them should seeme
good, in all
cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, &c.,
with diverce
other instructions. Of which, & his
comission,
it pleased him to suffer ye Govr hear to
take a
coppy.
He gave them notice of his arivall by
letter, but
before they
could visite him he went to ye eastward
with ye
ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and
they wanting
a good pilot to harbor them in those
parts,) they
bore up for this harbor. He and his
men were
hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear
14.
days. In ye mean time came in
Mr. Weston with
his small
ship, which he had now recovered. [105*]
Captaine
Gorges tooke hold of ye opportunitie, and
acquainted ye
Govr hear, that one occasion of his
going to ye
eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston,
and call him
to accounte for some abuses he had to
lay to his
charge. Wherupon he called him before
him, and
some other of his assistants, with ye Govr of
this place;
and charged him, first, with ye ille carriage
of his men
at ye Massachusets; by which means the
peace of ye
cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe & the
people which
he had brought over to plante in that
*In MS. also 145.
180 HISTORY
OF [Book II.
bay were
therby much prejudised. To this Mr.
Weston
easily
answered, that what was that way done, was in
his absence,
and might have befalen any man; he left
them
sufficently provided, and conceived they would
have been
well governed; and for any errour comitted
he had
sufficiently smarted. This particuler
was passed
by. A 2d. was, for an abuse done to
his father, Sr.
Ferdenando
Gorges, and to ye State. The
thing was
this; he
used him & others of ye Counsell of New-
England, to
procure him a licence for ye transporting
of many
peeces of great ordnance for New-England,
pretending
great fortification hear in ye countrie, & I
know not
what shipping. The which when he had
obtained, he
went and sould them beyond seas for his
private
profite; for which (he said) ye State was much
offended,
and his father suffered a shrowd check, and
he had order
to apprehend him for it. Mr.
Weston
excused it
as well as he could, but could not deney
it; it being
one maine thing (as was said) for which
he with-drew
himself. But after many passages, by
ye
mediation of ye Govr and some other freinds hear,
he was
inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended ye
abuse of his
father deeply); which, when Mr. Weston
saw, he grew
more presumptuous, and gave such pro-
vocking
& cutting speches, as made him rise up in
great
indignation & distemper, and vowed yt he would
either curb
him, or send him home for England. At
which Mr.
Weston was something danted, and came
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 181
privatly to
ye Govr hear, to know whether they would
suffer
Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was
tould they
could not hinder him, but much blamed
him, yt after they had pacified things, he should thus
breake out,
by his owne folly & rashnes, to bring
trouble upon
him selfe & them too. He confest it
was his
passion, and prayd ye Govr to
entreat for him,
and pacifie
him if he could. The which at last he
did, with
much adoe; so he was called againe, and ye
Govr was contente to take his owne bond to be ready
to make
further answer, when either he or ye
lords
should send
for him. And at last he tooke only his
word, and
ther was a freidly parting on all hands.
But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks
to ye Govr and his freinds hear, gave them this quib
(behind
their baks) for all their pains. That
though
they were
but yonge justices, yet they wear good
beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly
after ye Govr tooke his leave and went to ye Mas-
sachusets by
land, being very thankfull for his kind
entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her
selfe to goe
for Virginia, having some passengers ther
to deliver;
and with her returned sundrie of those
from hence
which came over on their perticuler, some
out of
discontente and dislike of ye
cuntrie; others by
reason of a
fire that broke out, and burnt ye
houses
they lived
in, and all their provisions [106*] so as
*In MS. also 146.
182 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
they were
necessitated therunto. This fire was
occa-
sioned by
some of ye sea-men that were roystering in
a house wher
it first begane, makeing a great fire in
very could
weather, which broke out of ye
chimney
into ye thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and
consumed all
ye goods & provissions in ym. The
house in
which it begane was right against their store-
house, which
they had much adoe to save, in which
were their
comone store & all their provissions; ye
which if it
had been lost, ye plantation had been over-
throwne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by
ye great dilligence of ye
people, & care of ye Govr
&
some aboute
him. Some would have had ye goods
throwne out;
but if they had, ther would much have
been stolne
by the rude company yt belonged to these
2. ships,
which were allmost all ashore. But a
trusty
company was
plased within, as well as those that with
wet-cloaths
& other means kept of ye fire
without,
that if
necessitie required they might have them out
with all
speed. For yey suspected some malicious
dealling, if
not plaine treacherie, and whether it was
only
suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine,
that when ye tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce
heard (but
from whom it was not knowne) that bid
them looke
well aboute them, for all were not freinds
yt were near them. And
shortly after, when the
vemencie of
ye fire was over, smoke was seen to arise
within a
shed yt was joynd to ye end of ye store-
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 183
house, which
was watled up with bowes, in ye
withered
leaves
wherof ye fire was kindled, which some, runing
to quench,
found a longe firebrand of an ell longe,
lying under
ye wale on ye inside, which could not
possibly
come their by cassualtie, but must be laid
ther by some
hand, in ye judgmente of all that saw
it. But God kept them from this deanger, what
ever
was
intended.
Shortly after Captaine, Gorges, ye generall Govr, was
come home to
ye Massachusets, he sends a warrante
to arrest Mr. Weston & his ship, and sends a mr. to
bring her
away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that
belonged to
him) to conducte him along. The Govr
& others
hear were very sory to see him take this
course, and
tooke exception at ye warrante, as not
legall nor
sufficiente; and withall write to him to dis-
swade him
from this course, shewing him yt he
would
but entangle
and burthen him selfe in doing this; for
he could not
doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things
stood with
him); for he had a great many men that
belonged to
him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged
to them for
wages, and was in a maner out of victails
(and now winter); all which would light upon him, if
he did
arrest his barke. In ye mean time Mr. Weston
had notice
to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived
he either
knew not whither to goe, or how to mend
him selfe,
but was rather glad of ye occasion, and so
stirred
not. But ye Govr would not be perswaded, but
184 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
[107] sent a
very forman warrente under his hand &
seall, with
strict charge as they would answere. it to
ye state; he also write that he had better considered
of things
since he was hear, and he could not answer
it to let
him goe so; besids other things that were
come to his
knowledg since, which he must answer too.
So he was
suffered to proceede, but he found in the
end that to
be true that was tould him; for when an
inventorie
was taken of what was in ye ship, ther was
not vitailes
found for above 14. days, at a pare allow-
ance, and
not much else of any great worth, & the
men did so
crie out of him for wages and diate, in ye
mean time,
as made him soone weary. So as in con-
clusion it
turned to his loss, and ye expence of his
owne
provissions; and towards the spring they came to
agreement,
(after they had bene to ye eastward,) and
ye Govr restord him his vessell againe, and made
him
satisfaction,
in bisket, meal, and such like provissions,
for what he
had made use of that was his, or what
his men had
any way wasted or consumed. So Mr.
Weston came
hither againe, and afterward shaped his
course for
Virginie, & so for present I shall leave
him.*
The Govr and
some yt depended upon him returned
for England,
haveing scarcly saluted ye cuntrie in his
Govermente,
not finding the state of things hear to
* He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in ye time of the warrs, of ye
sicknes
in yt place.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 185
answer his
quallitie & condition. The peopl
dispersed
them selves, some went for England, others for
Vir-
ginia, some
few remained, and were helped with sup-
plies from
hence. The Govr brought over a minister
with him,
one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after ye
Govr returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I
know not
what power and authority of superintendancie
over other
churches granted him, and sundrie instruc-
tions for
that end; but he never shewed it, or made any
use of it;
(it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;)
he only
speake of it to some hear at his going away.
This was in
effect ye end of a 2. plantation in that
place. Ther were allso this year some scatering be-
ginings made
in other places, as at Paskataway,
by Mr. David
Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other
places by
sundrie others.
It rests now yt I speake a word about ye pinass
spoken of
before, which was sent by ye
adventurers to
be imployed
in ye cuntrie.
She was a fine vessell, and
bravely set
out,* and I fear ye adventurers did over
pride them
selves in her, for she had ill success.
How
ever, they
erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first,
though she
had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly
maned, and
all her men were upon shars, and none was
to have any
wages but ye mr. 2ly,
wheras they mainly
lookt at
trade, they had sent nothing of any value to
trade
with. When the men came hear, and mette
with
* With her flages, & streamers,
pendents, & wastcloaths, &c.
186 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ill counsell
from Mr. Weston & his crue, with others
of ye same stampe, neither mr. nor
Govr could scarce
rule [108]
them, for they exclaimed that they were
abused &
deceived, for they were tould they should
goe for a
man of warr, and take I know not whom,
French &
Spaniards, &c. They would neither
trade
nor fish,
excepte they had wages; in fine, they would
obey no
comand of ye maisters; so it was appre-
hended they
would either rune away with ye
vessell,
or get away
wth ye
ships, and leave her; so as Mr.
Peirce
& others
of their freinds perswaded the Govr to
chaing
their
condition, and give them wages; which was ac-
cordingly
done. And she was sente about ye Cape to
ye Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore
vioage of
it. Some corne and beaver they got, but
ye
Dutch used
to furnish them with cloath & better comod-
ities, they
haveing only a few beads & knives, which
were not
ther much esteemed. Allso, in her
returne
home, at ye very entrance into ther owne harbore, she
had like to
have been cast away in a storme, and was f
orced to cut
her maine mast by ye bord, to save her-
selfe from
driving on ye flats that lye without, caled
Browns
Ilands, the force of ye wind being so great as
made her
anchors give way and she drive right upon
them; but
her mast & takling being gone, they held
her till ye
wind shifted.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 187
Anno Dom: 1624.
THE time of new election of ther officers
for this
year being
come, and* ye number of their people in-
creased, and
their troubls and occasions therwith, the
Govr desired them to chainge ye
persons, as well as
renew ye election; and also to adde more Assistans
to ye Govr for help & counsell, and ye better carrying
on of
affairs. Showing that it was necessarie
it should
be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was
fitte
others
should be made pertakers of it; if it was a
burthen, (as
doubtles it was,) it was but equall others
should help
to bear it; and yt this was ye end of
Anuall
Elections. The issue was, that as before
ther
was but one
Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the
Govr a duble voyce; and aft wards they increased them
to 7. which
course hath continued to this day.
They having with some truble & charge
new-masted
and rigged
their pinass, in ye begining of March they
sent her
well vitaled to the eastward on fishing.
She
arrived
safly at a place near Damarins cove, and was
there well
harbored in a place wher ships used to
tide, ther
being also some ships all ready arived out
of
England. But shortly after ther [109]
arose such
a violent
& extraordinarie storme, as ye seas
broak
over such
places in ye harbor as was never seene be-
fore, and
drive her against great roks, which beat such
*And is repeated in the MS.
188 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
a hole in
her bulke, as a horse and carte might have
gone in, and
after drive her into deep-water, wher she
lay sunke.
The mr. was drowned, 'the rest of ye men,
all save
one, saved their Jives, with much a doe; all
her
provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost.
And here I
must leave her to lye till afterward.
Some of those that still remained hear on
their per-
ticuler,
begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being
privie to a
strong faction that was among ye
adventur-
ers in
England, on whom sundry of them did depend,
by their
private whispering they drew some of the
weaker sorte
of ye company to their side, and so filld
them with
discontente, as nothing would satisfie them
excepte they
might be suffered to be in their perticuler
allso; and
made great offers, so they might be freed
from ye generall. The Govr consulting with ye
ablest
of ye generall body what was best to be done hear
in, it was
resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon
equall
conditions. The conditions were the same
in
effect with
ye former before related. Only some more
added, as
that they should be bound here to remaine
till ye generall partnership was ended.
And also that
they should
pay into ye store, ye on halfe of all such
goods and
comodities as they should any waise raise
above their
food, in consideration of what charg had
been layed
out for them, with some such like things.
This liberty
granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther
was but a
few that undertooke this course when it
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 189
came too;
and they were as sone weary of it. For
the other
had perswaded them, & Mr.
Weston to-
geather,
that ther would never come more supply to
ye general body; but ye
perticulers had such freinds
as would
carryall, and doe for them I know not
what.
Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over, and brought
a prety good
supply, and the ship came on fishing, a
thing fatall
to this plantation. He brought 3.
heifers
& a
bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind
in ye land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as
will further
appear; but withall ye reporte of a strong
faction
amongst the adventurers * against them, and
espetially
against ye coming of ye rest from Leyden,
and with
what difficulty this supply was procured, and
how, by
their strong & long opposision, bussines was
so retarded
as not only they were now falne too late
for ye fishing season, but the best men were taken up
of ye fishermen in ye west
countrie, and he was forct
to take such
a mr. & company for that imployment as
he could
procure upon ye present.
Some letters from
them shall
beter declare these things, being as fol-
loweth.
[110] Most worthy & loving freinds,
your kind & loving
leters I
have received, and render you many thanks, &c. It
hath plased
God to stirre up ye harts of our adventurers *
*Adventures in the manuscript.
190 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to raise a
new stock for ye seting forth of this shipe, caled
ye
Charitie, with men & necessaries, both for ye plantation
and ye
fishing, though accomplished with very great diffi-
culty; in
regard we have some amongst us which undoubt-
edly airne
more at their owne private ends, and ye thwarting
&
opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments,* of
Gods glory
elswher, then at ye generall good and further-
ance of this
noble & laudable action. Yet againe
we have
many other,
and I hope ye greatest parte, very honest Chris-
tian men,
which I am perswaded their ends and intents are
wholy for ye
glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in ye propaga-
tion of his
gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages
to ye
knowledg of God. But, as we have a
proverbe, One
scabed sheep
may marr a whole flock, so these malecontented
persons,
& turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to
withdraw
mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even
from ye
generall bussines; and yet under show and pretence
of godlynes
and furtherance of ye plantation.
Wheras the
quite
contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of ye honester
harted men
(though of late of their faction) did make manifest
at our late
meeting. But what should I trouble you
or my
selfe with
these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte
will be
continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings & love.
On Thurs-day
ye 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the
artickls
betweene you & us; wher they would rejecte that,
which we in
our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition
to ye
time of our joynt stock). And their
reason which
they would
make known to us was, it trobled their con-
science to
exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon
at ye
first. But that night they were so
followed and crost
of their
perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and
offered to
sell their adventurs; and some were willing to buy.
But I,
doubting they would raise more scandale and false
*He means Mr. Robinson.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 191
reports, and
so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of
in such a
furie, then they could or can by continuing adven-
turers
amongst us, would not suffer them. But
on ye 12. of
Jan: we had
another meting, but in the interime diverse of
us had
talked with most of them privatly, and had great
combats
& reasoning, pro & con. But at
night when we
mete to read
ye generall letter, we had ye loveingest and
frendlyest
meeting that ever I knew * and our greatest ene-
mise offered
to lend us 501i. So I sent
for a potle of wine,
(I would you
could ! doe ye like,) which we dranke freindly
together. Thus God can turne ye harts of men
when it
pleaseth
him, &c. Thus loving freinds, I
hartily salute you
all in ye
Lord, hoping ever to rest,
Yours to my power,
Jan:
25.1623. JAMES
SHERLEY.
[111] Another leter.
Beloved Sr., &c. We have now sent
you, we hope, men
& means,
to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making,
and boat
making; if you can bring them to pass to some
perfection,
your wants may be supplyed. I pray you
bend
you selfe
what you can to setle these bussinesses.
Let ye
ship be
fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bil-
bow. You must send some discreete man for factore,
whom,
once more,
you must also authorise to confirme ye conditions.
If Mr.
Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came
* But this lasted not long, they had now
provided Lyford & others to send
over.
! It is worthy to be observed, how ye Lord doth chaing times & things;
for what is
now more plentifull then wine? and that of ye
best, coming from
Malago, ye Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year. So
as ther is
now more cause to complaine of ye
excess and ye abuse of wine
(through
mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante
of ye same. Witnes this year
1646. The good Lord lay not ye sins & un-
thankfullnes
of men to their charge in this perticuler.
192 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
againe. This ship carpenter is thought to be the
fittest man
for you in
the land, and will no doubte doe you much good.
Let him have
an absolute comand over his servants &
such a&
you put to him. Let him build you 2.
catches, a
lighter, and
some 6. or 7. shalops, as Boone as you can.
The salt-man
is a skillfull & industlious man, put some to
him, that
may quickly apprehende ye misterie of it. The
preacher we
have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man,
though none
of ye most eminente and rare.
Aboute chusing
him into
office use your owne liberty & discretion; he knows
he is no
officer amongst you, though perhaps custome &
universalitie
may make him forget him selfe. Mr.
Winslow
& my
selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some
hear, and we
see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of
children.
We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne,
&c. I am sory
ther is no
more discretion used by some in their leters
hither.* Some say you are starved in body & soule;
others,
yt
you eate piggs & doggs, that dye alone; others, that ye
things hear
spoaken of, ye goodnes of ye cuntry, are gross
and palpable
lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene,
or a fish to
be taken, and many such like. I would
such
discontented
men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when
ye
whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to ye
passionate
humors of some discontented men. And for
my
selfe I
shall hinder for hearafter some yt would goe, and
have not
better composed their affections; mean space it is
all our
crosses, and we must bear them.
I am sorie we have not sent you more and
other things,
but in truth
we have rune into so much charge, to victaile
ye
ship, provide salte & other fishing implements, &c. as we
could not
provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger,
&c. I hope the returne of this ship, and the
James, will
* This was John Oldome & his like
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 193
put us in
cash againe. The Lord make you full of
courage
in this
troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto,
till God
give us rest from our labours. Fare well
in all
harty
affection.
Your assured freind,
Jan: 24.
1623. R.
C.
With ye
former letter write by Mr. Sherley, there
were sente
sundrie objections concerning which he thus
writeth. "These are the cheefe objections which
they
[112] that
are now returned make against you and
the
countrie. I pray you consider them, and
answer
them by the
first conveniencie." These
objections were
made by some
of those that came over on their pertic-
uler and
were returned home, as is before mentioned,
and were of
ye same suite with those yt this other
letter
mentions.
I shall here set them downe, with ye answers then
made unto
them, and sent over at ye returne of this
ship; which
did so confound ye objecters, as some
confessed
their falte, and others deneyed what they
had said,
and eate their words, & some others of them
have since
come over againe and heere lived to con-
vince them
selves sufficiently, both in their owne &
other mens
judgments.
1. obj. was diversitie aboute
Religion. Ans: We
know no such
matter, for here was never any con-
troversie or
opposition, either publicke or private, (to
our
knowledg,) since we came.
194 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
2. ob:
Neglecte of familie duties, one ye
Lords day.
Ans.
We allow no such thing, but blame it in our
selves &
others; and they that thus reporte it, should
have shewed
their Christian love the more if they had
in love
tould ye offenders of it, rather then thus to
reproach
them behind their baks. But (to say no
more) we
wish them selves had given better example.
3. ob:
Wante of both the sacrements.
Ans. The more is our greefe, that our
pastor is
kept from
us, by whom we might injoye them; for
we used to
have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and
baptisme as
often as ther was occasion of children to
baptise.
4. ob:
Children not catechised nor taught to read.
Ans:
Neither is true; for diverse take pains with
their owne
as they can; indeede, we have no comone
schoole for
want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means
to maintaine
one; though we desire now to begine.
5. ob:
Many of ye perticuler members of ye planta-
tion will
not work for ye generall.
Ans:
This allso is not wholy true; for though some
doe it not
willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe
it; and he
that doth worst gets his owne foode &
something
besids. But we will not excuse them, but
labour to
reforme them ye best we cane, or else to
quitte ye
plantation of them.
6. ob:
The water is not wholsome.
Ans:
If they mean, not so wholsome as ye good
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 195
beere and
wine in London, (which they so dearly
love,) we
will not dispute with them; but els, for
water, it is
as good as any in ye world, (for ought
we knowe,)
and it is wholsome enough to us that can
be contente
therwith.
7. ob:
The ground is barren and doth bear no
grasse.
[113] Ans:
It is hear (as in all places) some better
& some
worse; and if they well consider their words,
in England
they shall not find such grasse in them, as
in their
feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for
they are as
fatt as need be; we wish we had but one
for every
hundred that hear is grase to keep.
Indeed,
this
objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here
which see
and know ye contrary.
8. ob:
The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.
Ans:
This is as true as that which was written,
that ther is
scarce a fouIe to be seene or a fish to
be
taken. Things likly to be true in a
cuntrie wher
so many
sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they
might as
well say, there can no aile or beere in Lon-
don be kept
from sowering.
9. ob:
Many of them are theevish and steale on
from an
other.
Ans:
Would London had been free from that crime,
then we
should not have been trobled with these here;
it is well
knowne sundrie have smarted well for it,
and so are ye
rest like to doe, if they be taken.
196 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
10. ob:
The countrie is anoyed with foxes and
woules.
Ans:
So are many other good cuntries too; but
poyson,
traps, and other such means will help to
destroy
them.
11. ob:
The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay,
and are
likely to overthrow the trade.
Ans:
They will come and plante in these parts,
also, if we
and others doe not, but goe home and
leave it to
them. We rather commend them, then
condemne
them for it.
12. ob:
The people are much alloyed with mus-
keetoes.
Ans:
They are too delicate and unfitte to begine
new-plantations
and collonies, that cannot enduer the
biting of a
muskeeto; we would wish such to keepe
at home till
at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet
this place
is as free as any, and experience teacheth
that ye
more ye land is tild, and ye woods cut downe,
the fewer
ther will be, and in the end scarse any
at all.
Having thus dispatcht these things, that I
may
handle
things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other
letters from
Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one. to ye
Govr,
ye other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will
give much
light to ye former things, and express the
tender love
& care of a true pastor over them.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 197
His leter to ye Govr.
My loving & much beloved freind, whom
God hath
hithertoo
preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his
glorie, and
ye good of many; that his blessing may make
your godly and
wise endeavours answerable to ye
valuation
which they
ther have, & set upon ye
same. Of your love
too and care
for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad
to take
knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe.
Our love &
care to and
for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of com-
ing [114]
unto you be small, and weaker then ever.
But
of this at
large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and
he with you,
mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as
I desire you
may doe these, &c.
Concerning ye killing of those poor Indeans, of which we
heard at
first by reporte, and since by more certaine rela-
tion, oh!
how happy a thing had it been, if you had con-
verted some,
before you had killed any; besids, wher bloud
is onc
begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long
time
after. You will say they deserved
it. I grant it; but
upon what
provocations and invitments by those heathenish
Christians?
* Besids, you, being no magistrats over
them,
were to
consider, not what they deserved, but what you
were by
necessitie constrained to inflicte.
Necessitie of this,
espetially
of killing so many, (and many more, it seems,
they would,
if they could,) I see not. Methinks on
or tow
principals
should have been full enough, according to that
approved
rule, The punishmente to a few, and ye fear to
many. Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte
you
seriouly to
consider of ye dispossition of your Captaine, whom
I love, and
am perswaded ye Lord in great mercie and for
much good
hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He
is a man
humble and meek amongst you, and towards all
*Mr. Westons men.
198 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
in ordinarie
course. But now if this be meerly from
an
humane
spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion,
espetially
of provocation, ther may be wanting yt tendernes
of ye
life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete.
It is also a
thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleas-
ing in Gods,
or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour
to poore barbarous
people; and indeed I am afraid least, by
these
occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of
rufling
course in the world. I doubt not but you
will take
in good part
these things which I write, and as ther is
cause make
use of them. It were to us more
comfortable
and
convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in
presence,
but seeing that canot be done, we shall always
long after
you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted
time. The adventurers it seems have neither money
nor
any great
mind of us, for ye most parte.
They deney it to
be any part
of ye covenants betwixte us, that they should
trasporte
us, neither doe I looke for any further help from
them, till
means come from you. We hear are
strangers in
effecte to ye
whole course, and so both we and you (save as
your owne
wisdoms and worths have intressed you further)
of
principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessa-
ries,
&c. My wife, with me, resalute you
& yours. Unto
him who is ye
same to his in all places, and nere to them
which are
farr from one an other, I comend you and all
with you,
resting,
Yours truly loving,
JOHN ROBINSON.
Leyden, Des:
19. 1623.
His to Mr. Brewster.
Loving and dear freind and brother: That which I most
desired of
God in regard of you, namly, ye continuance of
your life
and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 199
you, that I
most gladly hear of, and praise God for the
same. And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake
and decayed state
of body will
have some reparing by the coming of her
daughters,
and the provissions in this and former ships, I
hear is made
for you; which maks us with more patience
bear our
languishing state, and ye deferring of our desired
trasportation;
wch I call desired, rather than hoped for,
whatsoever
you are borne in hand by any others. For
first,
ther is no
hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of
any new
stock to be raised for that end; so that all must
depend [115]
upon returns from you, in which are so many
uncertainties,
as that nothing with any certaintie can thence
be
concluded. Besids, howsoever for ye presente the adven-
turers aledg
nothing but want of money, which is an in-
vincible
difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others
without
doubte will be found. For the beter
clearing of this,
we must
dispose ye adventurers into 3. parts; and of them
some 5. or
6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us,
above any
others. Other 5. or 6. are our bitter
professed
adversaries. The rest, being the body, I conceive to be
honestly
minded, & loveingly also towards us; yet such as
have others
(namly ye forward preachers) nerer unto them,
then us, and
whose course so farr as ther is any differance,
they would
rather advance then ours. Now what a
hanck
these men
have over ye professors, you know. And I per-
swade my
selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling
I should be
transported, espetially such of them as have an
eye that way
them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther
market will
be mard in many regards. And for these
ad-
versalies,
if they have but halfe ye witte to their malice, they
will stope
my course when they see it intended, for which
this
delaying serveth them very opportunly.
And as one
restie jade
can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or
3. can (or
will at least, if they be not very free) draw for-
200 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
ward, so
will it be in this case. A notable*
experimente of
this, they
gave in your messengers presence, constraining ye
company to
promise that none of the money now gathered
should be
expended or imployed to ye help of any of us
towards
you. Now touching ye question propounded by you,
I judg it
not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom.
12. 7. 8.
& 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach
&
exhorte and labore in ye word and doctrine, to which ye
sacrements
are anexed, to administer them, nor convenient
if it were
lawfull. Whether any larned man will
come unto
you or not,
I know not; if any doe, you must Consiliu
capere in
arena. Be you most hartily saluted, & your wife
with you,
both from me & mine. Your God &
ours, and
ye God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep
us in the
mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us
servis able
to his majestie, and faithfull to the end.
Amen.
Your very loving
brother,
JOHN ROBINSON.
Leyden, Des:
20. 1623.
These things premised, I shall now prosecute ye pro-
ceilings and
afairs here. And before I come to other
things I
must speak a word of their planting this
year; they
having found ye benifite of their last
years
harvest, and setting corne for their particuler,
having
therby with a great deale of patience over-
come hunger
& famine. Which maks me remember
a saing of
Senecas, Epis. 123. That a great parte of
libertie is
a well governed belly, and to be patiente in
all wants.
They begane now highly to prise corne as
*Notabe in MS.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 201
more pretious
then silver, and those that had some to
spare begane
to trade one with another for smale
things, by ye
quarte, potle, & peck, &c.; for money
they had
none, and if any had, corne was prefered
before
it. That they might therfore encrease
their
tillage to
better advantage, they made suite [116] to
the Govr
to have some portion of land given them
for
continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that
means, that
which ye more industrious had brought
into good
culture (by much pains) one year, came to
leave it ye
nexte, and often another might injoye it;
so as the
dressing of their lands were the more
sleighted
over, & to lese profite. Which being
well
considered,
their request was granted. And to every
person was
given only one acrre of land, to them &
theirs, as
nere ye towne as might be, and they had no
more till ye
7. years were expired. The reason was,
that they
might be kept close together both for more
saftie and
defence, and ye better improvement of ye
generall
imployments. Which condition of theirs
did
make me
often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie *
of ye
Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How
every man
contented him selfe with 2.
Acres of land,
and had no
more assigned them. And chap. 3.
It
was thought
a great reward, to receive at ye hands of
ye people
of Rome a pinte of corne. And long
after,
the greatest
presente given to a Captaine yt had gotte a
*Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2.
202 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
victory over
their enemise, was as much ground as
they could
till in one day. And he was not counted
a good, but
a dangerous man, that would not contente
him selfe
with 7. Acres of land. As also how they
did pound
their corne in morters, as
these people were
forcte to
doe many years before they could get a
mille.
The ship which brought this supply, was
speedily
discharged,
and with her mr. & company sente to
Cap-Anne (of
which place they had gott a patente, as
before is
shewed) on fishing, and because ye season was
so farr
spente some of ye planters were sent to help
to build
their stage, to their owne hinderance.
But
partly by ye
latenes of ye year, and more espetialy by
ye
basnes of ye mr., one Baker, they made a poore
viage of
it. He proved a very drunken beast, and
did nothing
(in a maner) but drink, & gusle, and
consume away
ye time & his victails; and most of
his company
followed his example; and though Mr.
William
Peirce was to over see the busines, & to
be mr.
of ye ship home, yet he could doe no good
amongst
them, so as ye loss was great, and would
have bene
more to them, but that they kept one a
trading
ther, which in those times got some store of
skins, which
was some help unto them.
The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was
an
honest and
very industrious man, and followed his
labour very
dilligently, and made all that were im-
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 203
ployed with
him doe ye like; he quickly builte them
2. very good
& strong shalops (which after did them
greate
service), and a great and strong lighter, and
had hewne
timber for 2. catches; but that was lost,
for he fell
into a feaver in ye hote season of ye year,
and though
he had the best means ye place could aforde,
yet he dyed;
of whom they had a very [117] great
loss, and
were very sorie for his death. But he
whom
they sent to
make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self-
willd
fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great
matters in
making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke
out fitte
ground for his purpose; and after some serch
he tould ye
Govr that he had found a sufficente place,
with a good
botome to hold water, and otherwise very
conveniente,
which he doubted not but in a short time
to bring to
good perfection, and to yeeld them great
profite; but
he must have 8. or ten men to be con-
stantly
imployed. He was wisht to be sure that ye
ground was
good, and other things answerable, and
yt
he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would
bring upon
them a great charge by imploying him
selfe and so
many men. But he was, after some triall,
so
confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to
rear a great
frame for a large house, to receive ye salte
& such
other uses. But in ye end all
proved vaine.
Then he
layed fault of ye ground, in which he was
deceived;
but if he might have the lighter to cary
clay, he was
sure then he could doe it. Now though
204 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
Govr & some other foresaw that this would come to
litle, yet
they had so many malignant spirits amongst
them, that
would have laid it upon them, in their let-
ters of
complainte to ye adventurers, as to be their
falte yt
would not suffer him to goe on to bring his
work to
perfection; for as he by his bould confidence
& large
promises deceived them in England that sente
him, so he
had wound him selfe in to these mens high
esteeme
hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on
till all men
saw his vanity. For he could not doe any
thing but
boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them
yt
were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a
misterie in
it as was not easie to be attained, and
made them
doe many unnecessary things to blind their
eys, till
they discerned his sutltie. The next
yere he
was sente to
Cap-Anne, and ye pans were set up ther
wher the
fishing was; but before somer was out, he
burte the
house, and the fire was so vehemente as it
spoyld the
pans, at least some of them, and this was
the end of
that chargable bussines.
The 3d. eminente person (which ye
letters before men-
tion) was ye
minister which they sent over, by name
Mr.
John Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be
more large,
though I shall abridg things as much as I
can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted
them with
that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to
be seen, and
indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed
and cringed
unto them, and would have kissed their
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 205
hands if
they would have [118] suffered him; * yea,
he wept
& shed many tears, blessing God that had
brought him
to see their faces; and admiring ye things
they had
done in their wants, &c. as if he had been
made all of
love, and ye humblest person in ye world.
And all ye
while (if we may judg by his after cariags)
he was but
like him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That
croucheth
& boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by
his
might. Or like to that dissembling
Ishmaell, ! who,
when he had
slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and
mette them yt
were coming to offer incence in ye house
of ye
Lord; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to
slay
them. They gave him ye best
entertainment yey
could, (in
all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of
food out of
ye store then any other had, and as the
Govr
had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with
their Elder,
Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assist-
ants,) so
now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with
them in
their waightiest bussineses. Ater some
short
time he
desired to joyne himselfe a member to ye
church hear,
and was accordingly received. He made
a large
confession of his faith, and an acknowledge-
mente of his
former disorderly walking, and his being
intangled
with many corruptions, which had been
a burthen to
his conscience, and blessed God for this
opportunitie
of freedom & libertie to injoye ye ordi-
nances of God
in puritie among his people, with many
*Of wch were many witneses. !
Jer. 41. 6.
206 HISTORY OF [Book II.
more such
like expressions. I must hear speake a
word
also of Mr.
John Oldom, who was a copartner with
him in his
after courses. He had bene a cheefe
sticler
in ye
former faction among ye perticulers, and an
intelligencer
to those in England. But now, since the
coming of
this ship and he saw ye supply that came,
he tooke
occasion to open his minde to some of ye
cheefe
amongst them heere, and confessed he had done
them wrong
both by word & deed, & writing into
England; but
he now saw the eminente hand of God
to be with
them, and his blesing upon them, which
made his
hart smite him, neither should those in Eng-
land ever
use him as an instrumente any longer against
them in any
thing; he also desired former things
might be
forgotten, and that they would looke upon
him as one
that desired to close with them in all
things, with
such like expressions. Now whether this
was in
hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of
conviction
(which I rather thinke), God only knows.
Upon it they
shew all readynes to imbrace his love,
and carry
towards him in all frendlynes, and called
him to
counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as ye
other,
without any distrust at all.
Thus all things seemed to goe very
comfortably and
smothly on
amongst them, at which they did much
rejoyce; but
this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom
and he grew
very perverse, and shewed a spirite of
great
malignancie, drawing as many into faction as
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 207
they could;
were they never so vile or profane, they
did nourish
& back them in all their doings; so they
would but
cleave to them and speak against ye church
hear; so as
ther was nothing but private meetings and
whisperings
amongst them; they feeding themselves &
others with
what they should bring to pass in England
by the
faction of their freinds their, which brought
others as
well as them selves into a fools paradise.
Yet they
could not cary so closly but much of both
their doings
& sayings were discovered, yet outwardly
they still
set a faire face of things.
At lenght when ye ship was
ready to goe, it was
observed
Liford was long in writing, & sente many
letters, and
could not forbear to comunicate to his
intimats
such things as made them laugh in their
sleeves, and
thought he had done ther errand suffi-
ciently. The Govr and some other of his
freinds know-
ing how
things stood in England, and what hurt these
things might
doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with
the ship a
league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords
& Oldums
letters. Mr. William Peirce
being mr. of
ye
ship, (and knew well their evil I dealing both in
England
& here,) afforded him all ye assistance he
could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many
of them
larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations,
tending not
only to their prejudice, but to their ruine
& utter
subversion. Most of the letters they let
pas,
only tooke
copys of them, but some of ye most materiall
208 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
they sent
true copyes of them, and kept ye originalls,
least he
should deney them, and that they might
produce his
owne hand against him. Amongst his let-
ters they
found ye coppyes of tow letters which he
sent
inclosed in a leter of his to Mr. John Pember-
ton, a
minster, and a great opposite of theirs.
These
2. letters
of which he tooke the coppyes were one of
them write
by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster
here, the
other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in
Holand, at
his coming away, as ye ship lay at Gravs-
end. They lying sealed in ye great
cabin, (whilst
Mr.
Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of ye ship,)
this slye
marchante taks & opens them, taks these
coppys,
& seals them up againe; and not only sends
the coppyes
of them thus to his friend and their adver-
sarie, but
adds thertoo in ye margente many scurrilous
and flouting
anotations. This ship went out towards
eving, and in the night ye
Govr retured. They were
somwaht
blanke at it, but after some weeks, when
they heard
nothing, they then were as briske as ever,
thinking
nothing had been knowne, but all was gone
currente,
and that the Govr went but to dispatch his
owne
letters. The reason why the Govr
& rest con-
cealed these
things the longer, was to let things ripen,
that they
[120] might ye better discover their intents
and see who
were their adherents. And ye
rather
because
amongst ye rest they found a letter of one of
their
confederats, in wch was writen that Mr. Oldame
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 209
& Mr.
Lyford intended a reformation in church and
commone
wealth; and, as soone as the ship was gone,
they
intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacre-
ments,
&c.
For Oldame, few of his leters were found,
(for he
was so bad a
scribe as his hand was scarce legible,)
yet he was
as deepe in ye mischeefe as the other. And
I thinking
they were now strong enough, they begane
to pick
quarells at every thing. Oldame being
called
to watch
(according to order) refused to come, fell
out with ye
Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly,
raskell, and
resisted him, drew his knife at him;
though he
offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille
termes, but
with all fairnes required him to doe his
duty. The Govr, hearing ye
tumulte, sent to quiet it,
but he
ramped more like a furious beast then a man,
and cald
them all treatours, and rebells, and other
such foule
language as I am ashamed to remember;
but after he
was clapt up a while, he came to him
selfe, and
with some slight punishmente was let goe
upon his
behaviour for further censure.
But to cutt things shorte, at length it
grew to this
esseue, that
Lyford with his complicies, without ever
speaking one
word either to ye Govr, Church, or Elder,
withdrewe
them selves & set up a publick meeting
aparte, on ye
Lord's day; with sundry such insolente
cariages,
too long here to relate, begining now pub-
likly to
acte what privatly they had been long plotting.
210 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
It was now thought high time (to prevent
further
mischeefe)
to calle them to accounte; so ye Govr
called a
courte and sumoned the whol company to
appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with
such things
as they were guilty of. But they were
stiffe,
& stood resolutly upon ye deneyall of most
things, and
required proofe. They first alledged
what
was write to
them out of England, compared with
their doings
& pactises hear; that it was evident they
joyned in
plotting against them, and disturbing their
peace, both
in respecte of their civill & church state,
which was
most injurious; for both they and all ye
world knew
they came hither to injoye ye libertie of
their
conscience and ye free use of Gods ordinances;
and for yt
end had ventured their lives and passed
throwgh so
much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and
their
freinds had borne the charg of these beginings,
which was
not small. And that Lyford for his parte
was sent
over on this charge, and that both he and
his great
family was maintained on ye same, and also
was joyned
to ye church, & a member of them; and
for him to
plote against them & seek their ruine,
was most
unjust & perfidious. And for [121]
Oldam
or any other
that came over at their owne charge, and
were on ther
perticuler, seeing they were received in
curtesie by
the plantation, when they came only to
seeke
shelter & protection under their wings, not being
able to
stand alone, that they, (according to ye fable,)
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 211
like the
Hedghogg whom ye conny in a stormy day in
pittie
received into her borrow, would not be content
to take part
with her, but in the end with her sharp
pricks forst
the poore conny to forsake her owne bor-
row; so
these men with the like injustice indevored to
doe ye
same to thos that entertained them.
Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe
with
them in
England, or knew of their courses, and made
other things
as strange that he was charged with.
Then his letters
were prodused & some of them read,
at which he
was struck mute. But Oldam begane to
rage
furiously, because they had intercepted and opened
his letters,
threatening them in very high language,
and in a
most audacious and mutinous maner stood up
& caled
upon ye people, saying, My maisters, wher is
your
harts? now shew your courage, you have
oft
complained.
to me so & so; now is ye time, if. you will
doe any
thing, I wIll stand by you, &c.
Thinking yt
everyone
(knowing his humor) that had soothed and
flattered
him, or other wise in their discontente uttered
any thing
unto him, would now side wth him in open
rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened
his mouth,
but all were silent, being strucken with the
injustice of
ye thing. Then ye
Govr turned his speech
to Mr.
Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had
done evill
to open his letters; but he was silente, &
would not
say a word, well knowing what they might
reply. Then ye Govr shewed the
people he did it as
212 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
a
magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to
prevent ye
mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and
plots of
theirs would bring on this poor colony.
But
he, besids
his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly
with his freinds
yt trusted him, & stole their letters
& opened
them, and sent coppies of them, with dis-
gracefull
anotations, to his freinds in England.
And
then ye
Govr produced them and his other letters un-
der his owne
hand, (which he could not deney,) and
caused them
to be read before all ye people; at which
all his
freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.
It would be too long & tedious here to
inserte his
letters
(which would almost fill a volume), though I
have them by
me. I shall only note a few of ye
cheefe
things collected out of them, with ye answers
to them as
they were then given; and but a few of
those many,
only for instance, by which the rest may
be judged
of.
[121*]
1. First, he saith, the church
would have
none to live
hear but them selves. 21y. Neither are
any willing
so to doe if they had company to live els-
wher.
Ans:
Their answer was, that this was false, in both
ye
parts of it; for they were willing & desirous yt any
honest men
may live with them, that will cary them
selves
peacably, and seek ye comone good, or at least
doe them no
hurte. And againe, ther are many that
*121 is repeated in the paging of the
original.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 213
will not
live els wher so long as they may live with
them.
2.
That if ther come over any honest men that are
not of ye
seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.
A.
Ther answer was as before, that it was a false
callumniation,
for they had many amongst them that
they liked
well of, and were glad of their company;
and should
be of any such like that should come
amongst
them.
3.
That they excepted against him for these
2. doc-
trins raised
from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that
ministers
must sume
times perticulerly apply their doctrine to
spetiall
persons; 2ly, that great men may be reproved
as well as
meaner.
A.
Their answer was, that both these were without
either truth
or colour of ye same (as was proved to
his face),
and that they had taught and beleeved these
things long
before they knew Mr. Liford.
4.
That they utterly sought ye ruine of ye perticu-
lers; as
appeareth by this, that they would not suffer
any of ye
generall either to buy or sell with them, or
to exchaing
one comioditie for another.
Ans:
This was a most malicious slander and voyd
of all
truth, as was evidently proved to him before all
men; for any
of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing
with them as
often as they had any occation. Yea,
and allso
both lend & give to them when they wanted;
and this the
perticuler persons them selves could not
214 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
deney, but
freely confest in open court. But ye
ground from
whence this arose made it much worse,
for he was
in counsell with them. When one was
called
before them, and questioned for receiving pow-
der and
bisket from ye guner of ye small ship, which
was ye
companys and had it put in at his window in
the night,
and allso for buying salt of one, that had
no right to
it, he not only stood to back him (being
one of these
perticulers) by excusing & extenuating
his falte,
as long as he could, but upon this builds
this
mischeeous & most false slander:
That because
they would
not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo,
they sought
their utter ruine. Bad logick for a
devine.
5.
Next he writs, that he chocked them with this;
that they
turned [122] men into their perticuler, and
then sought
to starve them, and deprive them of all
means of
subsistance.
A.
To this was answered, he did them manifest
wrong, for
they turned none into their perticuler; it
was their
owne importunitie and ernest desire that
moved them,
yea, constrained them to doe it. And
they apealed
to ye persons them selves for ye truth
hereof. And they testified the same against him be-
fore all
present, as allso that they had no cause to
complaine of
any either hard or unkind usage.
6.
He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and
writeth,
that it was a strang difference, that some have
bene alowed
16li. of meale by ye weeke, and others
1624.] PLYOUTH PLANTATION. 215
but
4li. And then ( floutingly) saith, it
seems some
mens mouths
and bellies are very litle & slender over
others.
Ans:
This might seeme strange indeed to those to
whom he
write his leters in England, which knew not
ye
reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could
not be
strange, who knew how things stood. For
the
first comers
had none at all, but lived on their corne.
Those wch
came in ye Anne, ye August before, & were
to live 13.
months of the provissions they brought,
had as good
alowance in meal & pease as it would
extend too,
ye most part of ye year; but a litle be-
fore
harvest, when they had not only fish, but other
fruits began
to come in, they had but 4li. having
their
libertie to make their owne provisions.
But
some of
these which came last, as ye ship carpenter,
and samiers,
the salte-men & others that were to fol-
low
constante imployments, and had not an howers
time, from
their hard labours, to looke for any thing
above their
alowance; they had at first, 16li alowed
them, and
afterwards as fish, & other food coued be
gott, they
had as balemente, to 14. &. 12. yea some
of them to
8. as the times & occasions did vary.
And
yet those which
followed planting and their owne
occasions,
and had but 4li. of meall a week, lived better
then ye
other, as was well knowne to all. And
yet
it must be
remembered that Lyford & his had allwais
the highest
alowance.
216 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Many other things (in his letters) he
accused them
of, with
many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding
great wast
of tools & vesseles; & this, when it came
to be
examened, all ye instance he could give was, that
he had seen
an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces,
and a broken
how or tow lefte carlesly in ye feilds by
some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man
was
appointed to looke to these things. But
these
things &
such like was write of by him, to cast dis-
grace &
prejudice upon them; as thinking what came
from a [123]
minister would pass for currente. Then
he tells
them that Winslow should say, that ther
was not
above 7. of ye adventurers yt souight ye
good of ye
collony. That Mr. Oldam &
him selfe had
had much to
doe with them, and that ye faction here
might match
ye Jesuits for politie. With
many ye like
greevious
complaints & accusations.
1.
Then, in the next place, he comes to. give his
freinds
counsell and directtion. And first, that
ye
Leyden
company (Mr. Robinson & ye rest) must still
be kepte
back, or els all will be spoyled. And
least
any of them
should be taken in privatly somewher on
ye
coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,)
they must
chaing the mr. of ye ship (Mr. William
Peirce), and
put another allso in Winslows stead, for
marchante,
or els it would not be prevented.
2.
Then he would have such a number provided as
might
oversway them hear. And that ye
perticulers
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 217
should have
voyces in all courts & elections, and be
free to bear
any office. And that every perticuler
should come
over as an adventurer, if he be but a
servante;
some other venturing 10li., ye bill may be
taken out in
ye servants name, and then assigned to
ye
party whose money it was, and good covenants
drawn
betweene them for ye clearing of ye matter;
and this
(saith he) would be a means to strengthen
this side ye
more.
3.
Then he tells them that if that Capten they
spoake of
should come over hither as a generall, he
was
perswaded he would be chosen Capten; for this
Captaine
Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in
utter
contempte.
4.
Then he shows that if by ye forementioned
means they
cannot be strengthened to cary & over-
bear things,
it will be best for them to plant els
wher by them
selves; and would have it artickled by
them that
they might make choyse of any place that
they liked
best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shew-
ing ther
were farr better places for plantation then
this.
5.
And lastly he concluds, that if some number
came not
over to bear them up here, then ther would
be no
abiding for them, but by joyning with these
hear. Then he adds:
Since I begane to write, ther
are letters
come from your company, wherin they
would give
sole authoritie in diverce things unto the
218 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
Govr
here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis.
But I hope
you will be more vigilante hereafter, that
nothing may
pass in such a maner. I suppose (saith
he) Mr.
Oldame will write to you further of these
things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery of
these
things, &c.
Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe
things in
his leters,
and shall now returne to their procceeding
with
him. After the reading of his leters
before the
whole
company, he was demanded what he could say
to these
things. [124] But all ye
answer he made
was, that
Billington and some others had informed him
of many
things, and made sundrie complaints, which
they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was
a
sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse
them by his
letters, and never say word to them, con-
sidering the
many bonds betweene them. And so they
went on from
poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or
any of his
freinds & confederats, not to spare them in
any thing;
if he or they had any proofe or witnes
of any
corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their
evidence
must needs be ther presente, for ther was
the whole
company and sundery strangers. He said
he had been
abused by others in their informations, (as
he now well
saw,) and so had abused them. And this
was all the
answer they could have, for none would
take his
parte in any thing; but Billington, & any
whom he
named, deneyed the things, and protested he
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 219
wronged
them, and would have drawne them to such
& such
things which they could not consente too,
though they
were sometimes drawne to his meetings.
Then they
delte with him aboute his dissembling with
them aboute
ye church, and that he professed to concur
with them in
all things, and what a large confession
he made at
his admittance, and that he held not
him selfe a
minister till he had a new calling, &c.
And yet now
he contested against them, and drew a
company
aparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would
goe minister
the sacrements (by his Episcopall caling)
without ever
speaking a word unto them, either as
magistrats
or bretheren. In conclusion, he was
fully
convicted,
and burst out into tears, and "confest he
feared he
was a reprobate, his sinns were so great
that he
doubted God would not pardon them, he was
unsavorie
salte, &c.; and that he had so wronged
them as he
could never make them amends, con-
fessing all
he had write against them was false &
nought, both
for matter & maner." And all this
he did with
as much fullnes as words & tears could
express.
After their triall & conviction, the
court censured
them to be
expeld the place; Oldame presently, though
his wife
& family had liberty to stay all winter, or
longer, till
he could make provission to remove them
comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months.
It was,
indeede, with some eye to his release, if he
220 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
caried him
selfe well in the meane time, and that his
repentance
proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his
censure was
farr less then he deserved.
Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in
ye church,
with tears
more largly then before. I shall here
put
it downe as I
find it recorded by some who tooke it
from his
owne words, as him selfe utered them.
Ac-
knowledging
[125] "That he had don very evill,
and
slanderously
abused them; and thinking most of ye
people would
take parte with him, he thought to cary
all by
violence and strong hand against them.
And
that God
might justly lay inocente blood to his
charge, for
he knew not what hurt might have come
of these his
writings, and blest God they were stayed.
And that he
spared not to take knowledg from any,
of any evill
that was spoaken, but shut his eyes &
ears against
all the good; and if God should make
him a
vacabund in ye earth, as was Caine, it was but
just, for he
had sined in envie & malice against his
brethren as
he did. And he confessed 3. things to be
ye
ground & causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-
glorie,
& selfe love." Amplifying these
heads with
many other
sade expressions, in the perticulers of
them.
So as they begane againe to conceive good
thoughts
of him upon
this his repentance, and admited him to
teach
amongst them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a
deacon
amongst them), and some other tender harted
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 221
men amongst
them, were so taken with his signes of
sorrow &
repentance, as they professed they would
fall upon
their knees to have his censure released.
But that which made them all stand amased
in the
end, and may
doe all others that shall come to hear
ye
same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,)
was, that
after a month or 2. notwithstand all his for-
mer
conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledg-
ments, both
in ye face of ye church and whole company,
with so many
tears & sadde censures of him selfe be-
fore God
& men, he should goe againe to justifie what
he had done.
For secretly he write a 2d.
leter to ye adventurers
in England,
in wch he justified all his former writings,
(save in
some things which tended to their damage,)
the which,
because it is brefer then ye former, I shall
here
inserte.
Worthy Srs: Though the filth of mine owne doings may
justly be
cast in my face, and with blushing cause my per-
petuall
silence, yet that ye truth may not herby be injuried,
your selves
any longer deluded, nor injurious* dealing caried
out still,
with bould out faciugs, I have adventured once
more to
write unto you. Firest, I doe freely
confess I delte
very
indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters wch I wrote
to private
freinds, for ye courses in coming hither & the
like; which
I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired
up ther unto
in the beholding ye indirecte courses held by
*Inurious in MS.
222 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
others, both
hear, & ther with you, for effecting their de-
signes. But am hartily sory for it, and doe to ye glory
of God &
mine owne shame acknowledg it. Which
leters
being
intercepted by the Govr, I have for ye same under-
gone ye censure [126] of banishmente.
And had it not
been for ye respecte I have unto you, and some other mat-
ters of private
regard, I had returned againe at this time by
ye pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide,
unless I
receive better incouragmente from you, then from
ye church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive. I
purposed
before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I shall
I hope
cherf.ully bear ye conditions of ye place, though very
mean; and
they have chainged my wages ten times allready.
I suppose my
letters, or at least ye coppies of them, are
come to your
hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it
be so, I
pray you take notice of this, that I have writen
nothing but
what is certainly true, and I could make so
apeare
planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours
be cast to
darken ye truth, and some ther are very audatious
this way;
besids many other matters which are farre out of
order
hear. My mind was not to enlarge my
selfe any fur-
ther, but in
respecte of diverse poore souls here, ye care
of
whom in
parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the
meas of salvation. For how so ever ye church are provided
for, to
their contente, who are ye smalest number in ye coll-
ony, and doe
so appropriate ye ministrie to them selves,
houlding
this principle, that ye Lord hath not appointed any
ordinary
ministrie for ye conversion of those yt are without,
so yt some of ye poor souls have wth tears complained of this
to me, and I
was taxed for preaching to all in generall.
Though in
truth they have had no ministrie here since they
came, but
such as may be performed by any of you, by their
owne
possition, what soever great pretences they make; but
herin they
equivocate, as in many other things they doe.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 223
But I
exceede ye bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting
thus, untill
I hear further from you, so it be within ye time
limited
me. I rest, &c.,
Remaining yours ever,
JOHN LYFORD, Exille.
Dated Aug: 22. Ano:
1624.
They made a breefe answer to some things
in this
leter, but
referred cheefly to their former. The
effecte
was to this
purpose: That if God in his providence
had not
brought these things to their hands (both ye
former &
later), they might have been thus abused,
tradused,
and calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and
never have
knowne by whom, nor for what. They
desired but
this equall favoure, that they would be
pleased to
hear their just defence, as well as his accu-
sations, and
waigh them in ye balance of justice &
reason, and
then censure as they pleased. They had
write
breefly to ye heads of things before, and should
be ready to
give further [127] answer as any occasion
should
require; craving leave to adde a word or tow
to this
last.
1.
And first, they desire to examene what filth
that was yt
he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne
in his face,
and might cause blushing & perpetuall
silence;
some great mater sure! But if it be
looked
into, it
amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscre-
tion, and
thats all; and yet he licks of yt too with
this excuse,
that he was stired up therunto by behold-
224 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ing ye
indirecte course here. But this point
never
troubled him
here, it was counted a light matter both
by him &
his freinds, and put of with this, -- that
any man
might doe so, to advise his private freinds
to come over
for their best advantage. All his sor-
row &
tears here was for ye wrong & hurt he had done
us, and not
at all for this he pretends to be done
to you: it was not counted so much as indiscretion.
2.
Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he
thinks he
may lay load of us here. And first com-
plains that
we have changed his wages ten times.
We never
agreed with him for any wages, nor made
any bargen
at all with him, neither know of any
that you
have made. You sent him over to teach
amongst us,
and desired he might be kindly used;
and more
then this we know not. That he hath
beene kindly
used, (and farr beter then he deserves
from us,) he
shall be judged first of his owne
mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing
of his, that
was sent you amongst his leters, which
he cals a
generall relation, in which, though he doth
otherwise
traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears
us. In ye latter end therof he hath
these words.
I speak not
this (saith he)
out of any ill affection to
the men, for
I have found them very kind & loving
to me.
You may ther see these to be his owne
words under
his owne hand. 21y. It will appere by
this that he
hath ever had a larger alowance of food
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 225
out of ye
store for him and his then any, and
clothing as
his neede hath required; a dwelling in
one of our
best houses, and a man wholy at his
owne comand
to tend his private affairs. What
cause he
hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and
what he
means in his speech we know not, except
he aluds to
yt of Jaacob & Laban. If
you have
promised him
more or other wise, you may doe it
when you
please.
3.
Then with an impudente face he would have
you take
notice, that (in his leters) he hath write
nothing but
what is certainly true, yea, and he could
make it so
appeare plainly to any indifferente men.
This indeed
doth astonish us and causeth us to
tremble at ye
deceitfullnes [128] and desperate wick-
ednes of
mans harte. This is to devoure holy
things,
and after
voues to enquire. It is admirable that
after such
publick confession, and acknowledgmente
in court, in
church, before God, & men, with such
sadd
expressions as he used, and with such melting
into teares,
that after all this he shoud now justifie
all
againe. If things had bene done in a
corner, it
had been
some thinge to deney them; but being done
in ye
open view of ye cuntrie & before all men, it is
more then
strange now to avow to make them plainly
appear to
any indifferente men; and here wher things
were done,
and all ye evidence that could be were
presente,
and yet could make nothing appear, but even
226 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
his freinds
condemnd him & gave their voyce to his
censure, so
grose were they; we leave your selves
to judge
herein. Yet least this man should
triumph
in his
wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him,
when, or
wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to
our charg,
though we have done it sufficiently allready.
4.
Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for
some poore
souls here who are destiute of ye means
of
salvation, &c. But all his soothing
is but that
you would
use means, that his censure might be
released
that he might here continue; and under
you (at
least) be sheltered, till he sees what his
freinds (on
whom he depends) can bring about &
effecte. For such men pretend much for poor souls,
but they
will looke to their wages & conditions; if
that be not
to their content, let poor souls doe what
they will,
they will shift for them selves, and seek
poore souls
some wher els among richer bodys.
Next he fals upon ye church,
that indeed is ye
burthensome
stone that troubls him. First, he saith
they hold
this principle, that the Lord hath not
apointed any
ordinarie ministrie for ye converssion
of those
without. The church needs not be ashamed
of
what she
houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her
warrente;
that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to
their
flocks, Acts 20.28. and are not to be extrava-
gants, to
goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs
to shift for
them selves, or to be devoured of wolves.
1624.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 227
But he
perverts ye truth in this as in other things,
for ye
Lord" hath as well appoynted them to con-
verte, as to
feede in their several I charges; and he
wrongs ye
church to say other wise. Againe, he
saith he was
taxed for preaching to all in gen-
erall. This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler
knows that
every Lords day some are appointed to
visite
suspected places, & if any be found idling and
neglecte ye
hearing of ye word, (through idlnes or
profanes,)
they are punished for ye same.
Now to
procure all
to come to hear, and then to blame him
for
preaching to all, were to play ye mad men.
[129]
6. Next (he saith) they have had
no min-
istrie since
they came, what soever pretences they
make,
&c. We answer, the more is our
wrong, that
our pastor
is kept from us by these mens means,
and then
reproach us for it when they have done.
Yet have we
not been wholy distitute of ye means of
salvation,
as this man would make ye world beleeve;
for our reved
Elder hath laboured diligently in dis-
pencing the
word of God unto us, before he came;
and since
hath taken equalle pains with him selfe
in preaching
the same; and, be it spoaken without
ostentation,
he is not inferriour to Mr. Lyford ( &
some of his
betters) either in gifts or larning,
though he
would never be perswaded to take higher
office upon
him. Nor ever was more pretended in
this
matter. For equivocating, he may take it
to
228 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
him selfe;
what ye church houlds, they have mani-
fested to ye
world, in all plaines, both in open
confession,
doctrine, & writing.
This was ye sume of ther
answer, and hear I will
let them
rest for ye presente. I have
bene longer
in these
things then I desired, and yet not so long
as the
things might require, for I pass many things
in silence,
and many more deserve to have been
more largly
handled. But I will returne to other
things, and
leave ye rest to its place.
The pinass that was left sunck & cast
away near
Damarins-cove,
as is before showed, some of ye fish-
ing maisters
said it was a pity so fine a vessell
should be
lost, and sent them word that, if they
would be at
ye cost, they would both directe them
how to waygh
her, and let them have their car-
penters to
mend her. They thanked them, & sente
men aboute
it, and beaver to defray ye charge,
(without
which all had been in vaine). So they
gott
coopers to
trime, I know not how many tune of
cask, and
being made tight and fastened to her at
low-water,
they boyed her up; and then with many
hands hald
her on shore in a conveniente place wher
she might be
wrought upon; and then hired sundrie
carpenters
to work upon her, and other to saw
planks, and
at last fitted her & got her home.
But
she cost a
great deale of money, in thus recovering
her, and
buying riging & seails for her, both now
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 229
and when
before she lost her mast; so as she proved
a chargable
vessell to ye poor plantation.
So they
sent her
home, and with her Lyford sent his last
letter, in
great secrecie; but ye party intrusted with
it gave it ye
Govr.
The
winter was passed over in ther ordinarie
affairs,
without any spetiall mater worth noteing;
saveing that
many who before stood something of
from ye
church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous deal-
ing, and
malignitie against ye church, now tendered
them selves
to ye church, and were joyned to ye
same;
proffessing that it was not out of ye dislike
of any thing
that they had stood of so long, but a
desire to
fitte them selves beter for such a state, and
they saw now
ye Lord cald for their help.
[130]
And so these
troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte
in sundrie
hear, then these adversaries hoped for.
Which was
looked at as a great worke of God, to
draw on men
by unlickly means; and that in reason
which might
rather have set them further of. And
thus I shall
end tills year.
Anno Dom: 1625.
AT ye spring of ye
year, about ye time of their
Election
Court, Oldam came againe amongst them; and
though it
was a part of his censure for his former
mutinye and
miscariage, not to returne without leave
first
obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed
230 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
without any
leave at all, being also set on & hardened
by ye
ill counsell of others. And not only so,
but
suffered his
unruly passion to rune beyond ye limits
of all
reason and modestie; in so much that some
strangers
which came with him were ashamed of his
outrage, and
rebuked him; but all reprofes were but
as oyle to ye
fire, and made ye flame of his coller
greater. He caled them all to nought, in this his
mad furie,
and a hundred rebells and traytors, and
I know not
what. But in conclusion they comited
him till he
was tamer, and then apointed a gard of
musketers wch
he was to pass throw, and ever one
was ordered
to give him a thump on ye brich, with
ye
but end of his musket, and then was conveied to
ye
water side, wher a boat was ready to cary him
away. Then they bid him goe & mende his maners.
Whilst this was a doing, Mr.
William Peirce and
Mr.
Winslow came up from ye water side, being come
from
England; but they were so busie with Oldam,
as they
never saw them till they came thus upon
them. They bid them not spare either him or Liford,
for they had
played ye vilans with them.
But that I
may hear
make an end with him, I shall hear once
for all
relate what befell concerning him in ye future,
& yt
breefly. After ye removall of
his familie from
hence, he
fell into some straits, (as some others did,)
and aboute a
year or more afterwards, towards win-
ter, he
intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 231
pleased God
that ye barke that caried him, and many
other
passengers, was in that danger, as they dis-
paired of
life; so as many of them, as they fell to
prayer, so also did they begine to examine their con-
sciences
[131] and confess such sins as did most
burthen
them. And Mr. Ouldame did
make a free
and large
confession of ye wrongs and hurt he had
done to ye
people and church here, in many pertic-
ulers, that
as he had sought their mine, so God had
now mette
with him and might destroy him; yea, he
feared they
all fared ye worce for his sake; he prayed
God to
forgive him, and made vowes that, if ye Lord
spard his
life, he would become otherwise, and ye
like. This I had from some of good credite, yet
living in ye
Bay, and were them selves partners in
the same
dangers on ye shoulds of Cap-Codd, and
heard it
from his owne mouth. It pleased God to
spare their
lives, though they lost their viage; and
in time
after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly
towards
them, and acknowledged ye hand of God to
be with
them, and seemed to have an honourable
respecte of
them; and so farr made his peace with
them, as he
in after time had libertie to goe and
come, and
converse with them, at his pleasure. He
went after
this to Virginia, and had ther a great sick-
nes but
recovered and came back againe to his familie
in ye
Bay, and ther lived till some store of people
came
over. At lenght going a trading in a
smale ves-
232 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
sell among ye
Indians, and being weakly mand, upon
some quarell
they knockt him on ye head with a
hatched, so
as he fell downe dead, & never spake
word
more. 2. litle boys that were his
kinsmen were
saved, but
had some hurte, and ye vessell was strangly
recovered
from ye Indeans by another that belonged
to ye
Bay of Massachusets; and this his death was
one ground
of the Pequente warr which followed.
I am now come to Mr.
Lyford. His time being
now expired,
his censure was to take place. He was
so farre
from answering their hopes by amendmente
in ye
time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before
noted. But first behold ye hand of God
conceiring
him, wherin
that of ye Psalmist is verified. Psa:
7. 15. He
hath made a pitte, & digged it, and is
fallen into
the pitte he made. He thought to bring
shame and
disgrace upon them, but in stead therof
opens his
owne to all ye world. For
when he was
delte with
all aboute his second letter, his wife was
so affected
with his doings, as she could no longer
conceaill
her greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens
ye
same to one of their deacons & some other of her
freinds,
& after uttered ye same to Mr. Peirce upon
his
arrivall. Which was to this purpose,
that she
feared some
great judgment of God would fall upon
them, and
upon her, for her husbands cause; now
that they
were to remove, she feared to fall into ye
Indeans
hands, and to be defiled by them, as he had
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 233
defiled
other women; or some shuch like [132] judg-
mente, as
God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12.11.
I will raise
up evill against ye, and will take thy
wives &
give them, &c. And upon it showed
how
he had
wronged her, as first he had a bastard by
another
before they were maried, & she having some
inkling of
some ill cariage that way, when he was
a suitor to
her, she tould him what she heard,
& deneyd
him; but she not certainly knowing ye
thing, other
wise then by some darke & secrete mut-
erings, he
not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie
her tooke a
solemne oath ther was no shuch matter.
Upon which
she gave consente, and maried with him;
but
afterwards it was found true, and ye bastard
brought home
to them. She then charged him with
his oath,
but he prayed pardon, and said he should
els not have
had her. And yet afterwards she could
keep no
maids but he would be medling with them,
and some
time she hath taken him in ye manner, as
they lay at
their beds feete, with shuch other cir-
cumstances
as I am ashamed to relate. The woman
being a
grave matron, & of good cariage all ye while
she was
hear, and spoake these things out of ye sor-
row of her
harte, sparingly, and yet wth some further
intimations. And that which did most seeme to
affecte her
(as they conceived) was, to see his for-
mer cariage
in his repentance, not only hear with
ye
church, but formerly about these things; sheding
234 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
tears, and
using great & sade expressions, and yet
eftsone fall
into the like things.
Another thing of ye same nature
did strangly con-
curr
herewith. When Mr. Winslow
& Mr. Peirce were
come over, Mr.
Winslow informed them that they had
had ye
like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England,
as they had
with him selfe and his freinds hear,
aboute his
letters & accusations in them. And
many
meetings and
much clamour was made by his freinds
theraboute,
crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to
be so
esteemed & taxed they held a great skandale,
and threated
to prosecute law against them for it.
But things
being referred to a further meeting of most
of ye
adventurers, to heare ye case and decide ye mat-
ters, they
agreed to chose 2. eminente men for mod-
erators in
the bussines. Lyfords faction chose Mr.
White, a counselor
at law, the other parte chose Reved.
Mr.
Hooker, ye minister, and many freinds on both
sids were
brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie.
In ye
mean time, God in his providence had detected
Lyford's
evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst
ye
company, who made it knowne to Mr. Winslow, and
directed him
to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would
testifie ye
same (if caled therunto) upon their oath.
The thing
was this; he being gott into Ireland, had
wound him
selfe into ye esteeme of sundry godly &
zelous
profess ours in those parts, who, having been
burthened
with ye ceremonies in England, found ther
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 235
some more
liberty to their consciences; amongst whom
were these
2. men, which gave [133] this evidence.
Amongst ye
rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge
man that
intended to marie, and cast his affection on
a maide
which lived their aboute; but desiring to chose
in ye
Lord, and preferred ye fear of God before all
other
things, before he suffered his affection to rune too
farr, he
resolved to take Mr. Lyfords advise and judg-
mente of
this maide, (being ye minister of ye place,)
and so broak
ye matter unto him; & he promised
faithfully
to informe him, but would first take better
knowledg of
her, and have private conferance with her;
and so had
sundry times; and in conclusion comended
her highly
to ye yong man as a very fitte wife for him.
So they were
maried togeather; but some time after
mariage the
woman was much troubled in mind, and
afflicted in
conscience, and did nothing but weepe and
mourne, and
long it was before her husband could get
of her what
was ye cause. But at length
she dis-
covered ye
thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for
Lyford had
overcome her, and defiled her body before
marriage,
after he had comended him unto her for
a husband,
and she resolved to have him, when he
came to her
in that private way. The circumstances
I forbear,
for they would offend chast ears to hear
them
related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her,
yet he
indeaoured to hinder conception.) These
things
being thus
discovered, ye womas husband tooke some
236 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
godly
freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this
evill. At length he confest it, with a great deale
of
seeming
sorrow & repentance, but was forct to leave
Irland upon
it, partly for shame, and partly for fear
of further
punishmente, for ye godly withdrew them
selves from
him upon it; and so coming into England
unhapily he
was light upon & sente hither.
But in this great assembly, and before ye
moderators,
in handling
ye former matters aboute ye letters, upon
provocation,
in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords
defenders, Mr.
Winslow let fall these words, That he
had delte
knavishly; upon which on of his freinds
tooke hold,
& caled for witneses, that he cald a minister
of ye
gospell knave, and would prosecute law upon it,
which made a
great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte)
this matter
broke out, and the witnes were prodused,
whose
persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine,
and ye
facte so foule, yet delivered in such modest
& chast
terms, and with such circumstances, as strucke
all his
freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; inso-
much as ye
moderators with great gravitie declared
that ye
former matters gave them cause enough to
refuse him
& to deal with him as they had done, but
these made
him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any
more, what
repentance soever he should pretend; with
much more to
like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to
rest
quiete. Thus was this matter ended.
From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in ye
Bay of
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 237
ye
Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with
him, wher
Oldom allso lived. From thence he
removed
to Namkeke,
since called Salem; but after ther came
some people
over, wheather for hope of greater profite,
or what ends
els I know not, he left his freinds that
followed
him, and went from thence to Virginia, wher
he shortly
after dyed, and so I leave him to ye Lord.
His wife
afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and
thus much of
this matter.
[134] This storme being thus blowne over,
yet sun-
drie sad
effects followed ye same; for the Company
of Adventurers
broake in peeces here upon, and ye
greatest
parte wholy deserted ye colony in regarde of
any further
supply, or care of their subsistance.
And
not only so,
but some of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds,
and their
adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on
their owne
accounte, and getting ye starte of ye ships
that came to
the plantation, they tooke away their
stage, &
other necessary provisions that they had made
for fishing
at Cap-Anne ye year before, at their great
charge, and
would not restore ye same, excepte they
would fight
for it. But ye Govr sent some
of ye planters
to help ye
fisher men to build a new one, and so let
them keepe
it. This shipe also brought them some
small
supply, of little value; but they made so pore
a bussines
of their fishing, (neither could these men
make them
any returne for ye supply sente,) so as, after
this year,
they never looked more after them.
238 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Also by this ship, they, some of them,
sent (in ye
name of ye
rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of
from ye
plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine con-
ditions, of
reuniting againe. The which because they
are longe
& tedious, and most of them aboute the former
things
already touched, I shall omite them; only give-
ing an
instance in one, or tow. 1. reason, they
charged
them for
dissembling with his majestie in their petition,
and with ye
adventurers about ye French discipline, &c.
2ly,
for receiving* a man ! into their church, that in
his
conffession renownced all, universaIl, nationall, and
diocessan
churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears,
that though
they deney the name of Browists, yet they
practiss ye
same, &c. And therfore they should
sine
against God
in building up such a people.
Then they adde: Our dislikes thus laid downe, that
we may goe
on in trade wth better contente & credite,
our desires
are as followeth. First, that as we are
partners in
trade, so we may be in Govrt ther, as the
patente doth
give us power, &c.
2.
That the French discipline may be practised in the
plantation,
as well in the circumstances theirof, as in ye
substance;
wherby ye scandallous name of ye Brownists,
and other
church differences, may be taken away.
3.
Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his company may
not goe over
to our plantation, unless he and they
*Receive in the manuscript.
! This was Lyford himselfe.
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 239
will
reconcile themselves to our church by a recantation
under their
hands, &c.
Their answer in part to these things was
then as
foloweth.
Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with
his majestie &
ye adventurers aboute ye
French discipline, you doe us wrong,
for we both
hold & practice ye discipline of ye French & other
reformed
churches, (as they have published ye same
in ye
Harmony of
Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte
&
substance. But wheras you would tye us
to the French
discipline
in every circumstance, you derogate from ye
libertie
we have in
Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paule would
have
none to
follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ,
much less
ought any Christian or church in ye
world to doe
it. The French may erre, we may erre, and other
churches
may erre,
and doubtless doe in many circumstances.
That
honour
therfore belongs only to ye infallible word of God,
and pure
Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and fol-
lowed as ye only rule and pattern for direction herin to all
churches
& Christians. And it is too great
arrogancie for
any man, or
church [135] to thinke yt he or they have so
sounded ye word of God to ye
bottome, as precislie to sett
downe ye churches discipline, without error in substance or
circumstance,
as yt no other without blame may digress or
differ in
any thing from ye same.
And it is not difficulte to
shew, yt the reformed churches differ in many circumstances :
amongest
them selves.
The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and
so leave to
prosecute
these men or their doings any further, but
shall returne
to ye rest of their freinds of ye company,
wch
stuck to them. And I shall first inserte
some part
240 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
of their
letters as followeth; for I thinke it best to ren-
der their
minds in ther owne words.
To our
loving freinds, &c.
Though the thing we feared be come upon
us, and ye evill
we strove
against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett
you, nor our
freindship and fellowship which togeather we
have had
some years; wherin though our expressions have
been small,
yet our harty affections towards you (unknown
by face)
have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea,
to our owne
selves. And though this your freind Mr. Wins-
low can tell
you ye state of things hear, yet least we should
seeme to
neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence
of God, we
are so nearly united, we have thought good once
more to
write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen,
and ye resons of it; as also our purposes & desirs toward you
for
hereafter.
The former course for the generalitie here
is wholy dis-
solved from
what it was; and wheras you & we were for-
merly
sharers and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way
is now no
more, but you and we are left to bethinke our
sellves what
course to take in ye future, that your lives &
our monies
be not lost.
The reasons and causes of this allteration
have been these.
First and
mainly, ye many losses and crosses at sea, and
abuses of
sea-men, wch have caused us to rune into so much
charge, debts,
& ingagements, as our estats & means were
not able to
goe on without impoverishing our selves, except
our estats
had been greater, and our associats cloven beter
unto
us. 2ly, as
here hath been a faction and siding amongst
us now more
then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach
and
sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full
dissertion
and forsaking of you, without any intente or pur-
pose of
medling more with you. And though we are per-
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 241
swaded the
maine cause of this their doing is wante of
money, (for
neede wherof men use to make many excuses,)
yet other
things are pretended, as that you are Brownists,
&c. Now what use you or we ought to make of these
things,
it remaineth
to be considered, for we know ye hand
of God to
be in all
these things, and no doubt he would admonish some
thing
therby, and to looke what is amise. And
allthough it
be now too
late for us or you to prevent & stay these things,
yet it is*
not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and con-
science in
bearing them, and in caring our selves in & under
them for ye time to come.
[136] And as we our selves stand ready to
imbrace all
occasions
that may tend to ye furthrance of so hopefull a
work, rather
admiring of what is, then grudging for what is
not; so it
must rest in you to make all good againe.
And
if in
nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie
&
conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of your
innocencie,
amids your crosses & afflictions.
And surly if
you upon
this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe
on fairly,
as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall
need no
other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when
your
righteousnes is revealled as ye
light, they shall cover
their faces
with shame, that causlesly have sought your over-
throw.
Now we thinke it but reason, that all such
things as ther
apertaine to
the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and
rather
increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled
away for any
private ends or intents whatsoever. And
after
your
necessities are served, you gather togeather such comodi-
ties as ye cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts &
clear
ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400li. And
we hope you
will doe your best to free our ingagements, &c.
Let us all
indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see
*Is it not in the MS.
242 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
what time
will bring forth, and how God in his providence
will worke
for us. We still are perswaded you are ye people
that must
make a plantation in those remoate places when all
others faile
and returne. And your experience of Gods
provi-
dence and
preservation of you is such as we hope your harts
will not
faile you, though your freinds should forsake you
(which we
our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long
as your
honestie so well appereth). Yet surly
help would
arise from
some other place whilst you waite on God, with
uprightnes,
though we should leave you allso.
And lastly be you all intreated to walke
circumspectly, and
carry your
selves so uprightly in all your ways, as yt no
man
may make
just exceptions against you. And more
espetially
that ye favour and countenance of God may be so toward you,
as yt you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribu-
lations,
that you may say with David, Though my father &
mother
should forsake me, yet ye Lord would take me up.
We have sent you bear some catle, cloath,
hose, shoes,
leather,
&c., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood
us in hand
to doe; we have comitted them to ye
charge
&
custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, as our factours,
at whose
discretion they are to be sould, and comodities to
be taken for
them, as is fitting. And by how much ye more
they will be
chargable unto you, the better* they had need to
be
husbanded, &c. Goe on, good freinds,
comfortably, pluck
up your
spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your
difficulties,
that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of
men, yet ye work may goe on you are aboute, and not be
neglected. Which is so much for ye glorie of God, and the
furthrance
of our countrie-men, as that a man may with
more
comforte [137] spend his life in it, then live ye life
of
Mathusala, in wasting ye plentie of a tilled land, or eating
ye fruite of a growne tree.
Thus with harry salutations to
*Bet- in MS.
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 243
you all, and
harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our
leaves, this
18. of Des: 1624.
Your assured freinds to our powers,
J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. &c.
By this leter it appears in what state ye
affairs of ye
plantation
stood at this time. These goods they
bought,
but they
were at deare rates, for they put 40. in ye hun-
dred upon
them, for profite and adventure, outward
bound; and
because of ye vnture of ye paiment home-
ward, they
would have 30.* in ye 100. more, which was
in all 70. pr.
cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some,
and too
great an oppression upon ye poore people, as their
case
stood. The catle were ye best
goods, for ye other
being
ventured ware, were neither at ye best (some of
them) nor at
ye best prises. Sundrie of
their freinds
disliked
these high rates, but coming from many hands,
they could
not help it.
They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on
their owne
acounte; the
one was ye pinass that was cast away ye last
year hear in
ye cuntrie, and recovered by ye planters, (as
was before
related,) who, after she came home, was at-
tached by
one of ye company for his perticuler debte, and
now sent
againe on this accounte. The other was a
great
ship, who
was well fitted with an experienced mr. & com-
pany of
fisher-men, to make a viage, & to goe to Bilbo
or
Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her order was
*If
I mistake not, it was not much less. [30li in the manuscript.]
244 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to load with
cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for
England, yt
should be received for ye goods sould to ye
plantation. This bigger ship made a great viage of good
drie fish,
the which, if they had gone to a market wth,
would have
yeelded them (as such fish was sould yt
season) 1800li.
which would have enriched them. But
because ther
was a bruite of warr with France, ye mr.
neglected
(through timerousnes) his order, and put first
into
Plimoth, & after into Portsmouth, and so lost their
opportunitie,
and came by the loss. The lesser ship
had
as ill
success, though she was as hopfull as ye other for
ye
marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly
cor-fish
taken upon ye banke, as full as she could swime;
and besids
she had some 800li. weaight of beaver, besids
other furrs
to a good value from ye plantation.
The mr.
seeing so
much goods come, put it abord ye biger ship,
for more
saftie; but Mr. Winslow (their factor in this
busines) was
bound in a bond of 500li. to send it to Lon-
don in ye
smale ship; ther was some contending between
ye
mr. & him aboute it. But
he tould ye mr. he would
follow his
order aboute it; if he would take it out after-
ward, it
should be at his perill. So it went in ye
smale
ship, and he
sent bills of lading in both. The mr.
was
so carfull
being both so well laden, as they went joyfully
home
togeather, for he towed ye leser ship at his sterne
all ye
way over bound, and they had such fayr weather
as he never
cast her of till they were shott deep in to
ye
English Chanell, almost within ye sight of Plimoth;
1625.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 245
and yet ther
she was unhaply taken by a Turks man
of warr, and
carried into Saly, wher ye mr. and men
were made
slaves, and many of ye beaver skins were
sould for 4d.
a peece. [138] T hus was all their hops
dasht, and
the joyfull news they ment to cary home
turned to
heavie tidings. Some thought this a hand
of
God for
their too great exaction of ye poore plantation,
but Gods
judgments are unseerchabIe, neither dare I be
bould
therwith; but however it shows us ye uncertainty
of all
humane things, and what litle cause ther is of
joying in
them or trusting to them.
In ye bigger of these ships
was sent over Captine Stan-
dish from ye
plantation, wth leters & instructions, both
to their
freinds of ye company which still clave to them,
and also to
ye Honourable Counsell of New-England.
To ye
company to desire yt seeing that they ment only
to let them
have goods upon sale, that they might have
them upon
easier termes, for they should never be able
to bear such
high interest, or to allow so much per cent;
also that
what they would doe in yt way that it might
be disburst
in money, or such goods as were fitte and
needful1 for
them, & bought at best hand; and to
aquainte
them with ye contents of his leters to ye Counsell
above said,
which was to this purpose, to desire their
favour &
help; that such of ye adventurers as had thus
forsaken
& deserted them, might be brought to some
order, and
not to keepe them bound, and them selves be
free. But that they might either stand to ther
former
246 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
covenants,
or ells come to some faire end, by dividente,
or
composition. But he came in a very bad
time, for
ye
Stat was full of trouble, and ye plague very hote in
London, so
as no bussines could be done; yet he spake
with some of
ye Honourd Counsell, who promised all
helpfullnes
to ye plantation which lay in them.
And
sundrie of
their freinds ye adventurers were so weakened
with their
losses ye last year, by ye losse of ye ship
taken by the
Turks, and ye loss of their fish, wch by rea-
son of ye
warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth,
and so came
to litle; so as, though their wills were
good, yet
theyr power was litle. And
ther dyed such
multituds
weekly of ye plague, as all trade was dead,
and litle
money stirring. Yet with much adooe he
tooke up 150li.
(& spent a good deal of it in expences)
at 50. per
cent. which he bestowed in trading goods
& such
other most needfull comodities as he knew
requiset for
their use; and so returned passenger in
a fhishing ship,
haveing prepared a good way for ye
compossition
that was afterward made.
In ye mean time it pleased ye
Lord to give ye plan-
tation peace
and health and contented minds, and so to
blese ther
labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and
some to
spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever
had they any
supply of foode but what they first brought
with
them. After harvest this year, they
sende out
a boats load
of corne 40. or 50. leagues to ye east-
ward, up a
river called Kenibeck; it being one of those
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 247
2. shalops
which their carpenter had built them ye year
before; for
bigger vessell had they none. They had
laid a litle
deck over her midships to keepe ye corne
drie, but ye
men were faine to stand it out all weathers
without
shelter; and yt time [139] of ye year begins to
growe
tempestious. But God preserved them, and
gave
them good
success, for they brought home 700li, of beaver,
besids some
other furrs, having litle or nothing els but
this corne,
which them selves had raised out of ye earth.
This viage
was made by Mr. Winslow & some of ye old
standards,*
for seamen they had none.
Anno Dom: 1626.
ABOUT ye begining of Aprill
they heard of Captain
Standish his
arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home,
and ye
things he had brought. Welcome he was,
but
ye
news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not
only in
regarde of the former losses, before related,
which their
freinds had suffered, by which some in a
maner were
undon, others much disabled from doing
any further
help, and some dead of ye plague, but also
yt
Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck
them with
much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause.
His and
their adversaries had been long & continually
plotting how
they might hinder his coming hither, but
ye
Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning
*First written as in the text, then altered to standerss,
248 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
whose death
& the maner therof, it will appere by
these few
lines write to ye Govr. & Mr. Brewster.
Loving & kind frinds, &c. I know not whether this will
ever come to
your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have
done; yet in
regard of ye Lords dealing with us hear, I have
had a great
desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to
bear a parte
with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows, as we doe
wth you. These are therfore to
give you to understand, that
it hath
pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears,
your and our
loving & faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reved
brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days. He
begane to be
sick on Saturday in ye morning, yet ye next day
(being the
Lords day) he taught us twise. And so ye weeke
after grew
weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt
no paine but
weaknes all ye time of his sicknes. The phisick
he tooke
wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew
weaker every
day, feeling litle or no paine, aud sensible to
ye very last. He fell sicke ye 22. of Feb: and departed this
life ye 1. of March. He had a
continuall inwarde ague, but
free from
infection, so yt all his freinds came freely to him.
And if
either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his
life, he had
not gone hence. But he having faithfully
finished
his course,
and performed his worke which ye Lord
had
appointed
him here to doe, he now resteth with ye Lord
in eternall
hapines. We wanting him & all Church
Govrs,
yet we still
(by ye mercie of God) continue & hould close
togeather,
in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe,
though we be
very weake. Wishing (if such were ye will of
God) that
you & we were againe united togeather in one,
either ther
or here; but seeing it is ye will
of ye Lord thus
to dispose
of things, we must labour wth
patience to rest
contented,
till it please ye Lord otherwise to dispose. For
[140] news,
is here not much; only as in England we have
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 249
lost our old
king James, who departed this life aboute a
month agoe,
so here they have lost ye old prince, Grave
Mourise; who
both departed this life since my brother Robin-
son. And as in England we have a new-king Charls,
of
whom ther is
great hope, so hear they have made prince
Hendrick
Generall in his brothers place, &c.
Thus with my
love
remembred, I take leave & rest,
Your assured loving freind,
ROGER WHITE.
Leyden,
Aprill 28.
Ano: 1625.
Thus these too great princes, and their
pastor, left this
world near
aboute one time. Death maks no
difference.
He further
brought them notice of ye death of their
anciente
freind, Mr. Cush-man, whom ye Lord tooke
away allso
this year, & aboute this time, who was as their
right hand
with their freinds ye adventurers, and for
diverce
years had done & agitated all their bussines with
them to ther
great advantage. He had write to ye
Gover
but some few
months before, of ye sore sicknes of Mr.
James
Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to ye plantation,
and lay at ye
pointe of death, declaring his love & help-
fullnes, in
all things; and much bemoned the loss they
should have
of him, if God should now take him away,
as being ye
stay & life of ye whole bussines. As allso his
owne purposs
this year to come over, and spend his days
with
them. But he that thus write of anothers
sicknes,
knew not yt
his owne death was so near. It shows
allso
that a mas
ways are not in his owne power, but in his
250 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
hands who
hath ye issues of life and death.
Man may
purpose, but
God doth dispose.
Their other freinds from Leyden writ many
leters to
them full of
sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though
their wills
were good to come to them, yet they saw no
probabilitie
of means, how it might be effected, but con-
cluded (as
it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and
many, being
aged, begane to drop away by death.
All which things (before related) being
well weighed
and laied
togither, it could not but strick them with great
perplexitie;
and to looke humanly on ye state of things
as they presented
them selves at this time, it is a marvell
it did not
wholy discourage them, and sinck them.
But
they
gathered up their spirits, and ye Lord so helped
them, whose
worke they had in hand, as now when they
were at
lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being
striped (in
a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he
brought
things aboute other wise, in his devine provi-
dence, as
they were not only upheld & sustained, but
their
proceedings both honoured and imitated by others;
as by ye
sequell will more appeare, if ye Lord spare me
life &
time to declare ye same.
Haveing now no fishing busines, or other
things to
intend, but
only their trading & planting, they sett them
selves to
follow the same with ye best industrie they
could. The planters finding their corne, what they
could
spare from
ther necessities, to be a comoditie, (for they
*Note.
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 251
sould it at
6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting
ye
same. And ye Gover
and such as were designed to
manage the
trade, (for it was retained for ye generall
good, [141]
and none were to trade in perticuler,) they
followed it
to the best advantage they could; and want-
ing trading
goods, they understoode that a plantation
which was at
Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants
of Plimoth
was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods
was ther to
be sould; the Gover and Mr. Winslow tooke
a boat and
some hands and went thither. But Mr.
David
Thomson, who
lived at Pascataway, understanding their
purpose,
tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was
some
hinderance to them both; for they, perceiveing their
joynte
desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates;
and not only
so, but would not sell a parcell of their
trading
goods, excepte they sould all. So, lest
they
should
further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy
all, &
devid them equally between them. They
bought
allso a
parcell of goats, which they distributed at home
as they saw
neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them
of ye
people, which gave them good content.
Their
moyety of ye
goods came to above 400li. starling.
Ther
was allso
that spring a French ship cast away at Saca-
fahock, in wch
were many Biscaie ruggs & other comodi-
ties, which
were falen into these mens hands, & some
other fisher
men at Damerins-cove, which were allso ,
bought in
partnership, and made their parte arise to
above 500li. This they made shift to pay for, for ye
most
252 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
part, with ye
beaver & comodities they had gott ye winter
before,
& what they had gathered up yt somer. Mr.
Thomson
having some thing overcharged him selfe, de-
sired they
would take some of his, but they refused
except he
would let them have his French goods only;
and ye
marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take
their bill
for to be paid ye next year.
They were both
willing, so
they became ingaged for them & tooke them.
By which
means they became very well furnished for
trade; and
tooke of therby some other ingagments wch
lay upon
them, as the money taken up by Captaine
Standish,
and ye remains of former debts.
With these
goods, and
their corne after harvest, they gott good store
of trade, so
as they were enabled to pay their ingage-
ments
against ye time, & to get some cloathing for ye
people, and
had some comodities before hand. But now
they begane
to be envied, and others wente and fild ye
Indeans with
corne, and beat downe ye prise, giveing
them twise
as much as they had done, and under traded
them in
other comodities allso.
This year they sent Mr.
Allerton into England, and
gave him
order to make a composition with ye adventur-
ers, upon as
good termes as he could (unto which some
way had ben
made ye year before by Captaine Standish);
but yet
injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they
knew ye
termes, and had well considered of them; but
to drive it
to as good an issew as he could, and referr
ye
conclusion to them. Also they gave him a
comission
1626.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 253
under their
hands & seals to take up some money, pro-
vided it
exeeded not such a sume specified, for which
they engaged
them selves, and gave him order how to
layout ye
same for ye use of ye plantation.
And finding they rane a great hazard to goe
so long
viages in a
smale open boat, espetialy ye winter season,
they begane
to thinke how they might gett a small
pinass; as
for ye reason afforesaid, so also because
others had
raised ye prise with ye lndeans above ye
halfe of
what they had formerly given, so as in such
a boat they
could not [143*] carry a quantity suffi-
cient to
answer their ends. They had no
ship-carpen-
ter amongst
them, neither knew how to get one at
presente;
but they having an ingenious man that was
a house
carpenter, who also had wrought with ye ship
carpenter
(that was dead) when he built their boats,
at their
request he put forth him selfe to make a triall
that way of
his skill; and tooke one of ye bigest of
ther shalops
and sawed her in ye midle, and so lenth-
ened her
some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her
with
timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck
on her; and
so made her a conveniente and wholsome
vessell,
very fitt & comfortable for their use, which
did them
servise 7. years after; and they gott her
finished,
and fitted with sayles & anchors, ye insuing
year. And thus passed ye affairs of this
year.
*Here occurs another error in the paging of
the original; 142 is omitted.
254 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Anno Dom: 1627.
AT ye usuall season of ye
coming of ships Mr. Aller-
ton
returned, and brought some usfull goods with him,
according to
ye order given him. For upon
his com-
mission he
tooke up 200li. which he now gott at 30.
per
cent. The which goods they gott safly
home,
and well
conditioned, which was much to the comfort
&
contente of ye plantation. He
declared unto them,
allso, how,
with much adoe and no small trouble, he
had made a
composition with ye adventurers, by the
help of
sundrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had
allso tooke
much pains ther about. The agreement or
bargen he
had brought a draught of, with a list of ther
names ther
too annexed, drawne by the best counsell
of law they
could get, to make it firme. The heads
wherof I
shall here inserte.
To all Christian people, greeting,
&c. Wheras at a meeting
ye 26. of October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose
names to ye one part of these presents are subscribed in a
schedule
hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in
New-England
in America, were contented and agreed, in con-
sideration
of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred
pounds
sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme folling,) to
sell, and
make sale of all & every ye
stocks, shares, lands,
marchandise,
and chatles, what soever, to ye said
adventurers,
and other
ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid,
any way
accruing, or belonging to ye
generalitie of ye said
adventurers
aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 255
of money, or
marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured
or disbursed
by them, or other wise howsoever; for ye
better
expression
and setting forth of which said agreemente, the
parties to
these presents subscribing, doe for [144] them selves
severally,
and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell,
and
transfere all & every ye said
shares, goods, lands, mar-
chandice,
and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto
Isaack
Alerton, one of ye planters resident at Plimoth affore-
said,
assigned, and sent over as agente for ye rest
of ye
planters
ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid
as ye said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall,
shall by
writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake
in ye premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, ample,
and
beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes,
as ye said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or
performe. All which stocks, shares, lands, &c. to
the said
adven: in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any
way belong-
ing, the
said adven: doe warrant & defend unto the said
Isaack
Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their
heirs and
assignes, by these presents. And
therfore ye said
Isaack
Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant,
promise,
& grant too & with ye
adven: whose names are here
unto
subscribed, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause
to be payed,
unto ye said adven: or 5. of them which were, at
yt meeting afforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. John Pocock,
John
Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James
Sherley, marchants, their heirs, &c. too and
for ye use of ye
generallitie
of them, the sume of 1800li. of lawfull money
of England,
at ye place appoynted for ye receipts of money
on the west
side of ye Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li.
yearly, and
every year, on ye feast of St. Migchell, the first
paiment to
be made Ano: 1628. &c. Allso ye said
Isaack is
to indeavor
to procure & obtaine from ye
planters of N. P.
aforesaid,
securitie, by severall obligations, or writings oblig-
256 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
atory, to
make paiment of ye said sume of 1800li. in forme
afforsaid,
according to ye true meaning of these presents. In
testimonie
wherof to this part of these presents remaining with
ye said Isaack Allerton, ye said
subscribing adven: have sett
to their
names,* &c. And to ye other part remaining with
ye said adven: the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his
name, ye 15. Novbr. Ano: 1626. in ye 2. year of his Majesties
raigne.
*Below are
the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper, taken
from
Bradford's Letter-Book, 1 Mass. Hist. ColI., III. 48; being forty-two in
number. The names of six of these persons are found
subsequently among
the members
of the Massachusetts Company, viz. John White, John Pocock,
Thomas
Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and Thomas Andrews. Mr.
Haven, who
edited the Records of the Massachusetts Company, is of opinion
that the
first person on the list is the celebrated clergyman of Dorchester, the
reputed
anthor of the Planter's Plea. Emnu.
Alltham is probably the same
person named
in the Council Records, under date January 21, 1622-3 : "Emanuel
Altum to
command the Pinnace built for Mr. Peirce's Plantation." Smith
speaks of
"Captaine Altom" as commanding this vessell, but Morton says
the
name of the
master of the Little James was Mr. Bridges, who it appears was
drowned at
Damariscove, in March, 1624. See ColI.
of the Amer. Antiq. Soc.,
III. 26, 62,
Preface; Felt's MS. Memoranda from the Council Records; Smith's
Generall
Historie, p. 239; Morton's Memorial, p. 48.
John White, Samuel
Sharpe, Thomas Hudson,
John Pocock, Robert
Holland, Thomas Andrews,
Robert Kean, James
Sherley, Thomas Ward,
Edward Bass, Thomas
Mott, Fria. Newbald,
William Hobson, Thomas
Fletcher, Thomas Heath,
William Penington, Timothy
Hatherly, Joseph Tilden,
William Quarles, Thomas
Brewer, William Perrin,
Daniel Poynton, John
Thorned, Eliza Knight,
Richard Andrews, Myles
Knowles, Thomas Coventry,
Newman Rookes, William
Collier, Robert Allden,
Henry Browning, John
Revell, Lawrence Anthony,
Richard Wright, Peter
Gudburn, John Knight,
John Ling, Emnu.
Alltham, Matthew Thornhill,
Thomas Goffe, John
Beanchamp, Thomas Millsop.
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 257
This agreemente was very well liked of,
& approved
by all ye
plantation, and consented unto; though they
knew not
well how to raise ye payment, and discharge
their other
ingagements, and supply the yearly wants
of ye
plantation, seeing they were forced for their
necessities
to take up money or goods at so high in-
trests. Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of ye
cheefe of ye
place became joyntly bound for ye pai-
mente of
this 1800li. (in ye behalfe of ye rest) at ye
severall
days. In which they rane a great
adventure,
as their
present state stood, having many other heavie
burthens
allready upon them, and all things in an un-
certaine
condition amongst them. So ye
next returne
it was
absolutly confirmed on both sids, and ye bargen
fairly
ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put
into better
forme, by ye advice of ye learnedest counsell
they could
gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on
ye
whole for none paimente at any of ye days, it rane
thus: to forfite 30s. a weeke if they
missed ye time;
and was
concluded under their hands & seals, as may
be seen at
large by ye deed it selfe. I
[145] Now though they had some unto warde
per-
sons mixed
amongst them from the first, which came
out of
England, and more afterwards by some of ye
adventurers,
as freindship or other affections led them,
-- though
sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and
some to
other places, -- yet diverse were still mingled
amongst
them, about whom ye Gover & counsell with
258 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
other of
their cheefe freinds had serious consideration,
how to setle
things in regard of this new bargen or
purchas
made, in respecte of ye distribution of things
both for ye
presente and future. For ye
present, ex-
cepte peace
and union were preserved, they should be
able to doe
nothing, but indanger to over throw all,
now that
other tyes & bonds were taken away.
Ther-
fore they
resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all
amongst
them, that were either heads of families, or
single yonge
men, that were of abillity, and free, (and
able to
governe them selvs with meete descretion, and
their
affairs, so as to be helpfull in ye comone-welth,)
into this
partnership or purchass. First, yey
consid-
ered that
they had need of men & strength both for
defence and
carrying on of bussinesses. 2ly,
most of
them had
borne ther parts in former miseries & wants
with them,
and therfore (in some sort) but equall to
partake in a
better condition, if ye Lord be pleased to
give
it. But cheefly they saw not how peace
would
be preserved
without so doing, but danger & great dis-
turbance
might grow to their great hurte & prejudice
other
wise. Yet they resolved to keep such a
mean in
distribution
of lands, and other courses, as should not
hinder their
growth in others coming to them.
So they caled ye company
togeather, and conferred
with them,
and came to this conclusion, that ye trade
should be
managed as before, to help to pay the debts;
and all such
persons as were above named should be
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 259
reputed and
inrouled for purchasers; single free men
to have a
single share, and every father of a familie to
be alowed to
purchass so many shares as he had per-
sons in his
family; that is to say, one for him selfe,
and one for
his wife, and for every child that he had
living with
him, one. As for servants, they had
none,
but what
either their maisters should give them out
of theirs,
or their deservings should obtaine from ye com-
pany
afterwards. Thus all were to be cast
into single
shares
according to the order abovesaid; and so every
one was to
pay his part according to his proportion
towards ye
purchass, & all other debts, what ye profite
of ye
trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for
a single
share, a maister of a famalie for so many as
he had. This gave all good contente. And first ac-
cordingly
the few catle which they had were devided,
which arose
to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons
or shars,
& 2. goats to ye same, which were first
equalised
for age & goodnes, and then lotted for;
single
persons consorting with others, as they thought
good, &
smaler familys likwise; and swine though
more [146] in
number, yet by ye same rule.
Then
they agreed
that every person or share should have
20. acres of
land devided unto them, besids ye single
acres they
had allready; and they appoynted were to
begin first
on ye one side of ye towne, & how farr to
goe; and
then on ye other side in like maner; and
so to devid
it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by
260 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
name to doe
it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to pro-
ceed by; as
that they should only layout settable or
tillable land,
at least such of it as should butt on ye
water side,
(as ye most they were to layout did,) and
pass by ye
rest as refuse and comune; and what they
judged fitte
should be so taken. And they were first
to agree of
ye goodnes & fitnes of it before the lott
was drawne,
and so it might as well prove some of
ther owne,
as an other mans; and this course they
were to
hould throwout. But yet seekeing to
keepe
ye
people togither, as much as might be, they allso
agreed upon
this order, by mutuall consente, before
any lots
were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall
next ye
towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they
should take
to them a neigboure or tow, whom they
best liked;
and should suffer them to plant corne with
them for 4.
years; and afterwards they might use as
much of
theirs for as long time, if they would.
Allso
every share
or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres
in breadth
by ye water side, and 4. acres in lenght,
excepting
nooks & corners, which were to be measured
as yey
would bear to best advantage. But no
meadows
were to be
laid out at all, nor were not of many years
after,
because they were but streight of meadow grounds;
and if they
had bene now given out, it would have
hindred all
addition to them afterwards; but, every
season all
were appoynted. wher they should mowe,
according to
ye proportion of catle they had.
This
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 261
distribution
gave generally good contente, and setled
mens
minds. Also they gave ye Gover
& 4. or 5. of
ye
spetiall men amongst them, ye houses they lived in;
ye
rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate,
and so every
man kept his owne, and he that had a
better
alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as
ye valuation
wente.
Ther is one thing that fell out in ye
begining of ye
winter
before, which I have refferred to this place, that
I may handle
ye whole matter togeither.
Ther was a
ship, with
many passengers in her and sundrie goods,
bound for
Virginia. They had lost them selves at sea,
either by ye
insufficiencie of ye maister, or his ilnes;
for he was
sick & lame of ye scurvie, so that he could
but lye in ye
cabin dore, & give direction; and it should
seeme was
badly assisted either wth mate or mariners;
or else ye
fear and unrulines of ye passengers were such,
as they made
them stear a course betweene ye southwest
& ye
norwest, that they might fall with some land,
what soever
it was they cared not. For they had been
6. weeks at
sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any
woode left,
but had burnt up all their emptie caske;
only one of
ye company had a hogshead of wine or 2.
which was
allso allmost spente, so as they feared they
should be
starved at sea, or consumed with diseases,
which made
them rune this desperate course. But it
plased God
that though they came so neare ye shoulds
of Cap-Codd
[147] or else ran stumbling over them in
262 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
ye
night, they knew not how, they came right before
a small
blind harbore, that lyes about ye midle of Mana-
moyake Bay,
to ye southward of Cap-Codd, with a small
gale of
wind; and about highwater toucht upon a barr
of sand that
lyes before it, but had no hurte, ye sea
being smoth;
so they laid out an anchore. But towards
the eveing
the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so
rough, as
broake their cable, & beat them over the barr
into ye
harbor, wher they saved their lives & goods,
though much
were hurte with salt water; for wth beating
they had
sprung ye but end of a planke or too, & beat
out ther occome;
but they were soone over, and ran
on a drie
flate within the harbor, close by a beach; so
at low water
they gatt out their goods on drie shore,
and dried
those that were wette, and saved most of
their things
without any great loss; neither was ye ship
much hurt,
but shee might be mended, and made ser-
visable
againe. But though they were not a litle
glad
that they
had thus saved their lives, yet when they had
a litle
refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on
their
condition, not knowing wher they were, nor
what they
should doe, they begane to be strucken
with
sadnes. But shortly after they saw some
Indians
come to them
in canows, which made them stand
upon their
gard. But when they heard some of ye
Indeans
speake English unto them, they were not a
litle
revived, especially when they heard them demand
if they were
the Gover of Plimoths men, or freinds;
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 263
and yt
they would bring them to ye English houses, or
carry their
letters.
They feasted these Indeans, and gave them
many
giftes; and
sente 2. men and a letter with them to ye
Gover,
and did intreat him to send a boat unto them
with some
pitch, & occume, and spiks, wth divers other
necessaries
for ye mending of ther ship (which was re-
coverable). Al1so they besought him to help them with
some corne
and sundrie other things they wanted, to
enable them
to make their viage to Virginia; and they
should be
much bound to him, and would make satis-
faction for
any thing they had, in any comodities they
had
abord. After ye Govr
was well informed by ye
messengers
of their condition, he caused a boate to be
made ready,
and such things to be provided as they
write for;
and because others were abroad upon trading,
and such
other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto
them, he
went him selfe, & allso carried some trading
comodities,
to buy them corne of ye Indeans.
It was
no season of
ye year to goe withoute ye Cape, but
understanding
wher ye ship lay, he went into ye bottom
of ye
bay, on ye inside, and put into a crick called
Naumskachett,
wher it is not much above 2. mile over
[148] land
to ye bay wher they were, wher he had
ye
Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them.
Of
his arrivall
they were very glad, and received the
things to
mend ther ship, & other necessaries.
Allso
he bought
them as much corne as they would have;
264 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
and wheras
some of their sea-men were rune away
amonge the
Indeans, he procured their returne to ye
ship, and so
left them well furnished and contented,
being very
thankfull for ye curtesies they receaved. But
after the
Gover thus left them, he went into some other
harbors ther
aboute and loaded his boat with corne
which he
traded, and so went home. But he had not
been at home
many days, but he had notice from them,
that by the
violence of a great storme, and ye bad
morring of
their ship (after she was mended) she was
put a shore,
and so beatten and shaken as she was now
wholy
unfitte to goe to sea. And so their
request was
that they
might have leave to repaire to them, and
soujourne
with them, till they could have means to
convey them
selves to Virginia; and that they might
have means
to trasport their goods, and they would
pay for ye
same, or any thing els wher with ye plan-
tation
should releeve them. Considering their
distres,
their
requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done
unto them;
their goods transported, and them selves
& goods
sheltered in their houses as well as they could.
The cheefe
amongst these people was one Mr. Fells
and Mr.
Sibsie, which had many servants belonging
unto them,
many of them being Irish. Some others
ther were yt
had a servante or 2. a peece; but ye most
were
servants, and such as were ingaged to the former
persons, who
allso had ye most goods.
Affter they
were hither
come, and some thing setled, the maisters
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION
265
desired some
ground to imploye ther servants upon;
seing it was
like to be ye latter end of ye year before
they could
have passage for Virginia, and they had
now ye
winter before them; they might clear some
ground, and
plant a crope (seeing they had tools,
&
necessaries for ye same) to help to bear their charge,
and keep
their servants in imployment; and if they
had
oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe,
they would
sell it on ye ground. So they
had ground
appointed
them in convenient places, and Fells & some
other of
them raised a great deall of corne, which they
sould at
their departure. This Fells, amongst his
other
servants,
had a maid servante which kept his house
& did
his household affairs, and by the intimation of
some that
belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep
her, as his
concubine; and both of them were examined
ther upon,
but nothing could be proved, and they stood
upon their
justification; so with admonition they were
dismiste. But afterward it appeard she was with child,
so he gott a
small boat, & ran away with her, for
fear of
punishmente. First he went to Cap-Anne,
and
after into ye
bay of ye Massachussets, but could get no
passage, and
had like to have been cast away; and
was forst to
come againe and submite him selfe; but
they pact
him away & those that belonged unto him by
the first
oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone
as could,
being many untoward people amongst them;
though ther
were allso some that caried them selves
266 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
very orderly
all ye time they stayed. And
the [149]
plantation
had some benefite by them, in selling them
corne &
other provisions of food for cloathing; for they
had of
diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other
stuffs,
besids hose, & shoes~ and such like comodities as
ye planters
stood in need of. So they both did good,
and received
good one from another; and a cuple of
barks caried
them away at ye later end of somer.
And
sundrie of
them have acknowledged their thankfullnes
since from
Virginia.
That they might ye better take
all convenient oppor-
tunitie to
follow their trade, both to maintaine them
selves, and
to disingage them of those great sumes
which they
stood charged with, and bound for, they
resoloved to
build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place
20. mile
from ye plantation, standing on ye sea to ye
southward of
them, unto which, by an other creeke on
this side,
they could cary their goods, within 4. or 5.
miles, and
then trasport them over land to their ves-
sell; and so
avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and
those
deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to
ye
southward in much shorter time, and with farr less
danger. Also for ye saftie of their
vessell & goods,
they builte
a house their, and kept some servants, who
also planted
corne, and reared some swine, and were
allwayes
ready to goe out with ye barke when ther was
occasion. All which tooke good effecte, and turned to
their
profite.
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 267
They now
sent (with ye returne of ye ships) Mr.
Allerton
againe into England, giveing him full power,
under their
hands & seals, to conclude the former bar-
gaine with ye
adventurers; and sent ther bonds for ye
paimente of
the money. Allso they sent what beaver
they could
spare to pay some of their ingagementes,
& to
defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still
kepte them
low. Also he had order to procure a
patente
for a fitt
trading place in ye river of Kenebec; for being
emulated
both by the planters at Pascataway & other
places to ye
eastward of them, and allso by ye fishing
ships, which
used to draw much profite from ye Indeans
of those
parts, they threatened to procure a grante,
& shutte
them out from thence; espetially after they
saw them so
well furnished with comodities, as to carie
the trade
from them. They thought it but needfull
to
prevente
such a thing, at least that they might not be
excluded
from free trade ther, wher them selves had
first begune
and discovered the same, ad brought it to
so good
effecte. This year allso they had
letters, and
messengers
from ye Dutch-plantation, sent unto them
from ye
Govr ther, writen both in Dutch & French.
The Dutch
had traded in these southerne parts, diverse
years before
they came; but they begane no plantation.
hear till 4.
or 5. years after their coming, and here
begining. Ther letters were as followeth. It being
their maner
to be full of complementall titles.
268 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige
Heeren, den Goveer-
neur, ende
Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer
Goede
vrinden den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande,
wensen vwe
Edn: eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige
geluck
salichitt
[gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met
goede
voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem.
Amen.*
The rest I shall render in English, leaving
out the
repetition
of superfluous titles.
[150] We have often before this wished for
an opportunitie
or an
occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and
praise-worthy
undertakeings, and Goverment of your colony
ther. And the more, in that we also have made a
good
begining to
pitch ye founda.tion of a collonie hear; and
seeing
our native
countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore-
fathers
(diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held
frendship
and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently
appears by ye old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed
under ye hands of kings & princes, in ye pointe of warr &
trafick; as
may be seene and read by all ye
world in ye old
chronakles. The which are not only by the king now reign-
ing
confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature
deliberation,
to make a new covenante, (and to take up
armes,) with
ye States Generall of our dear native
country,
against our
comone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing
*The orthography of some of these words
differs from the modern way
of spelling
them; and we have no means of ascertaining the accuracy of
Bradford's
copy from the original letter. This
passage may be rendered
thus:--
"Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent
Lords, the Governor and Council-
lors
residing in New Plymouth, our very dear friends: -- The Director and
Council of
New Netherland wish to your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and
prudent,
happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health, in
soul and
body."
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 269
else but to
usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and
princes
lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pre-
tended
monarchie over all Christendom; and so to rule and
comand,
after his owne pleasure, over ye
consciences of so
many hundred
thousand sowles, which God forbid.
And also seeing it hath some time since
been reported unto
us, by some
of our people, that by occasion came so farr
northward
with their shalop, and met with sundry of ye
Indeans, who
tould them that they were within halfe a days
journey of
your plantation, and offered ther service to cary
letters unto
you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you
with these
few lines, with presentation of our good will and
servise unto
you, in all frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood.
And if it so
fall out that any goods that comes to our hands
from our
native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we
shall take
our selves bound to help and accomadate you ther
with; either
for beaver or any other wares or marchandise
that you
should be pleased to deale for. And if
in case we
have no
comodity at present that may give you contente,
if you
please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like
comodities
as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and
let us
understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we
have
apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when
we
understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to
deale with
you, at such place as you shall appointe.
In ye
mean time we
pray the Lord to take you, our honoured
good freinds
and neighbours, into his holy protection.
By the appointment of ye Govr and Counsell, &c.
ISAAK DE RASIER, Secrectaris.
From ye Manhatas, in ye fort
Amsterdam,
March 9. Ano: 1627.
To this they returned answer as followeth,
on ye
other side.
270 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
[151] To the Honoured, &c.
The Gover & Counsell of
New-Plim: wisheth, &c. We have
received
your leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills
&
frendship towards us; but is expresed wth over
high titls,
more then
belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive.
But
for your
good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in
these smale
beginings of our poore colonie, we are much
bound unto
you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg ye
same; taking
it both for a great honour done unto us, and
for a
certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.
Now these are further to give your Worpps to understand,
that it is
to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath
not only
bene pleased to confirme yt ancient amitie, aliance,
and
frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified
by his
predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe
(as you say)
strengthened the same with a new-union the
better to
resist ye prid of yt comone enemy ye
Spaniard, from
whose
cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native coun-
tries. Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite
us
togeather in
love and good neighbourhood, in all our deal-
ings, yet
are many of us further obliged, by the good and
curteous
entreaty which we have found in your countrie; have-
ing lived
ther many years, with freedome, and good contente,
as also many
of our freinds doe to this day; for which we,
and our
children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your
Nation, and
shall never forgett ye same, but shall hartily
desire your
good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever.
Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer
to acomodate
and help us
with any comodities or marchandise you have,
or shall
come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares,
it is to us
very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short
time we may
have profitable comerce & trade togeather.
But for this
year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries,
both for
cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 271
we shall
deale with you, if your rates be reasonable.
And
therfore
when you please to send to us againe by any of
yours, we
desire to know how you will take beaver, by ye
pounde,
& otters, by ye skine; and how you will deale per
cent. for
other comodities, and what you can furnishe us
with. As likwise what other commodities from us may
be
acceptable
unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things,
and what
prises you will give, &c.
Thus hoping that you will pardon &
excuse us for our rude
and
imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good
parte,
because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well
express that
we understand, nor hapily understand every thing
so fully as
we should. And so we humbly pray the
Lord for
his mercie
sake, that he will take both us and you into his
keeping
& gratious protection.
By ye Gover and Counsell of New-Plimoth,
Your
Worpps very good freinds & neigbours,
&c.
New-Plim:
March 19.
After this ther was many passages betweene
them
both by
letters and other entercourse; and they had
some
profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till
other
occasions interrupted ye same, as may happily
appear
afterwards, more at large.
Before they sent Mr. Allerton
away for England this
year, ye
Gover and some of their cheefe freinds had
serious
consideration, not only how they might discharge
those great
ingagments which lay so heavily upon them,
as is affore
mentioned, but also how they mIght (if pos-
siblie they
could) devise means to help some of their
freinds and
breethren of Leyden over unto them, who
272 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
desired so
much to come to them, ad they desired as
much their
company. To effecte which, they resolved
to rune a
high course, and of great adventure, not
knowing
otherwise how to bring it aboute. Which
was
to hire ye
trade of ye company for certaine years, and
in that time
to undertake to pay that 1800li. and all ye
rest of ye
debts that then lay upon ye plantation, which
was aboute
some 600li. more; and so to set them free,
and returne
the trade to ye generalitie againe at ye
end of ye
terme. Upon which resolution they called
ye
company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto
all what
their debts were, and upon what terms they
would
undertake to pay them all in such a time, and
sett them
clear. But their other ends they were
faine
to keepe
secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some
of their
trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of ye
same, but
doubted how they would be able to performe
it. So after some agitation of the thing wth
ye com-
pany, it was
yeelded unto, and the agreemente made
upon ye
conditions following.
Articles of agreemente betweene ye collony of New-Plimoth
of ye one
partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles
Standish, Isaack Allerton, &c. one ye other partie; and
shuch others as they shall thinke good to
take as part-
ners and undertakers with them,
concerning the trade
for beaver & other furrs &
comodities, &c. made July,
1627.
First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte
ye said
parties,
that ye afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles
1627.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 273
Standish,
& Isaack Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe
by these
presents, covenante and agree to pay discharge
and acquite
ye said collony of all ye debtes both due for
ye purchass, or any other belonging to them, at ye day of
ye date of these presents.
[153] Secondly, ye above-said parties are to have and
freely
injoye ye pinass latly builte, the boat at
Manamett,
and ye shalop, called ye
Bass-boat, with all other implements
to them
belonging, that is in ye store of ye said company;
with all ye whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wam-
pam peak,
hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in ye
storre, or
any way due
unto ye same uppon accounte.
31y. That ye
above said parties have ye whole trade to them
selves,
their heires and assignes, with all ye
privileges therof,
as ye said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full
years, to
begine ye last of September next insuing.
41y. In furder consideration of ye discharge of ye said
debtes,
every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante
yearly to
pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said par-
ties, during
ye full terme of ye said 6. years, 3. bushells of
corne, or 6li. of tobaco, at ye
undertakers choyse.
51y. The said undertakers shall dureing ye afforesaid terme
bestow 50li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought
over for ye collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne
at 6s. per bushell.
61y. That at ye end
of ye said terme of 6. years, the whole
trade shall
returne to ye use and benefite of ye said collonie,
as before.
Lastly, if ye afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted
their
freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon ye first
returne)
resolve to performe them, and undertake to dis-
charge ye debtes of ye said collony, according to ye true mean-
ing &
intente of these presents, then they are (upon such
notice
given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to
274 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
remaine as
formerly they were, and a true accounte to be
given to ye said collonie, of the disposing of all things
according to
the former order.
Mr. Allerton carried a coppy
of this agreemente with
him into
England, and amongst other his instructions
had order
given him to deale with some of their special
freinds, to
joyne with them in this trade upon ye above
recited
conditions; as allso to imparte their further
ends that
moved them to take this course, namly, the
helping over
of some of their freinds from Leyden, as
they should
be able; in which if any of them would
joyne with
them they should thankfully acceptt of their
love and
partnership herein. And with all (by
their
letters) gave
them some grounds of their hops of the
accomplishmente
of these things with some advantage.
Anno Dom: 1628.
AFTER Mr. Allertons arivall in
England, he aquainted
them with
his comission and full power to conclude ye
forementioned
bargan & purchas; upon [154] the veiw
wherof, and
ye delivery of ye bonds for ye paymente of
ye
money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully
concluded,
and a deede* fairly ingrossed in partch-
mente was
delivered him, under their hands & seals
confirming the
same. Morover he delte with them
aboute other
things according to his instructions. As
*Nov. 6.
1627. Page 238. [Reference is here made
to the page of the
original
manuscript.]
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 275
to admitt
some of these their good freinds into this
purchass if
they pleased, and to deale with them for
moneys at
better rates, &c. Touching which I
shall
hear inserte
a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giving light to
what
followed therof, writ to ye Govr as followeth.
Sr: I have received yours of ye
26. of May by Mr. Gibs,
& Mr. Goffe, with ye
barrell of otter skins, according to ye
contents;
for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them
up, and
sould them togeather at 78li. 12s.
sterling; and
since, Mr. Allerton hath received ye
money, as will apear by
the
accounte. It is true (as you write) that
your ingag-
ments are
great, not only the purchass, but you are yet
necessitated
to take up ye stock you work upon; and yt not
at 6. or 8.
pr cent. as it is here let out, but at 30.
40. yea,
& some
at 50. pr cent. which, were not your gaines great,
and Gods
blessing on your honest indeaours more then
ordinarie,
it could not be yt you should longe subsiste in ye
maintaining
of, & upholding of your worldly affaires.
And
this your
honest & discreete agente, Mr.
Allerton, hath seri-
ously
considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to ease you
of it. He tould me you were contented to accepte of
me
& some
few others, to joyne with yon in ye
purchass, as
partners;
for which I kindly thanke you and all ye
rest,
and doe
willingly accepte of it. And though
absente, shall
willingly be
at shuch charge as you & ye rest
shall thinke
meete; and
this year am contented to forbear my former 501i.
and 2. years
increase for ye venture, both which now makes
it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for ye profite, you
(I mean ye generalitie) stand to ye
adventure, outward, and
homeward. I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr.
Beachamp
to doe ye like, so as you are eased of ye high
rate, you were
at ye other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves
276 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to alow us
what you please, and as God shall blesse.
What course
I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe ye
same; and
though he
have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore,
yet now you
shall find he is new moulded. I allso
see by
your letter,
you desire I should be your agente or factore
hear. I have eyer found you so faithfull, honest,
and upright
men, as I
have even resolyed with my selfe (God assisting
me) to doe
you all ye good lyeth in my power; and therfore
if you
please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for
abillities
and body, to performe your bussines, I promise
(ye Lord enabling me) to doe ye best
I can according to those
abillities
he hath given me; and wherin I faile, blame your
selves, yt you made no better choyce.
Now, because I am
sickly, and
we are all mortall, I have advised Mr.
Allerton
to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which
I conceive
to be very necessary & good for you; your charge
shall be no
more, for it is not your salarie maks me under-
take your
[156*] bussines. Thus comending you
& yours,
and all Gods
people, unto ye guidance and protection of ye
Allmightie,
I ever rest,
Your faithfull loving freind,
London, Nov.
17. 1628. JAMES
SHERLEY.!
*155 omitted in original MS. -- COM.
! Another leter of his, that should have
bene placed before: --
We cannot
but take notice how ye Lord hath been pleased to crosse our
proseedings,
and caused many disasters to befale us therin.
I conceive ye
only reason
to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie;
but now I
hope yt cause is taken away; the bargen being
fully concluded, as
farr as our
powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands & seals, to
Mr. Allerton & ye rest
of his & your copartners. But for my
owne parte,
I confess as
I was loath to hinder ye full confirming of it, being ye first pro-
pounder ther
of at our meeting; so on ye other side, I was as unwilling to
set my hand
to ye sale, being ye receiver of most part of ye
adventurs, and
a second
causer of much of ye ingagments; and one more threatened,
being
most envied
& aimed at (if they could find any stepe to ground their malice
on) then any
other whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 277
With this leter they sent a draught of a
formall depu-
tation to be
hear sealed and sent back unto them, to
authorise
them as their agents, according to what is
mentioned in
ye above said letter; and because some
inconvenience
grue therby afterward I shall here in-
serte it.
had, or
have, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved yt I have wronged
them or any
of ye adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one
peny in ye dis-
bursing of
so many pounds in those 2, year's trouble.
No, ye sole cause why
they maligne
me (as I & others conceived) was yt I
would not side with
them against
you, & the going over of ye
Leyden people. But as I then card
not, so now
I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge & trouble I know they
may cause me
to be at. And for these reasons, I would
gladly have per-
swaded the
other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they
would not;
so rather then it should faile, Mr. Alerton having taken so much
pains, I
have sealed wth ye
rest; with this proviso & promise of his, yt if any
trouble
arise hear, you are to bear halfe ye
charge. Wherfore now I doubt
not but you
will give your generallitie good contente, and setle peace amongst
your selves,
and peace with the natives; and then no doubt but ye God of
Peace will
blese your going out & your returning, and cause all yt you sett
your hands
unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray ye Lord to grante
if it be his
blessed will. Asuredly unless ye Lord be mercifull unto us & ye
whole land
in generall, our estate & condition is farr worse then yours.
Wherfore if
ye Lord should send persecution or trouble
hear, (which is much
to be
feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know
no place
safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with
another, but
cheefly wth us,) not doubting but to find such
frendly enter-
tainmente as
shall be honest & conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly
passed. For I profess in ye word of an honest man, had it not been to pro-
cure your
peace & quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have
sealed to
this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure
and debte
ready downe. Thus desiring ye Lord to blesse & prosper you,
I cease ever
resting,
Your faithfull & loving freind,
to my power,
Des: 27. JAMES
SHERLEY.
[The above letter was written on the
reverse of page 154 of the original
manuscript.]
278 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
To all to whom these prets shall come
greeting; know yee
that we,
William Bradford, Govr of Plimoth, in N. E. in
America,
Isaak Allertoll, Myles Standish, William Brewster,
& Ed:
Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by
these
presents for us & in our names, make, substitute, &
appointe
James Sherley, Goldsmith, & John Beachamp, Salter,
citizens of
London, our true & lawfull agents, factors, sub-
stitutes,
& assignes; as well to take and receive all such
goods,
wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said
substitutes
or either of them, or to ye citie of London, or
other place
of ye Relme of Engl: shall be sente,
transported,
or come from
us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter,
or exchaing
ye said goods, wares, and marchandise so
from
time to time
to be sent to such person or persons upon
credite, or
other wise in such maner as to our said agents
&
factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme
meete. And further we doe make & ordaine our
said sub-
stituts
& assignes joyntly & severally for us, & to our uses,
&
accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New-
Engl:
aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided
here, and to
be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or
either of
them, shall be thought fitt. And to
recover, receive,
and demand
for us & in our names all such debtes & sumes
of money, as
now are or hereafter shall be due incidente
accruing or
belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes
or means;
and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any
debte or
sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be
due or
oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us.
And
generally for us & in our names to doe, performe, and
execute
every acte & thing which to our said assignes, or
either of
them, shall see me meete to be done in or aboute ye
premissies,
as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes,
as if we or
any of us were in person presente. And
what-
soever our
said agents & factors joyntly or severally shall
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 279
doe, or
cause to be done, in or aboute ye
premisses, we will
& doe,
& every of us doth ratife, alow, & confirme, by
these
presents. In wittnes wherof we have here
unto put
our hands
& seals. Dated 18. Novbr 1628.
This was
accordingly confirmed by the above named,
and 4. more
of the cheefe of them under their hands
& seals,
and delivered unto them. Also Mr.
Allerton
formerly had
authoritie under their hands & seals for
ye
transacting of ye former bussines, and taking up of
moneys,
&c. which still he retained whilst he was
imployed in
these affaires; they mistrusting neither
him nor any
of their freinds faithfullnes, which made
them more
remisse in looking to shuch acts as had
passed under
their hands, as necessarie for ye time;
but letting
them rune on to long unminded or recaled,
it turned to
their harme afterwards, as will appere in
its place.
[157] Mr. Allerton having setled
all things thus in
a good and
hopfull way, he made hast to returne in ye
first of ye
spring to be hear with their suppLy for trade,
(for ye
fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth
in winter
& be here betimes.) He brought a
resonable
supply of
goods for ye plantation, and without those
great
interests as before is noted; and brought an
accounte of
ye beaver sould, and how ye money was
disposed for
goods, & ye paymente of other debtes,
having paid
all debts abroad to others, save to Mr.
Sherley, Mr.
Beachamp, & Mr. Andrews; from whom
280 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
likwise he
brought an accounte which to them all
amounted not
to above 400li. for which he had passed
bonds. Allso he had rayed the first paymente for ye
purchass,
being due for this year, viz. 200li. and brought
them ye
bonae for ye same canselled; so as they now
had no more
foreine debtes but ye abovesaid 400li. and
odde pownds,
and ye rest of ye yearly purchass monie.
Some other
debtes they had in ye cuntrie, but they
were without
any intrest, & they had wherwith to dis-
charge them
when they were due. To this pass the
Lord had
brought things for them. Also he brought
them further
notice that their freinds, the abovenamed,
& some
others that would joyne with them in ye
trad &
purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden,
for a
competente number of them, to be hear the next
year without
fayle, if ye Lord pleased to blesse their
journey. He allso brought them a patente for Kene-
beck, but it
was so straite & ill bounded, as they were
faine to
renew & in large it the next year, as allso that
which they
had at home, to their great charge, as will
after
appeare. Hithertoo Mr.
Allerton did them good
and
faithfull service; and well had it been if he had
so
continued, or els they had now ceased for imploy-
ing him any
longer thus into England. But of this
more
afterwards.
Having procured a patente (as is above
said) for
Kenebeck,
they now erected a house up above in ye
river in ye
most convenientest place for trade, as they
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 281
conceived,
and furnished the same with comodities for
yt
end, both winter & somer, not only with corne, but
also with
such other commodities as ye fishermen had
traded with
them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets,
biskett,
pease, prunes, &c.; and what they could not
have out of
England, they bought of the fishing ships,
and so
carried on their bussines as well as they could.
This year the Dutch sent againe unto them
from
their
plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse
comodities,
as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer &
courser
stufes, &c. They came up with their
barke
to Manamete,
to their house ther, in which came their
Secretarie
Rasier; who was accompanied with a noyse
of
trumpeters, and some other attendants; and desired
that they
would send a boat for him, for he could
not travill
so farr over land. So they sent a boat
to
Manonscussett, and brought him to ye plantation,
with ye
cheefe of his company. And after some
few
days
entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and
some of them
wente with him, and bought sundry of
his goods;
after which begining thus made, they sente
often times
to ye same place, and had entercourse to-
geather for
diverce years; and amongst other comodi-
ties, they
vended [158] much tobaco for linen cloath,
stuffs,
&c., which was a good benefite to ye people,
till the
Virginians found out their plantation.
But
that which
turned most to their profite, in time, was
an entrance
into the trade of Wampampeake; for they
282 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
now bought
aboute 50li. worth, of it of them; and they
tould them
how vendable it was at their forte Orania;
and did
perswade them they would find it so at Kene-
beck; and so
it came to pass in time, though at first
it stuck,
& it was 2. years before they could put of
this small
quantity, till ye inland people knew of it;
and
afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for
them, for
many years togeather. And so this, with
their other
provissions, cutt of they trade quite from
ye
fisher-men, and in great part from other of ye strag-
ling
planters. And strange it was to see the
great all-
teration it
made in a few years amonge ye Indeans
them selves;
for all the Indeans of these parts, & ye
Massachussets,
had none or very litle of it,* but ye
sachems
& some spetiall persons that wore a litle of
it for
ornamente. Only it was made & kepte
amonge
ye
Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew rich & potent
by it, and
these people were poore & begerly, and had
no use of
it. Neither did the English of this
planta-
tion, or any
other in ye land, till now that they had
knowledg of
it from ye Dutch, so much as know what
it was, much
less yt it was a comoditie of that worth
&
valew. But after it grue thus to be a
comoditie
in these
parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to
learne how
to make it; for ye Narigansets doe geather
ye
shells of which yey make it from their shors. And
it hath now
continued a current comoditie aboute this
* Peag.
1628 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 283
20. years,
and it may prove a drugg in time. In ye
mean time it
maks ye Indeans of these parts rich &
power full
and also prowd therby; and fills them with
peeces,
powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine
by reasone
of ye bassnes of sundry unworthy persons,
both
English, Dutch, & French, which may turne to
ye
ruine of many. Hithertoo ye
Indeans of these parts
had no
peeces nor other armes but their bowes &
arrowes, nor
of many years after; nether durst they
scarce
handle a gune, so much were they affraid of
them; and ye
very sight of one (though out of kilter)
was a
terrour unto them. But those Indeans to
ye east
parts, which
had comerce with ye French, got peces of
them, and
they in ye end made a commone trade of it;
and in time
our English fisher-men, led with ye like
covetoussnes,
followed their example, for their owne
gaine; but
upon complainte against them, it pleased
the kings
,majestie to prohibite ye same by a stricte
proclaimation,
commanding that no sorte of armes, or
munition,
should by any of his subjects be traded with
them.
Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this
time, ther
came over
one Captaine Wolastone, (a man of pretie
parts,) and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie,
who brought
with them a great many servants, with
provissions
& other implements for to begine a planta-
tion; and pitched them selves in a place within
the
Massachusets,
which they called, after their Captains
284 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
name,
Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr.
Morton, who,
it should seeme, had some small adventure
(of his owne
or other mens) amongst them; but had
litle
respecte [159] amongst them, and was sleghted
by ye
meanest servants. Haveing continued ther
some
time, and
not finding things to answer their expecta-
tions, nor
profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine
Wollaston
takes a great part of ye sarvants, and trans-
ports them
to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good
rates,
selling their time to other men; and writs back
to one Mr.
Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and
accounted
their marchant, to bring another parte of
them to
Verginia likewise, intending to put them of
ther as he
had done ye rest. And he, wth
ye consente
of ye
said Rasdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his
Livetenante,
and governe ye remaines of ye planta-
tion, till
he or Rasdall returned to take further order
theraboute. But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more
craft then
honestie, (who had been a kind of petie-
fogger, of Furnefells Inne, in ye other
absence
watches an
oppertunitie, (commons being but hard
amongst
them,) and gott some strong drinck & other
junkats,
& made them a feast;. and after they were
merie, he
begane to tell them, he would give them
good
counsell. You see (saith he) that many
of your
fellows are
carried to Virginia; and if you stay till
this Rasdall
returne, you will also be carried away
and sould
for slaves with ye rest.
Therfore I would
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 285
advise you
to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher. and
I, having a
parte in the plantation, will receive you
as my
partners and consociats; so may you be free
from
service, and we will converse, trad, plante, &
live
togeather as equalls, & supporte & protecte one
another, or
to like effecte. This counsell was
easily
received; so
they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Leve-
tenante
Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to
come no more
amongst them, but forct him to seeke
bread to
eate, and other releefe from his neigbours,
till he
could gett passages for England. After
this
they fell to
great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute
life,
powering out them selves into all profanenes.
And Morton
became lord of misrule, and maintained
(as it were)
a schoole of Athisme. And after they
had gott
some good into their hands, and gott much
by trading
with ye Indeans, they spent it as vainly,
in quaffing
& drinking both wine & strong waters in
great
exsess, and, as some reported, 10li. worth in a
morning. They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and
dancing
aboute it many days togeather, inviting the
Indean
women, for their consorts, dancing and frisk-
ing
togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,)
and worse
practises. As if they had anew revived
&
celebrated
the feasts of ye Roman Goddes Flora, or
ye beasly
practieses of ye madd Bacchinalians.
Mor-
ton likwise
(to shew his poetrie) compose sundry
rimes &
verses, tending to lasciviousness, and
286 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
others to ye
detraction & scandall of some persons,
which he
affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle.
They
chainged
allso the name of their place, and in stead
of calling
it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie-
mounte,
[160] as if this joylity would have lasted
ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton
was sent for
England, (as follows to be declared,)
shortly
after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr.
John
Indecott, who brought over a patent under ye
broad seall,
for ye govermente of ye Massachusets, who
visiting
those parts caused yt May-polle to be cutt
downe, and
rebuked them for their profannes, and
admonished
them to looke ther should be better walk-
ing; so they
now, or others, changed ye name of their
place
againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon.
Now to maintaine this riotous
prodigallitie and pro-
fuse excess,
Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and
hearing what
gaine ye French & fisher-men made by
trading of
peeces, powder, & shotte to ye Indeans, he,
as ye
head of this consortship, begane ye practise of ye
same in
these parts; and first he taught them how to
use them, to
charge, & discharg, and what proportion
of powder to
give ye peece, according to ye sise or
bignes of ye
same; and what shotte to use for foule,
and what for
deare. And having thus instructed them,
he imployed
some of them to hunte & fowle for him,
so as they
became farr more active in that imploy-
mente then
any of ye, English, by reason of ther
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 287
swiftnes of
foote, & nimblnes of body, being also
quick-sighted,
and by continuall exercise well know-
ing ye
hants of all sorts of game. So as when
they
saw ye
execution that a peece would doe, and ye bene-
fite that
might come by ye same, they became madd,
as it were,
after them, and would not stick to give
any prise
they could attaine too for them; account-
ing their
bowes & arrowes but bables in comparison
of them.
And here I may take occasion to bewaile ye
mis-
chefe that
this wicked man began in these parts, and
which since
base covetousnes prevailing in men that
should know
better, has now at length gott ye upper
hand, and
made this thing comone, notwithstanding any
laws to ye
contrary; so as ye Indeans are full of peeces
all over,
both fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c.
They have
also their moulds to make shotte, of all
sorts, as
muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, swane & gose
shote, &
of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them
have their
scruplats to make scrupins them selves, when
they wante
them, with sundery other implements, wher-
with they
are ordinarily better fited & furnished then
ye
English them selves. Yea, it is well
knowne that
they will
have powder & shot, when the English want
it, nor
cannot gett it; and yt in a time of warr or
danger, as experience
hath manifested, that when lead
hath been
scarce, and men for their owne defence would
gladly have
given a groat a li., which is dear enoughe,
288 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
yet hath it
bene bought up & sent to other places,
and sould to
shuch as trade it with ye Indeans, at
12. pence ye
li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s. ye
pound, for
they will have it at any rate. And these
things have
been done in ye same times, when some of
their
neigbours & freinds are daly killed by ye Indeans,
or are in
deanger therof, and live but at ye Indeans
mercie. [161] Yea, some (as they have aquainted them
with all
other things) have tould them how gunpowder
is made, and
all ye materialls in it, and that they are
to be had in
their owne land; and I am confidente,
could they
attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach
them to make
powder. O the horiblnes of this vilanie!
how many
both Dutch & English have been latly slaine
by those
Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie pro-
vided, nay, ye
evill more increased, and ye blood of
their
brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared; and
in what
danger all these colonies are in is too well
known. Oh! that princes & parlements would take
some timly
order to prevente this mischeefe, and at
length to
suppress it, by some exemplerie punishmente
upon some of
these gaine thirstie murderers, (for they
deserve no
better title,) before their collonies in these
parts be
over throwne by these barbarous savages,_thus
armed with
their owne weapons, by these evill instru-
ments, and
traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie.
But
I have
forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this
digression;
but now to returne. This Morton having
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATI0N. 289
thus taught
them ye use of peeces, he sould them all
he could
spare; and he and his consorts detirmined
to send for
many out of England, and had by some
of ye
ships sente for above a score. The which
being
knowne, and
his neigbours meeting ye Indeans in ye
woods armed
with guns in this sorte, it was a terrour
unto them,
who lived straglingly, and were of no
strenght in
any place. And other places (though more
remote) saw
this mischeefe would quietly spread over
all, if not
prevented. Besides, they saw they should
keep no servants,
for Morton would entertaine any,
how vile
soever, and all ye scume of ye countrie, or
any
discontents, would flock to him from all places,
if this nest
was not broken; and they should stand
in more fear
of their lives & goods (in short time)
from this
wicked & deboste crue, then from ye sal-
vages them
selves.
So sundrie of ye cheefe of ye
stragling plantations,
meeting
togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite
those of
Plimoth (who were then of more strength then
them all) to
joyne with them, to prevente ye further
grouth of
this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his
consortes
before yey grewe to further head and strength.
Those that
joyned in this acction (and after contributed
to ye
charge of sending him for England) were from
Pascatataway,
Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett,
Natasco, and
other places where any English were seated.
Those of
Plimoth being thus sought too by their mes-
290 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
sengers
& letters, and waying both their reasons, and
the comone
danger, were, willing to afford them their
help; though
them selves had least cause of fear or
hurte. So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly
to
write to
him, and in a freindly & neigborly way
to admonish
him to forbear these courses, & sent
a messenger
with their letters to bring his answer.
But he was
so highe as he scorned all advise, and
asked who
had to doe with him; he had and would
trade peeces
with ye Indeans in dispite of all, with
many other
scurillous termes full of disdaine. They
sente to him
a second time, and bad him be better
advised, and
more temperate in his termes, for ye
countrie
could not beare ye injure he did; it was
against
their comone saftie, and against ye king's proc-
lamation. He answerd in high terms as before, and
that ye
kings proclaimation was no law; demanding
what
penaltie was upon it. It was answered,
more
then he
could [162] bear, his majesties displeasure.
But
insolently he persisted, and said ye king was dead
and his
displeasure with him & many ye like things;
and
threatened withall that if any came to molest
him, let
them looke to them selves, for he would pre-
pare for
them. Upon which they saw ther was ,no
way but to
take him by force; and having so farr
proceeded,
now to give over would make him farr
more hautie
& insolente. So they mutually
resolved to
proceed, and
obtained of ye Govr of Plimoth to send
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 291
Captaine
Standish, & some other aide with him, to
take Morton
by force. The which accordingly was
done; but
they found him to stand stifly in bis de-
fence,
having made fast his dors, armed his consorts,
set diverse
dishes of powder & bullets ready on ye
table; and
if they had not been over armed with drinke,
more hurt
might have been done. They somaned him
to yeeld,
but he kept his house, and they could gett
nothing but
scofes & scorns from him; but at length,
fearing they
would doe some violence to ye house, he
and some of
his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but
to shoote;
but they were so steeld with drinke as their
peeces were
to heavie for tbem; him selfe with a car-
bine (over
charged & allmost halfe fild with powder
& shote,
as was after found) had thought to have shot
Captaine
Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his
peece, &
tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte
done
to any of
either side, save yt one was so drunke yt he
rane his
owne nose upon ye pointe of a sword yt one
held before
him as he entred ye house; but he lost
but a litle
of his hott blood. Morton they brought
away to
Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went
from ye
Ile of Shols for England, with which he was
sent to ye
Counsell of New England; and letters writen
to give them
information of his course & cariage; and
also one was
sent at their comone charge to informe
their Hors
more perticulerly, & to prosecute against
him. But he foold of ye messenger,
after he was_gone
292 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
from hence,
and though he wente for England, yet
nothing was
done to him, not so much as rebukte for
ought was
heard; but returned ye nexte year.
Some
of ye
worst of ye company were disperst, and some
of ye
more modest kepte ye house till he should be
heard
from. But I have been too long about so
un-
worthy a
person, and bad a cause.
This year Mr. Allerton brought
over a yonge man
for a
minister to ye people hear, wheather upon his
owne head,
or at ye motion of some freinds ther, I
well know
not, but it was without ye churches send-
ing; for
they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as
they desired
to know ye person well whom they should
invite
amongst them. His name was Mr.
Rogers; but
they
perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in
his braille;
so they were faine to be at further charge
to send him
back againe ye nexte year, and loose all
ye
charge that was expended in his hither bringing,
which was
not smalle by Mr. Allerton's accounte, in
provissions,
aparell, bedding, &c. After his
returne
he grue
quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton's was much
blamed yt
he would bring such a man over, they hav-
ing charge
enough otherwise.
Mr. Allerton, in ye years
before, had brought over
some small
quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler,
and sould
them for his owne private benefite; which
was more
then any man had yet hithertoo attempted.
But because
he had other wise done them good ser-
1628.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 293
vice, and
also he sould them among ye people at ye
plantation,
by which their wants were supplied, and
he aledged
it was the [163] love of Mr. Sherley and
some other
freinds that would needs trust him with
some goods,
conceiveing it might doe him some good,
and none
hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past
over. But this year he brought over a greater quan-
titie, and
they were so intermixte with ye goods of
ye
generall, as they knew not which were theirs, &
wch
was his, being pact up together; so as they well
saw that, if
any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might
have laid ye
whole on them, if he would; for ther was
no
distinction. Allso what was most
vendible, and
would yeeld
presente pay, usualy that was his; and
he now
begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine
places,
which, considering their comone course, they
began to
dislike. Yet because love thinkes no
evill,
nor is
susspitious, they tooke his faire words for ex-
cuse, and
resolved to send him againe this year for
England;
considering how well he had done ye former
bussines,
and what good acceptation he had with their
freinds
ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds
from Leyden
were sente for, which would or might
be much
furthered by his means. Againe, seeing
the
patente for
Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of
ye
former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was
conceived,
in a maner, ye same charge would serve to
inlarge this
at home with it, and he that had begane
294 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
former ye last year would be ye fittest to effecte
this; so
they gave him instructions and sente him
for England
this year againe. And in his
instructions
bound him to
bring over no goods on their accounte,
but 50li.
in hose & shoes, and some linen cloth, (as
yey
were bound by covenante when they tooke ye
trad;) also
some trading goods to such a value; and
in no case
to exseed his instructions, nor rune them
into any
further charge; he well knowing how their
state
stood. Also yt he should so
provide yt their
trading
goods came over betimes, and what so ever
was sent on
their accounte should be pact up by it
selfe, marked
with their marke, and no other goods
to be mixed
with theirs. For so he prayed them to
give him
such instructions as they saw good, and he
would folow
them, to prevente any jellocie or farther
offence,
upon the former forementioned dislikes.
And
thus they
conceived they had well provided for all
things.
Anno Dom. 1629.
MR. ALLERTON safly arriving in
England, and deliv-
ering his
leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them
with his
instructions, found good acceptation with
them, and
they were very forward & willing to joyne
with them in
ye partnership of trade, & in ye charge
to send over
ye Leyden people; a company wherof
were
allready come out of Holand, and prepared to
come over,
and so were sent away before Mr. Allerton
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 295
could be
ready to come. They had passage with ye
ships that
came to Salem, that brought over many
godly
persons to begine ye plantations & churches of
Christ ther,
& in ye Bay of Massachussets; so their
long stay
& keeping back [164] was recompensed by
ye
Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing,
in that they
not only injoyed them now beyond ther
late
expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be
cutt of,)
but, with them, many more godly freinds
& Christian
breethren, as ye begining of a larger har-
vest unto ye
Lord, in ye increase of his churches &
people in
these parts, to ye admiration of many, and
allmost
wonder of ye world; that of so small begin-
ings so
great things should insue, as time after mani-
fested; and
that here should be a resting place for so
many of ye
Lords people, when so sharp a scourge
came upon
their owne nation. But it was ye
Lords
doing, &
it ought to be marvellous in our eyes.
But I shall hear inserte some of their
freinds letters,
which doe
best expresse their owne minds in these thir
proceedings.
A leter of Mr. Sherleys to ye
Govr.
May 25,1629.*
Sr: &c. Here are now many of your and our freinds
from Leyden
coming over, who, though for ye most parte
be but a
weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that
*1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of
Leyden
people. --
Prince.
296 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
end obtained
which was aimed at, and which hath been so
strongly
opposed by some of our former adventurers.
But
God hath his
working in these things, which man cannot
frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in
ye ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly; but these
come in ye May-flower. Mr. Beachamp & my selfe, with
Mr. Andrews & Mr.
Hatherly, are, with your love and lik-
ing, joyned
partners with you, &c.
Your deputation we have received, and ye goods have
been taken
up & sould by your freind & agente, Mr. Aller-
ton, my selfe
having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at
Amsterdam
& other parts in ye Low-Countries. I see further
the
agreemente you have made with ye
generallitie, in which
I cannot
understand but you have done very well, both for
them &
you, and also for your freinds at Leyden.
Mr.
Beachamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, & my selfe, doe
so like and
approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with
you, and,
God directing and inabling us, will be assisting
and helpfull
to you, ye best yt
possiblie we can. Nay, had
you not
taken this course, I doe not see how you should
accomplish ye end you first aimed at, and some others in-
devored
these years past. We know it must keep
us from
ye profite, which otherwise by ye
blessing of God and your
indeaours,
might be gained; for most of those that came
in May,
& these now sente, though I hope honest & good
people, yet
not like to be help full to raise profite, but rather,
ney,
certaine must, some while, be chargable to you & us;
at which it
is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course
been taken,
many of your generalitie would have grudged.
Againe, you
say well in your letter, and I make no doubte
but you will
performe it, that now being but a few, on
whom ye burthen must be, you will both menage it ye beter,
and sett too
it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 297
contradiction,
but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection
and
counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your
honest
labours & indeavors. And therfore in
all respects
I doe not
see but you have done marvelously discreetly, &
advisedly,
and no doubt but it gives all parties good con-
tente; I mean yt are
reasonable & honest men, such as
make
conscience of giving ye best satisfaction they be able
for their
debts, and yt regard not their owne perticuler so
much as ye accomplishing of yt good
end for which this
bussines was
first intended, &c. Thus desiring ye Lord
to blese
& prosper you, & all yours, and all our honest
endeavors, I
rest
Your unfained & ever loving freind,
JAMES SHERLEY.
Lon: March 8. 1629.*
[165] That I may handle things together,
I have
put these 2.
companies that came from Leyden in this
place;
though they came at 2. severall times, yet they
both came
out of England this year. The former
com-
pany, being
35. persons, were shiped in May, and
arived here
aboute August. The later were shiped in
ye
begining of March, and arived hear ye later end of
May,
1630. Mr. Sherleys 2.
letters, ye effect wherof
I have
before related, (as much of them as is perti-
nente,)
mentions both. Their charge, as Mr.
Allerton
brought it
in afterwards on accounte, came to above
550li.
besids ther fetching hither from Salem & ye
Bay, wher
they and their goods were landed; viz.
* 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter
concerning the latter company of
Leyden
people. -- Prince.
298 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
their
transportation from Holland to England, & their
charges
lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing
provided for
them. For I find by accounte for ye one
company,
125. yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen
cloath,
shoes, 66. pr, with many other perticulers. The
charge of ye
other company is reckoned on ye severall
families,
some 50li., some 40li., some 30li., and so
more
or less, as
their number & expencess were. And
besids
all this
charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to
provid corne
& other provissions for them, till they
could reap a
crope which was long before. Those that
came in May
were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18.
months,
before they had any harvest of their owne, &
ye
other by proportion. And all they could
doe in ye
mean time
was to gett them some housing, and prepare
them grounds
to plant on, against the season. And
this charg
of maintaining them all this while was litle
less then ye
former sume. These things I note more
perticulerly,
for sundry regards. First, to shew a
rare
example
herein of brotherly love, and Christian care
in
performing their promises and covenants to their
bretheren,
too, & in a sorte beyonde their power;
that they
should venture so desperatly to ingage them
selves to
accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheer-
fully; for
they never demanded, much less had, any
repaymente
of all these great sumes thus disbursed.
2ly. It must needs be that ther was more then of
man
in these
acheevements, that should thus readily stire up
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION
299
ye
harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in partnership
with them in
shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie
to them as
these did, in so great adventures; and the
more because
the most of them never saw their faces
to this day;
ther being neither kindred, aliance, or
other
acquaintance or relations betweene any of them,
then hath
been before mentioned; it must needs be
therfore the
spetiall worke and hand of God. 3ly.
That these
poore people here in a wilderness should,
notwithstanding,
be inabled in time to repay all these
ingagments,
and many more unjustly brought upon
them through
the unfaithfullnes of some, and many
other great
losses which they sustained, which will be
made
manifest, if ye Lord be pleased to give life and
time. In ye mean time, I cannot but
admire his ways
and workes
towards his servants, and humbly desire
to blesse
his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo.
[166] The Leyden people being thus come
over,
and sundry
of ye generalitie seeing & hearing how great ye
charg was
like to be that was that way to be expended,
they begane
to murmure and repine at it, notwith-
standing ye
burden lay on other mens shoulders;
espetialIy
at ye paying of ye 3. bushells of corne
a year,
according to ye former agreemente, when ye
trad was
lett for ye 6. years aforesaid.
But to give
them contente
herein allso, it was promised them, that
if they
could doe it in ye time without it, they would
never demand
it of them; which gave them good con-
300 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
tente. And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare
by ye
sequell.
Concerning Mr. Allertons
proceedings about ye in-
larging
& confirming of their patent, both yt at home
&
Kenebeck, will best appere by another leter of
Mr.
Sherleys; for though much time & money was
expended
aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this
year, and
came without it. See Mr.
Sherleys letter.
Most worthy
& loving freinds, &c.
Some of your letters I received in July,
& some since
by Mr. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, ye patent, was
granted, I
could not setle my mind nor pen to writing.
Mr.
Allerton was
so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not
nor could
not have undergone it, if I might have had a
thousand
pounds; but ye Lord so blessed his labours (even
beyond
expectation in these evill days) as he obtained ye
love &
favore of great men in repute & place.
He got
granted from
ye Earle of Warwick & Sr. Ferdinandou Gorge
all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, & more
also, which
I leave to him to relate. Then he sued
to ye
king to
confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation,
and so to
inable you to make & execute lawes, in such
large &
ample maner as ye Massachusett plantation hath it;
which ye king graciously granted, referring it to ye Lord
Keeper to
give order to ye solisiter to draw it up, if ther
were a
presidente for it. So ye Lord Keeper furthered it all
he could,
and allso ye solissiter but as Festus said to Paule,
With no
small sume of money obtained I this freedom; for
by ye way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks
must be
opened with ye silver, ney, ye golden key. Then
it was to
come to ye Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 301
for freeing
ye custume for a certaine time; but he would
not
doe it, but
refferd it to ye Counsell table. And ther
Mr. Allerton atended day by day, when they sate, but could
not gett his
petition read. And by reason of Mr. Peirce
his staying
with all ye passengers at Bristoll, he was forct
to leave ye further prosecuting of it to a solissiter. But ther
is no fear
nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath ye
cheefe of
them to freind; yet it will be marvelously need-
full for him
to returne by ye first ship yt comes from thence;
for if you
had this confirmed, then were you compleate,
and might
bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for
your ranke
& place yt God hath called you unto; and stope
ye moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, yt are ready
to question
& threaten you in every action you [167] doe.
And besids,
if you have ye custome free for 7. years inward,
& 21.
outward, ye charge of ye patent will be soone re-
covered, and
ther is no fear of obtaining* it. But
such
things must
work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they
would;
werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners
here) desire
you to be ernest with Mr. Allerton to come,
and his wife
to spare him this one year more, to finish this
great &
waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much
for your
good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for many
generations
to come.
Thus much of this letter. It was dated ye 19. March,
1629.
By which it appears what progress was made
herein,
& in
part what charge it was, and how left unfinished,
and some
reason of ye same; but in truth (as was
* This word
is here substituted for recovering in the manuscript, on the
authority of
Bradford's Letter-Book.
302 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
afterwards
appehended) the meaine reason was Mr.
Allerton's
policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent
over againe,
for other regards; and for that end pro-
cured them
thus to write. For it might then well
enough have
been finshed, if not with yt clause aboute
ye
custumes, which was Mr. Allertons & Mr. Sherleys
device, and
not at all thought on by ye colony here,
nor much
regarded, yet it might have been done with-
out it,
without all queston, having passed ye kings hand;
nay it was
conceived it might then have beene done
with it, if
he had pleased; but covetousnes never brings
ought home,
as ye proverb is, for this oppertunytie
being lost,
it was never accomplished, but a great deale
of money
veainly & lavishly cast away aboute it, as
doth appear
upon their accounts. But of this more in
its place.
Mr. Alerton gave them great and
just ofence in this
(which I had
omited* and almost forgotten), -- in
bringing
over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy
man, and
instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was
sent home
but ye year before for his misdemenors. He
not only
brought him over, but to ye towne (as it were
to nose
them), and lodged him at his owne house, and
for a while
used him as a scribe to doe his bussines,
till he was
caused to pack him a way. So he wente to
his old nest
in ye Massachusets, wher it was not long
* This paragraph is written on the reverse
of the page immediately pre-
ceding, in
the original manuscript.
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 303
but by his
miscariage he gave them just occation to
lay hands on
him; and he was by them againe sent
prisoner
into England, wher he lay a good while in
Exeter
Jeole. For besids his miscariage here,
he was
vemently
suspected for ye murder of a man that had
adventured
moneys with him, when he came first, into
New-England. And a warrente was sente from ye
Lord
Cheefe
Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he
was by the
Govr of ye Massachusets sent into England;
and for
other his misdemenors amongst them, they
demolisht
his house, that it might be no longer a roost
for shuch
unclaine birds to nestle in. Yet he got
free
againe, and
write an infamouse & scurillous booke
against many
godly & cheefe men of ye cuntrie; full
of lyes
& slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies
against
their names and persons, and ye ways of
God. After sundry years, when ye warrs
were hott
in England,
he came againe into ye cuntrie, and was
implisoned
at Boston for this booke and other things,
being grown
old in wickednes.
Concerning ye rest of Mr.
Allertons instructions, in
which they
strictly injoyned him not to exceed above
yt
50li. in ye goods before mentioned, not to bring any
but trading
comodities, he followed them not at all,
but did the
quite contrarie; bringing over many other
sorts of
retaile goods, selling what he could by the
way on his
owne accounte, and delivering the rest,
which he
said to be theirs, into ye store; and for
304 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
trading
goods brought but title in comparison; excusing
the matter,
they had laid out much about ye Laiden
people,
& patent, &c. And for other
goods, they had
much of them
of ther owne dealings, without present
disbursemente,
& to like effect. And as for passing
his bounds
& instructions, he laid it on Mr. Sherley,
&c.,
who, he said, they might see his mind in his
leters; also
that they had sett out Ashley at great
charg; but
next year they should have what trading
goods they
would send for, if things were now well
setled,
&c. And thus were they put off;
indeed Mr.
Sherley
write things tending this way, but it is like he
was overruled
by Mr. Allerton, and harkened more to
him then to
their letters from hence.
Thus he further writs in ye
former leter.
I see what you write in your leters
concerning ye over-
coming &
paying of our debts, which I confess are great,
and had need
be carfully looked unto; yet no doubt but
we, joyning
in love, may soone over-come them; but we
must follow
it roundly & to purposs, for if we pedle out
ye time of our trad, others will step in and nose us. But
we know yt you have yt aquaintance & experience in ye coun-
trie, as
none have the like; wherfore, freinds & partners, be
no way
discouraged with ye greatnes of ye debt, &c., but let
us not
fulfill ye proverbe, to bestow 12d. on a purse, and
put
6d. [168] in
it; but as you and we have been at great charg,
and
undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine ex-
perience, so
as God shall enable us, let us make use of it.
And think
not with 50li. pound a yeare sent you over, to
rayse shuch
means as to pay our debts. We see a possi-
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLAKTATION. 305
billitie of
good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished;
and cheefly
if you lovingly agree. I know I write to
godly
and wise
men, such as have lerned to bear one an others
infirmities,
and rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if
I were able
I would press this more, because it is hoped
by some of
your enimies, that you will fail out one with
another, and
so over throw your hopfull bussines.
Nay,
I have heard
it crediblie reported, yt some have said, that
till you be
disjoynted by discontents & factions* amongst
your
sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting
or doing
good in those parts. But we hope beter
things of
you, and
that you will not only bear one with another, but
banish such
thoughts, and not suffer them to lodg in your
brests. God grant you may disappointe ye hopes of your
foes, and
procure ye hartie desire of your selves &
freinds
in this
perticuler.
By this it appears that ther was a kind of
concurrance
betweene Mr.
Allerton and them in these things, and
that they
gave more regard to his way & course in
these
things, then to ye advise from hence; which made
him bould to
presume above his instructions, and to
rune on in ye
course he did, to their greater hurt after-
wards, as
will appear. These things did much
trouble
them hear,
but they well knew not how to help it,
being loath
to make any breach or contention hear
aboute;
being so premonished as before in ye leter
above
recited. An other more secrete cause was
here-
with
concurrente; Mr. Allerton had maried ye daughter
of their
Reverend Elder, Mr. Brewster (a man beloved
*Fractions in the manuscript.
306 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
&
honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines
in teaching
& dispenceing ye word of God unto them),
whom they
were loath to greeve or any way offend,
so as they
bore with much in that respecte. And
with
all Mr.
Allerton carried so faire with him, and procured
such leters
from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch ap-
plause of Mr.
Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes,
in ye
bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte
to send
aboute them as he; and if any should suggest
other wise,
it was rather out of envie, or some other
sinister
respecte then other wise. Besids, though
pri-
vate gaine,
I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause
to lead Mr.
Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I
thinke, or
at least charitie caries me to hope, that he
intended to
deale faithfully with them in ye maine, and
had such an
opinion of his owne abillitie, and some
experience
of ye benefite that he had made in this
singuler
way, as he conceived he might both raise him
selfe an
estate, and allso be a means to bring in such
profite to Mr.
Sherley, (and. it may be ye rest,) as
might be as
lickly to bring in their moneys againe
with
advantage, and it may be sooner then from the
generall
way; or at least it was looked upon by some
of them to
be a good help ther unto; and that neither
he nor any
other did intend to charge ye generall
accounte
with any thing that rane in perticuler; or
yt
Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but yt ye
generall
should be first & fully supplyed. I
say charitie
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 307
makes me
thus conceive; though things fell out other
wise, and
they missed of their aimes, and ye generall
suffered
abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear.
[169] Togeither herewith sorted an other
bussines
contrived by
Mr. Allerton and them ther, wthout any
knowledg of
ye partners, and so farr proceeded in as
they were
constrained to allow therof, and joyne in
ye
same, though they had no great liking of it, but
feared what
might be ye evente of ye same. I shall
relate it in
a further part of Mr. Sherley's leter as
foloweth.
I am to aquainte you that we have thought
good to joyne
with one
Edward Ashley (a man I thinke yt some
of you
know); but
it is only of yt place wherof he hath a patente
in Mr. Beachamps name; and to that end have furnished
him with
larg provissions, &c. Now if you
please to be
partners
with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after
we heard how
forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some
able men of
his owne kindrid) have been to stock & sup-
ply him,
hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay
hould of
such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of runing
plantation,
then others who have not borne ye
burthen of
setling a
plantation, as we have done. And he, on
ye other
side, like
an understanding yonge man, thought it better to
joyne with
those yt had means by a plantation to supply
& back
him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only
after
profite. Now it is not knowne that you
are partners
with him;
but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my
selfe, &
Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have ye patente, in
consideration
of our great loss we have allready sustained
in setling ye first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather to
308 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
take it in
our names. And now, as I said before, if
you
please to
joyne with us, we are willing you should.
Mr.
Allerton had
no power from you to make this new con-
tracte,
neither was he willing to doe any thing therin with-
out your
consente & approbation. Mr. William
Peirce is
joyned with
us in this, for we thought it very conveniente,
because of
landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please;
and he will
bend his course accordingly. He hath a
new
boate with
him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5.
lustie
fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter. Now
in case
you are not
willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fear-
ing ye charge & doubting ye
success, yet thus much we in-
treate of
you, to afford him all the help you can, either by
men,
commodities, or boats; yet not but yt we will
pay
you for any
thing he hath. And we desire you to keep
ye accounts apart, though you joyne with us; becase ther
is, as you
see, other partners in this then ye
other; so, for
all mens
wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall
have of you,
make him debtore for it; and what you shall
have of him,
make ye plantation or your selves debtore
for it to
him, and so ther will need no mingling of ye ac-
counts.
And now, loving freinds & partners, if
you joyne in Ashles
patent &
bussines, though we have laid out ye
money and
taken up
much to stock this bussines & the other, yet I
thinke it
conscionable and reasonable yt you
should beare
your shares
and proportion of ye stock, if not by present
money, yet
by securing us for so much as it shall come
too; for it
is not barly ye interest yt is to be alowed & con-
sidered of,
but allso ye adventure; though I hope in God,
by his
blessing & your honest indeavors, it may soon be
payed; yet ye years yt this partnership holds is not long,
nor many;
let all therfore lay it to harte, and make ye best
use of ye time that possiblie we cann, and let every man
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 309
put too his
shoulder, and ye burthen will be the lighter.
I know you
are so honest & conscionable men, as you will
consider
hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may
give good
satisfaction. Ther is none of us that
would ven-
ture as we
have done, were it not to strengthen & setle you
more then
our owne perticuler profite.
Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in
buying ye debte
for ye purchas. I know some will
not abate ye interest, and
therfore let
it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly,
and so I
hope they shall, according to agreemente.
The
Lord grant yt our loves & affections may still be united,
and knit
togeither; and so we rest your ever loving friends,
JAMES SHERLEY.
TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.
Bristoll,
March 19. 1629.
This mater of ye buying ye
debts of ye purchass
was parte of
Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many
of them it
might have been done to good profite for
ready pay
(as some were); but. Mr. Sherley had no
mind to
it. But this bussines aboute Ashley did
not
a litle
trouble them; for though he had wite & abillitie
enough to
menage ye bussines, yet some of them knew
him to be a
very profane yonge man; and he had for
some time
lived amonge ye Indeans as a savage, &
wente naked
amongst them, and used their maners (in
wch
time he got their language), so they feared he
might still
rune into evill courses (though he prom-
ised
better), and God would not prosper his ways.
As soone as
he was landed at ye place intended, caled
Penobscote,
some 4. score leagues from this place, he
310 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
write (&
afterwards came) for to desire to be sup-
plyed with
Wampampeake, corne against winter, and
other
things. They considered these were of
their
cheefe
comodities, and would be continually needed by
him, and it
would much prejudice their owne trade
at Kenebeck
if they did not joyne with him in ye
ordering of
things, if thus they should supply him;
and on ye
other hand, if they refused to joyne with
him, and
allso to afford any supply unto him, they
should
greatly offend their above named friends, and
might hapily
lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Aller-
ton, laying
their craftie wits togither, might gett sup-
plies of
these things els wher; besids, they considered
that if they
joyned not in ye bussines, they knew Mr.
Allerton
would be with them in it, & so would swime,
as it were,
betweene both, to ye prejudice of boath,
but of them
selves espetially. For they had reason
to thinke
this bussines was cheefly of his contriving,
and Ashley
was a man fitte for his turne and dealings.
So they, to
prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to
joyne in ye
bussines, and gave him supplies in what
they could,
& overlooked his proceedings as well as
they could;
the which they did ye better, by joyning
an honest
yonge man,* that came from Leyden, with
him as his
fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as
a
servante. Which yonge man being
discreete, and
one whom
they could trust, they so instructed as
* Thomas Willett.
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 311
keept Ashley
in some good mesure within bounds.
And so they
returned their answer to their freinds
in England,
that they accepted of their motion, and
joyned with
them in Ashleys bussines; and yet with-
all tould
them what their fears were concerning
him.
But when they came to have full notice of
all ye
goods brought
them that year, they saw they fell very
short of
trading goods, and Ashley farr better sup-
pleyed then
[171] themselves; so as they were forced
to buy of
the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea,
&
cottens & carseys & other such like cloath (for
want of
trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himselfe, and
so to put
away a great parte of their beaver, at under
rate, in the
countrie, which they should have sente
home, to
help to discharge their great ingagementes;
which was to
their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton
prayed them
to be contente, and ye nexte yere they
might have
what they would write for. And their in-
gagmentes of
this year were great indeed when they
came to know
them, (which was not wholy till 2.
years
after); and that which made them ye more, Mr.
Allerton had
taken up some large sumes at Bristoll at
50. pr
cent. againe, which he excused, that he was
forcte to
it, because other wise he could at ye spring
of year get
no goods transported, such were their
envie
against their trade. But wheither this
was any
more then an
excuse, some of them doubted; but how-
312 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ever, ye
burden did lye on their backs, and they must
bear it, as
they did many heavie loads more in ye
end.
This paying of 50. pr cent. and
di:ficulty of having
their goods
trasported by ye fishing ships at ye first
of ye
year, (as was beleeved,) which was ye cheefe
season for
trade, put them upon another projecte. Mr.
Allerton,
after ye fishing season was over, light of a
bargan of
salte, at a good fishing place, and bought
it; which
came to aboute 113li.; and shortly after he
might have
had 30li. cleare profite for it, without any
more trouble
aboute it. But Mr. Winslow
coming that
way from
Kenebeck, & some other of ther partners
with him in
ye barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton,
and falling
into discourse with him, they stayed him
from selling
ye salte; and resolved, if it might please
ye
rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship
in ye
west cuntrie to come on :fishing for them, on
shares,
according to ye coustome; and seeing she might
have her
salte here ready, and a stage ready builte
& fitted
wher the salt lay safely landed & housed.
In stead of
bringing salte, they might stowe her full
of trading
goods, as bread, pease, cloth, &c., and so
they might
have a full supply of goods without paing
fraight, and
in due season, which might turne greatly to
their
advantage. Coming home, this was
propounded,
and
considered on, and aproved by all but ye Govr,
who had no
mind to it, seeing they had allway lost
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 313
by fishing;
but ye rest were so ernest, as thinkeing
that they
might gaine well by ye fishing in this way;
and if they
should but save, yea, or lose some thing
by it, ye
other benefite would be advantage inough;
so, seeing
their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was
referd to
their freinds in England to alow, or disalow
it. Of which more in its place.
Upon ye consideration of ye
bussines about ye paten,
& in
what state it was left, as is before remembred,
and Mr.
Sherleys ernest pressing to have Mr. Allerto
to come over
againe to finish it, & perfect ye accounts,
&c., it
was concluded to send him over this year
againe;
though it was with some fear & jeolocie; yet
he gave them
fair words and promises of well perform-
ing all
their bussineses according to their directions,
and to mend
his former errors. So he was accordingly
sent with
full instructions for all things, with large let-
ters to Mr.
Sherley & ye rest, both aboute Ashleys
bussines and
their owne suply with trading comodities,
and how much
it did concerne them to be furnished
therwith,
& what ye had suffered for wante therof; and
of what
litle use other goods were [172] in com-
parison
therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship,
to be thus
hired, and fraught with trading goods,
which might
both supply them & Ashley, and ye
benefite
therof; which was left to their consideration
to hire
& set her out, or not; but in no case not to
send any,
exepte she was thus fraighte with trading
314 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
goods. But what these things came too will appere
in ye
next years passages.
I had like to have omited an other passage
that
fell out ye
begining of this year. Ther was one Mr.
Ralfe Smith,
& his wife & familie, yt came over into
ye
Bay of ye Massachusets, and sojourned at presente
with some
stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here
being a boat
of this place putting in ther on some
occasion, he
ernestly desired that they would give him
& his,
passage for Plimoth, and some such things as
they could
well carrie; having before heard yt ther was
liklyhood he
might procure house-roome for some time,
till he
should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or
els-wher as
God should disposs; for he was werie of
being in yt
uncoth place, & in a poore house yt would
neither keep
him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him
to
be a grave
man, & understood he had been a minister,
though they
had no order for any such thing, yet they
presumed and
brought him. He was here accordingly
kindly
entertained & housed, & had ye rest of his goods
&
servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst
them, and
afterwards was chosen into ye ministrie, and
so remained
for sundrie years.
It was before noted that sundry of those
that came
from Leyden,
came over in the ships yt came to Salem,
wher Mr.
Endecott had cheefe comand; and by infection
that grue
amonge ye passengers at sea, it spread also
among them a
shore, of which many dyed, some of ye
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 315
scurvie,
other of an infectious feaoure, which continued
some time
amongst them (though our people, through
Gods
goodnes, escaped it). Upon which
occasion he
write hither
for some help, understanding here was one
that had
some skill yt way, & had cured diverse of ye
scurvie, and
others of other diseases, by letting blood,
& other
means. Upon which his request ye
Govr hear
sent him
unto them, and also write to him, from whom
he received
an answere; the which, because it is breefe,
and shows ye
begining of their aquaintance, and closing
in ye
truth & ways of God, I thought it not unmeete,
nor without
use, hear to inserte it; and an other show-
ing ye
begining of their fellowship & church estate ther.
Being as followeth.
Right worthy
Sr:
It is a thing not usuall, that servants
to one mr. and of ye
same
houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it
not, nay, to
speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you.
Gods people
are all marked with one and ye same
marke,
and sealed
with one and ye same seale, and have for ye maine,
one & ye same harte, guided by one & same spirite of
truth; and
wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here
must needs
be sweete harmonie. And ye same request
(with
you) I make
unto ye Lord, that we may, as Christian
breethren,
be united by a heavenly & unfained love; bend-
ing all our
harts and forces in furthering a worke be-
yond our
strength, with reverence & fear, fastening our eyse
allways on
him that only is able to directe and prosper all
our
ways. I acknowledge my selfe much bound
to you for
your kind
love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us,
316 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
and rejoyce
much yt I am by him satisfied touching your
judgments of
ye outward forme of Gods worshipe. It is, as
farr as
[173] I can yet gather, no other then is warrented
by ye evidence of truth, and ye same
which I have proffessed
and
maintained ever since ye Lord in mercie revealed him
selfe unto
me; being farr from ye commone reporte that
hath been
spread of you touching that perticuler.
But Gods
children
must not looke for less here below, and it is ye
great mercie
of God, that he strengthens them to goe through
with
it. I shall not neede at this time to be
tedious unto
you, for,
God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly.
In ye mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, comiting
you to ye Lords blessed protection, & rest,
Your assured loving friend,
JO: ENDECOTT.
Naumkeak, May 11. Ano.
1629.
This second leter sheweth ther proceedings
in their
church
affaires at Salem, which was ye 2. church erected
in these
parts; and afterwards ye Lord established many
more in
sundrie places.
Sr: I make bould to trouble you with a few lines,
for to
certifie you
how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since
you heard
from us. How, notwithstanding all
opposition
that hath
been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay
a
foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in
evry
thing. The 20. of July, it pleased ye Lord to move
ye hart of our Govr to
set it aparte for a solemne day of
humilliation
for ye choyce of a pastor & teacher. The former
parte of ye day being spente in praier & teaching, the later
parte aboute
ye election, which was after this
maner. The
persons
thought on (who had been ministers in England)
1629.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 317
were
demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged
ther was a
towfould calling, the one an inward calling,
when ye Lord moved ye harte of a man to take yt calling
upon him,
and fitted him with guiftes for ye
same; the
second was
an outward calling, which was from ye
people,
when a
company of beleevers are joyned togither in cove-
nante, to
walke togither in all ye ways of God, and every
member
(being men) are to have a free voyce in ye
choyce
of their
officers, &c. Now, we being
perswaded that these
2. men were
so quallified, as ye apostle speaks to Timothy,
wher he
saith, A bishop must be blamles, sober,
apte to
teach,
&c., I thinke I may say, as ye eunuch said unto
Philip, What should let from being baptised, seeing
ther
was water?
and he beleeved. So these 2. servants of
God,
clearing all
things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,)
we saw noe
reason but we might freely give our voyces for
their
election, after this triall. So Mr. Skelton was chosen
pastor, and
Mr. Higgison to be teacher; and they
accepting
ye choyce, Mr. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of ye gravest mem-
bers of ye church, laid their hands on Mr.
Skelton, using
prayer
therwith. This being done, ther was
imposission of
hands on Mr. Higgison also. And since
that time, Thursday
(being, as I
take it, ye 6. of August) is appoynted for
another day
of humilliation, for ye choyce of elders &
deacons,
& ordaining of them.
And now, good Sr, I hope yt you & ye rest of Gods people
(who are
aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will
say that
hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2.
blessed
servants of ye Lord came in at ye dore, and not at ye
window. Thus I have made bould to trouble you with
these
few lines,
desiring you to remember us, &c. And
so rest,
At your service in what I may,
CHARLES GOTT.
Salem, July 30. 1629.
318 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
[174] Anno Dom: 1630.
ASHLEY, being well supplyed, had quickly
gathered
a good
parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he
sent it all
home, and would not pay for ye goods he
had had of ye
plantation hear, but lett them stand still
on ye
score, and tooke up still more. Now
though
they well
enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe
on, and
write of it into England. But partly ye
beaver
they
received, & sould, (of which they weer sencible,)
and partly
by Mr. Al1ertons extolling of him, they cast
more how to
supplie him then ye plantation, and some-
thing to
upbraid them with it. They were forct to
buy him a
barke allso, and to furnish her wth a mr. &
men, to
transporte his corne & provissions (of which
he put of
much); for ye Indeans of those parts have
no corne
growing, and at harvest, after corne is ready,
ye
weather grows foule, and ye seas dangerous, so as
he could doe
litle good with his shallope for yt pur-
poss.
They looked ernestly for a timely supply
this spring,
by the
fishing ship which they expected, and had been
at charg to
keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor
any supply
heard of for them. At length they heard
sume supply
was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at
which they
something marvelled, and the more yt they
had no
letters either from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley;
so they went
on in their bussines as well as ye could.
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 319
At last they
heard of Mr. Peirce his arivall in ye Bay
of ye
Massachusetts, who brought passengers & goods
thither. They presently sent a shallop, conceiving
they
should have
some thing by him. But he tould them
he had none;
and a ship was sett out on fishing, but
after 11.
weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch
foull
weather as she was forcte back againe for Eng-
land, and, ye
season being over, gave off ye vioage.
Neither did
he hear of much goods in her for ye plan-
tation, or yt
she did belong to them, for he had heard
some thing
from Mr. Allerton tending that way.
But
Mr.
Allerton had bought another ship, and was to
come in her,
and was to fish for bass to ye east-
ward, and to
bring goods, &c. These things did
much
trouble
them, and half astonish them. Mr.
Winslow
haveing been
to ye eastward, brought nuese of the like
things, wth
some more perticulers, and yt it was like
Mr.
Allerton would be late before he came.
At length
they, having
an oppertunitie, resolved to send Mr.
Winslow,
with what beaver they had ready, into Eng-
land, to see
how ye squars wente, being very jeolouse
of these
things, & Mr. Allertons courses; and writ
shuch
leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as they
thought
meet; and if he found things not well, to dis-
charge Mr.
Allerton for being any longer agent for
them, or to
deal any more in ye bussines, and to see
how ye
accounts stood, &c.
Aboute ye midle of somer
arrives Mr. Hatherley in
320 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
Bay of ye Massachusetts, (being one of ye part-
ners,) and
came over in ye same ship that was set
out on
fhishing (called ye Frendship).
They presently
sent to him,
making no question but now they had
goods come,
and should know how all things stood.
But they
found [175] the former news true, how this
ship had
been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled
her
provissions, and overthrowne ye viage. And he
being sent
over by ye rest of ye partners, to see how
things wente
hear, being at Bristoll with Mr. Allerton;
in ye
shipe bought (called ye White-Angell), ready to
set sayle,
over night came a messenger from Bastable
to Mr.
Allerton, and tould him of ye returne of ye
ship, and
what had befallen. And he not knowing
what to doe,
having a great chareg under hand, ye
ship lying
at his rates, and now ready to set sayle,
got him to
goe and discharg ye ship, and take order
for ye
goods. To be short, they found Mr.
Hatherley
some thing
reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (Mr.
Allerton not
being ther,) not knowing how to dispose
of ye
goods till he came; but he heard he was arived
with ye
other ship to ye eastward, and expected his
coming. But he tould them ther was not much for
them in this
ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and
2.
hoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden
flackets
(but when these flackets came to be received,
ther was
left but 6. gallons of ye 2. hogsheads, it be-
ing drunke
up under ye name leackage, and so lost).
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 321
But the ship
was filled with goods for sundrie gentle-
men, &
others, that were come to plant in ye Mas-
sachusets,
for which they payed fraight by ye tun.
And this was
all the satisfaction they could have at
presente, so
they brought this small parcell of goods
&
returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure;
which made
them much to marvell therat. The letter
was as
followeth.
Gentle-men,
partners, and loving friends, &c.
Breefly thus: wee have this year set forth a fishing ship,
and a
trading ship, which later we have bought; and so
have
disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will
appeare by ye accounts. And because this
ship (called ye
White
Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing
for bass,
and trading; and that while Mr.
Allerton was im-
ployed
aboute ye trading, the fishing might suffer by car-
lesnes or
neglecte of ye sailors, we have entreated your and
our loving
friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over with him,
knowing he
will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to
you, to see
a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to
ye bussines; and so great contente to us, that if it should
please God ye one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet ye other
would keepe
both recconings, and things uprighte.
For we
are now out
great sumes of money, as they will acquainte
you withall,
&c. When we were out but 4. or 5.
hundred
pounds a
peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to
you, &
your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite .
thanks &
comendations, both of you & us, for his pains,
&c.); but now we are out double, nay, trible a
peece, some
of us,
&c.; which maks us both write, and send over our
friend, Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly,
of which we
doubte not of. The main end of sending
him
322 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
is to see ye state and accounte of all ye
bussines, of all which
we pray you
informe him fully, though ye ship
& bussines
wayte for it
and him. For we should take it very
unkindly
that we
should intreat him to take such a journey, and that,
when it
pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give us con-
tente &
satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of
any of
you. [176] But we hope you will so order
bussines,
as neither
he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to
doe as we
ever have done, thinke well of you all, &c.
I
will not
promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effecte ye full
desire and
grant of your patente, & that ere it be longe.
I would not
have you take any thing unkindly. I have
not write
out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing.
Be you
all kindly
saluted in ye Lord, so I rest,
Yours in what I may,
JAMES SHERLEY.
March
25.1630.
It needs not be thought strange, that
these things
should amase
and trouble them; first, that this fishing
ship should
be set out, and fraight with other mens
goods, &
scarce any of theirs; seeing their maine end
was (as is
before remembred) to bring them a full
supply, and
their speatiall order not to sett out any
excepte this
was done. And now a ship to come on
their
accounte, clean contrary to their both end & order,
was a
misterie they could not understand; and so much
ye
worse, seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose
both her
vioage & provissions. The 2. thing,
that
another ship
should be bought and sente out on new
designes, a
thing not so much as once thought on by
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 323
any here,
much less, not a word intimated or spoaken
of by any
here, either by word or letter, neither could
they imagine
why this should be. Bass fishing was
never lookt
at by them, but as soone as ever they
heard on it,
they looked at it as a vaine thing, that
would
certainly turne to loss. And for Mr.
Allerton
to follow
any trade for them, it was never in their
thoughts. And 3ly, that their frieds should
complaine
of
disbursements, and yet rune into such great things,
and charge
of shiping & new projects of their owne
heads, not
only without, but against, all order & advice,
was to them
very strang. And 4ly, that
all these mat-
ters of so
great charg & imployments should be thus
wrapped up
in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew
not what to
make of it. But amids all their doubts
they must
have patience till Mr. Allerton & Mr.
Hatherley
should come. In ye mean time
Mr. Winslow
was gone for
England; and others of them were forst
to folow
their imployments with ye best means they
had, till
they could hear of better.
At length Mr. Hatherley & Mr.
Allerton came unto
them, (after
they had delivered their goods,) and find-
ing them
strucken with some sadnes aboute these
things, Mr.
Allerton tould them that ye ship Whit-
Angele did
not belong to them, nor their accounte,
neither
neede they have any thing to doe with her,
excepte they
would. And Mr. Hatherley
confirmed
ye
same, and said that they would have had him to have
324 HISTORY OF [Book II.
had a parte,
but he refused; but he made question
whether they
would not turne her upon ye generall
accounte, if
ther came loss (as he now saw was like),
seeing Mr.
Allerton laid downe this course, and put
them on this
projecte. But for ye fishing
ship, he tould
them they
need not be so much troubled, for he had
her accounts
here, and showed them that her first set-
ing out came
not much to exceed 600li. as they might
see by ye
accounte, which he showed them; and for
this later
viage, it would arrise to profite by ye fraight
of ye
goods, and ye salle of some katle which he shiped
and had
allready sould, & was to be paid for partly
here &
partly by bills into England, so as they should
not have
this put on their acounte at all, except they
[178]*
would. And for ye former, he
had sould so
much goods
out of her in England, and imployed ye
money in
this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods
&
implements as Mr. Allerton must need aboute his
fishing,
would rise to a good parte of ye money; for he
must have ye
sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c.;
all which
would rise to nere 400li.; so, with ye bearing
of their
parts of ye rest of ye loses (which would not
be much
above 200li.), they would clear them of this
whole
accounte. Of which motion they were
glad, not
being
willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but
aboute their
trade, which made them willing to harken
therunto,
and demand of Mr. Hatherley how he could
* 177 is omitted in MS.
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 325
make this
good, if they should agree their unto, he
tould them
he was sent over as their agente, and had
this order
from them, that whatsoever he and Mr.
Allerton did
togeather, they would stand to it; but
they would
not alow of what Mr. Allerton did alone,
except they
liked it; but if he did it alone, they would
not gaine
say it. Upon which they sould to him
& Mr.
Allerton all
ye rest of ye goods, and gave them present
possession
of them; and a writing was made, and con-
firmed under
both Mr. Hatherleys and Mr. Allertons
hands, to ye
effecte afforesaide. And Mr.
Allertone,
being best
aquainted wth ye people, sould away presenly
all shuch
goods as he had no need of for ye fishing,
as 9.
shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and ye
roads for
them being all new, with sundry such usefull
goods, for
ready beaver, by Mr. Hatherleys allowance.
And thus
they thought they had well provided for
them
selvs. Yet they rebuked Mr.
Allerton very much
for runing
into these courses, fearing ye success of them.
Mr.
Allerton & Mr. Hatherley brought to ye towne with
them (after
he had sould what he could abroad) a great
quantity of
other goods besids trading comodities; as
linen
cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c.,
I and tould
them they were to have them, if they would;
but they
tould Mr. Allerton that they had forbid him
before for
bringing any such on their accounte; it
would hinder
their trade and returnes. But he & Mr.
Hatherley
said, if they would not have them, they
326 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
would sell
them, them selves, and take corne for what
they could
not otherwise sell. They tould them they
might, if
they had order for it. The goods of one
sorte &
other came to upward of 500li.
After these things, Mr.
Allerton wente to ye ship
aboute his
bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, (according
to his
order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood
at ye
plantation, (of all which they informed him
fully,) he
then desired a boate of them to goe and
visite ye
trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley
at
Penobscote; for so they in England had injoyned
him. They accordingly furnished him with a boate
&
men for ye
viage, and aquainted him plainly & thorowly
with all
things; by which he had good contente and
satisfaction,
and saw plainly yt Mr. Allerton plaid his
owne game,
and rane a course not only to ye great
wrong &
detrimente of ye plantation, who imployed &
trusted him,
but abused them in England also, in pos-
sessing them
with prejudice against ye plantation; as
yt
they would never be able to repaye their moneys
(in regard
of their great charge), but if [179] they
would follow
his advice and projects, he & Ashley
(being well
supplyed) would qujckly bring in their
moneys with
good advantage. Mr. Hatherley
disclosed
also a
further projecte aboute ye setting out of this
ship, ye
White-angell; how, she being wel fitted with
good
ordnance, and known to have made a great fight
at sea (when
she belongd to Bristoll) and caried away
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 327
ye
victory, they had agreed (by Mr. Allerton's means)
that, after
she had brought a fraight of goods here into
ye
countrie, and fraight her selfe with fish, she should
goe from
hence to Port of porte,* and ther be sould,
both ship,
goods, and ordenance; and had, for this
end, had
speech with a factore of those parts, before-
hand, to
whom she should have been consigned. But
this was
prevented at this time, (after it was known,)
partly by ye
contrary advice given by their freinds
hear to Mr.
Allerton & Mr. Hatherley, showing how it
might
insnare their friends in England, (being men
of estate,)
if it should come to be knowne; and for
ye
plantation, they did and would disalow it, and pro-
test against
it; and partly by their bad viage, for
they both
came too late to doe any good for fishing,
and allso
had such a wicked and drunken company as
neither Mr.
Allerton nor any els could rule; as Mr.
Hatherley,
to his great greefe & shame, saw, & be-
held, and
all others that came nere them.
Ashley likwise was taken in a trape,
(before Mr.
Hatherley
returned,) tor trading powder & shote with
ye
Indeans; and was ceased upon by some in author-
itie, who
allso would have confiscated above a thousand
weight of
beaver; but ye goods were freed, for ye
Govr
here made it appere, by a bond under Ashleys
hand, wherin
he was bound to them in 500li. not to
trade any
munition with ye Indeans, or other wise
* Oporto, called by the Dutch Port a
port.
328 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to abuse him
selfe; it was also manifest against him
that he had
comited uncleannes with Indean women,
(things that
they feared at his first imployment, which
made them
take this strict course with him in ye be-
gining); so,
to be shorte, they gott their goods freed,
but he was
sent home prisoner. And that I may make
an end
concerning him, after some time of imprison-
mente in ye
Fleet, by ye means of friends he was set
at liberty,
and intended to come over againe, but ye
Lord
prevented it; for he had a motion made to him,
by some
marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had
such good
skill in ye beaver trade, the which he ac-
cepted of,
and ill his returne home was cast away at
sea; this
was his end.
Mr. Hatherley, fully
understanding ye state of all
things, had
good satisfaction, and could well informe
them how all
things stood betweene Mr. Allerton and
ye
plantation. Yea, he found yt
Mr. Allerton had gott
within him,
and [180] got all ye goods into his owne
hands, for
which Mr. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged
to them
hear, aboute ye ship-Freidship, as also most
of ye
fraigte money, besids some of his owne perticuler
estate;
about wch more will appear here after. So he
returned
into England, and they sente a good quantity
of beaver
with him to ye rest of ye partners; so both
he and it
was very wellcome unto them.
Mr. Allerton followed his affaires, &
returned with
his White
Angell, being no more imployed by ye plan-
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 329
tation; but
these bussinesses were not ended till many
years after,
nor well understood of a longe time, but
foulded up
in obscuritie, & kepte in ye clouds, to ye
great loss
& vexation of ye plantation, who in ye end
were (for
peace sake) forced to bear ye unjust burthen
of them, to
their allmost undoing, as will appear, if
God give
life to finish this history.
They sent their letters also by Mr.
Hatherley to ye
partners
ther, to show them how Mr. Hatherley & Mr.
Allerton had
discharged them of ye Friendships
accounte,
and that they boath affirmed yt the White-
Angell did
not at all belong to them; and therfore
desired that
their accounte might not be charged ther-
with. Also they write to Mr. Winslow,
their agente,
that he in
like maner should (in their names) protest
against it,
if any such thing should be intended, for
they would
never yeeld to ye same. As
allso to sig-
nifie to
them that they renounsed Mr. Allerton wholy,
for being
their agente, or to have any thing to doe in
any of their
bussines.
This year John Billinton ye
elder (one that came
over with ye
first) was arrained, and both by grand
& petie
jurie found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine
&
notorious evidence. And was for the same
accord-
ingly executed.*
This, as it was ye first execution
* Hubbard, on page 101, notices the
execution of Billington as taking
place
"about September" of this year.
"Tbe murtherer expected that,
either for
want of power to execute for capital offences, or for waut of
330 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
amongst
them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto
them. They used all due means about his triall, and
tooke ye
advice of Mr. Winthrop and other ye ablest
gentle-men in
ye Bay of ye Massachusets, that were
then new-ly
come over, who concured with them yt he
ought to
dye, and ye land to be purged from blood.
He and some
of his had been often punished for mis-
cariags
before, being one of ye profanest families amongst
them. They came from London, and I know not by
what freinds
shufled into their company. His facte
was,
that he
way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin,
(about a
former quarell,) and shote him with a gune,
wherof he
dyed.*
Having by a providence a letter or to yt
came to
my hands
concerning the proceedings of their Red:
freinds in ye
Bay of ye Massachusets, who were latly
come over, I
thought it not amise here to inserte
them, (so
farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull
for after
times,) before I conclude this year.
Sr:
Being at Salem ye 25. of July, being ye saboath,
after
ye
eveing exercise, Mr. Johnson received a letter from ye
people to
increase the plantation, he should have his life spared; but jus-
tice
otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first murtherer of his neigh-
bour there,
with the deserved punishment of death, for a warning to others."
The first
offence committed in the colony was by Billington, in 1621, who,
for contempt
of the Captain's lawful command, with opprobrious speeches,
was adjudged
to have his neck and heels tied together.
Prince, I. 103, from
Bradford's
pocket-book.
* This paragraph was written on the
reverse of page 180 of the original manuscript, near this place.
1630.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 331
Govr,
Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting ye hand of God to
be upon
them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visit-
ing them
with sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst
them, not
sparing ye righteous, but partaking with ye wicked
in these
bodily judgments. It was therfore by his
desire
taken into ye
Godly consideration of ye best hear, what was
to be done
to pacifie ye Lords wrath, &c.
Wher it was con-
cluded, that
the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and
to that end,
ye 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke,
is set
aparte, that they may humble them selves before God,
and seeke
him in his ordenances; and that then also such
godly
persons that are amongst them, and know each to
other, may
publickly, at ye end of their exercise, make
known their
Godly desire, and practise ye same, viz. solemly
to enter
into [181] covenante with ye Lord to walke in his
ways. And since they are so disposed of in their
outward
estats, as
to live in three distinct places, each having men
of abilitie
amongst them, ther to observe ye day,
and be-
come 3.
distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to pro-
ceed to ye choyce of officers, or ye
admitting of any other
to their
societie then a few, to witte, such as are well knowne
unto them;
promising after to receive in such by confession
of faith, as
shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y estate.
They doe
ernestly entreate that ye church of Plimoth would
set apparte
ye same day, for ye same ends, beseeching ye
Lord, as to withdraw
his hand of correction from them, so
also to
establish and direct them in his wayes.
And though
ye time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly
worke, seing
ye causes are so urgente; wherin God will be
honoured,
and they & we undoubtedly have sweete com-
forte. Be you all kindly saluted, &c.
Your brethren in Christ, &c.
Salem, July 26. 1630.
332 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
Sr:
&c. The sadd news here is, that many
are sicke, and
many are
dead; ye Lord in mercie looke upon them.
Some
are here
entered into church covenante; the first were 4.
namly, ye Govr, Mr.
John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dud-
ley, and Mr. Willson; since that 5. more are joyned unto
them, and
others, it is like, will adde them selves to them
dayly; the
Lord increase them, both in number and in holi-
nes for his
mercie sake. Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cot-
tington, (a
Boston man,) who tould me, that Mr.
Cottons
charge at
Hamton was,. that they should take advise of
them at
Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them.
Here are
diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see
us, some out
of love which they bear to us, and ye good
perswasion
they have of us; others to see whether we be so
ill as they
have heard of us. We have a name of
holines,
and love to
God and his saincts; the Lord make us more
and more
answerable, and that it may be more then a name,
or ela it
will doe us no good. Be you lovingly
saluted, and
all the rest
of our friends. The Lord Jesus blese us,
and ye
whole Israll
of God. Amen.
Your loving brother, &c.
Charles-towne, Aug. 2. 1630.
Thus out of smalle beginings greater
things have been
prodused by
his hand yt made all things of nothing,
and gives
being to all things that are; and as one
small candle
may light a thousand, so ye light here
kindled hath
shone to many, yea in some sorte to our
whole
nation; let ye glorious name of Jehova have all
ye
praise.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 333
[182] Anno Dom: 1631.
ASHLEY being thus by ye hand of
God taken away,
and Mr.
Allerton discharged of his imploymente for
them, their
bussines began againe to rune in one
chanell, and
them selves better able to guide the same,
Penobscote
being wholy now at their disposing. And
though Mr.
William Peirce had a parte ther as is before
noted, yet
now, as things stood, he was glad to have
his money
repayed him, and stand out. Mr.
Winslow,
whom they
had sent over, sent them over some supply
as soone as
he could; and afterwards when he came,
which was
something longe by reason of bussines, he
brought a
large supply of suitable goods with him,
by which
ther trading was well carried on. But by
no means
either he, or ye letters yey write, could take
off Mr.
Sherley & ye rest from putting both ye Friend-
ship and
Whit-Angell on ye generall accounte; which
caused
continuall contention betweene them, as will
more
appeare.
I shall inserte a leter of Mr.
Winslow's about these
things,
being as foloweth.
Sr:
It fell out by Gods providence, yt I received and
brought your
leters pr Mr.
Allerton from Bristoll, to London;
and doe much
feare what will be ye event of things. Mr.
Allerton
intended to prepare ye ship againe, to set forth
upon
fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, & Mr. Andrews,
they
renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they
334 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
would never
have adventured one penie into those parts;
Mr. Hatherley stands inclinable to either. And wheras you
write that
he and Mr. Allerton have taken ye Whit-Angell
upon them,
for their partners here, they professe they neiver
gave any
such order, nor will make it good; if them selves
will cleare
ye accounte & doe it, all shall be
well. What
ye evente of these things will be, I know not. The Lord
so directe
and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by
our
divissions. I hear (pr a freind) that I was much blamed
for speaking
wt *
I heard in ye spring of ye year, concerning
ye buying & setting forth of yt ship; ! sure, if I should not
have tould
you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which
report I
offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have
been
unworthy my imploymente. And concerning
ye comis-
sion so long
since given to Mr. Allerton, the truth is, the
thing we
feared is come upon us; for Mr.
Sherley & ye rest
have it, and
will not deliver it, that being ye
ground of our
agents
credite to procure shuch great sumes.
But I looke
for bitter
words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from
sundrie, as
well for writing this, as reporting ye
former.
I would I
had a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope
a good
conscience shall make it comefortable, &c.
Thus farr he. Dated Nov: 16. 1631.
The comission above said was given by them
under
their hand
and seale, when Mr. Allerton was first
imployed by
them, and redemanded of him in ye year
29. when they begane to suspecte his course. He
tould them
it was amongst his papers, but he would
seeke it out
& give it them before he wente. But
he
*Wth
in mannscript.
! This was about ye selling ye ship in
Spaine.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 335
being ready
to goe, it was demanded againe. He said
he could not
find it, but it was amongst his papers,
which he
must take wth him, [183] and he would send
it by ye
boat from ye eastward; but ther it could not
be had
neither, but he would seeke it up at sea.
But
whether Mr.
Sherley had it before or after, it is not cer-
taine; but
having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps
it to this
day. Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men
had need be
carfull whom they trust, and not lett
things of
this nature lye long unrecaled.
Some parts
of ( Mr. Sherley's
letters aboute these things, in
which ye truth is best manifested.
Sr: Yours I have received by our loving friends,
Mr. Aller-
ton & Mr. Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long &
dangerous
passage with ye ship Angell, are safely come to
Bristoll. Mr.
Hatherley is come up, but Mr.
Allerton I have
not yet
seen. We thanke you, and are very glad you
have
disswaded
him from his Spanish viage, and yt he
did not
goe on in
these designes he intended; for we did all uterly
dislick of
that course, as allso of ye fishing yt ye Freindship
should have
performed; for we wished him to sell ye
salte,
and were
unwilling to have him undertake so much bussines,
partly for ye ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and
partly being
loath to disburse so much money. But he
per-
swaded us
this must be one way yt must repay us, for ye
plantation
would be long in doing of it; ney, to my remem-
berance, he
doubted you could not be able, with ye
trade
ther, to
maintaine your charge & pay us. And
for this very
cause he
brought us on yt bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he
was a
stranger to us, &c.
336 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
For ye fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and
will be
willing to bear our parts. What Mr. Hatherley &
Mr. Allerton have done, no doubt but them selves will make
good; * we
gave them no order to make any composition,
to seperate
you and us in this or any other. And I
thinke
you have no
cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no
new thing,
but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by
your letters
desired. If he exceede your order, I
hope you
will not
blame us, much less cast us of, when our moneys
be layed
out, &c. But I fear neither you nor
we have been
well delte
withall, for sure, as you write, halfe 4000li.,
nay, a
quarter, in
fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would
have
furnished you beter then you were. And
yet for all
this, and
much more I might write, I dare not but thinke
him honest,
and that his desire and intente was good; but ye
wisest may
faile. Well, now yt it hath pleased God to give
us hope of
meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore
to perfecte
these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly
we can. And I supposs you sente over Mr. Winslow, and we
Mr. Hatherley, to certifie each other how ye state of things
stood. We have received some contente upon Mr. Hath-
erley's
returne, and I hope you will receive good contente
*They were too short in resting on Mr. Hatherleys honest word, for his
order to
discharg them from ye Friendship's acconnte, when he and Mr.
Allerton
made ye bargane with them, and they delivered
them the rest of ye
goods; and
therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all the fraight
of boath
viages, without seeing an order (to have such power) under their
hands in
writing, which they never doubted of, seeing he affirmed he had
power; and
they both knew his honestie, and yt he
was spetially imployed
for their
agente at this time. And he was as
shorte in resting on a verball
order from
them; which was now denyed, when it came to a perticuler of
loss; but he
still affirmed the same. But they were
both now taught how
to deale in
ye world, espetially with marchants, in such
cases. But in ye end
this light
upon these here also, for Mr.
Allerton had gott all into his owne
hand, and Mr. Hatherley was not able to pay it, except they would have
uterlie
undon him, as ye sequell will manifest.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 337
upon Mr.
Winslow's returne. Now I should come to
answer
more
perticulerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe.
The coming
of ye White Angele on your accounte could not
be more
strang to you, then ye buying of her was to us;
for you gave
him comission* that what he did you would
stand too;
we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and
your saks,
payed what bills he charged on us, &c.
For yt
I write she
was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade; beleeve
me, I never
so much as thought of any perticuler trade,
nor will
side with any yt doth, if I conceive it may wrong
you; for I
ever was against it, useing these words:
They
will eate up
and destroy ye generall.
Other things I omite as tedious, and not
very perte-
nente. This was dated Novr. 19. 1631.
In an other leter bearing date ye
24. of this month,
being an
answer to ye generall order, he hath these
words:
[184] For ye White Angell, against which you write so
ernestly,
and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to ye
intente of ye buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves,
and doe us
wrong. We will not take uppon us to
devine
what ye thougts or intents of ye
buyer was, but what he
spack we
heard, and that we will affirme, and make good
against any
yt oppose it; which is, yt unles shee were
bought, and
shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be
supplyed;
and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we could
not be
satisfied what we were out for you. And
further,
you were not
able to doe it; and he gave some reasons
*This comission is abused; he never had any for shuch end, as they
well
knew, nether
had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a peny,
if they had
not pleased for some other respecte.
338 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
which we
spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable re-
fusall you
will force us, and so hasten yt fire
which is a
kindling too
fast allready, &c.
Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631.
We purpose to keep ye Freidship
and ye Whit Angell,
for ye
last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping
togeither
they will rather produse profite then loss, and
breed less
confution in our accounts, and less disturbance
in our
affections. As for ye White
Angell, though we layed
out ye
money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names,
yet none of
us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of
deviding
from you in any thing this year, because we would
not have ye
world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any
breach
betwixte Mr. Allerton and you, and he and us; and
so disgrace
him in his proceedings on* in his intended viage.
We have now
let him ye ship at 30li. pr month, by charter-
partie, and
bound him in a bond of a 1000li. to performe
covenants,
and bring her to London (if God please).
And
what he
brings in her for you, shall be marked wth your
marke, and
bils of laden taken, & sent in Mr. Winslows
letter, who
is this day riding to Bristoll about it.
So in
this viage,
we deale & are with him as strangers.
He hath
brought in
3. books of accounts, one for ye company, an
other for
Ashley's bussines, and ye third for ye Whit-Angell
and
Freidship. The books, or coppies, we
purpose to send
you, for you
may discover ye errours in them better then
we. We can make it appear how much money he hath
had
of us, and
you can charg him with all ye beaver he hath had
of you. The totall sume, as he hath put it, is 7103.
17. 1.
Of this he
hath expended, and given to Mr. Vines & others,
aboute 543li.
ode money, and then by your books you will
*o in MS.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 339
find whether
you had such, & so much goods, as he chargeth
you with
all; and this is all that I can say at presente con-
cerning
these accounts. He thought to dispatch
them in
a few
howers, but he and Straton & Fogge were above
a month
aboute them; but he could not stay till we had
examined
them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear
he hath
allready done, &c.
We
blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send
each to
other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate
&
chargable course one year more, we had not been able to
suport him;
nay, both he and we must have lyen in ye
ditch, and
sunck under ye burthen, &c. Had ther been
an ordelly
course taken, and your bussines better managed,
assuredly
(by ye blessing of God) you had been ye ablest
plantation
that, as we think, or know, hath been under-
taken by
Englishmen, &c.
Thus farr of these letters of Mr.
Sherley's. *
[185] A few observations from ye
former letters,
and then I
shall set downe the simple truth of ye
things (thus
in controversie betweene them), at least
as farr as
by any good evidence it could be made to
appeare; and
so laboure to be breefe in so tedious
and
intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation
betweene
them many years before ye same was ended.
That though
ther will be often occasion to touch these
things about
other passages, yet I shall not neede to
be large
therin; doing it hear once for all.
First, it seemes to appere clearly that
Ashley's
bussines,
and ye buying of this ship, and ye courses
* The last two words not found in the MS. but obviously intended.
340 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
framed ther
upon, were first contrived and proposed
by Mr.
Allerton, as also yt the pleaes and pretences
which he
made, of ye inablitie of ye plantation to
repaye their
moneys, &c., and ye hops he gave them
of doing it
with profite, was more beleeved & rested
on by them
(at least some of them) then any thing
ye
plantation did or said.
2.
It is like, though Mr. Allerton might thinke not
to wrong ye
plantation in ye maine, yet his owne
gaine and
private ends led him a side in these things;
for it came
to be knowne, and I have it in a letter
under Mr.
Sherley's hand, that in ye first 2. or 3.
years of his
imploymente, he had cleared up 400li. and
put it into
a brew-house of Mr. Colliers in London,
at first
under Mr. Sherley's name, &c.; besids what
he might
have other wise. Againe, Mr.
Sherley and
he had
perticuler dealings in some things; for he
bought up ye
beaver that sea-men & other passengers
brought over
to Bristoll, and at other places, and
charged ye
bills to London, which Mr. Sherley payed;
and they got
some time 50li. a peece in a bargen, as
was made
knowne by Mr. Hatherley & others, besids
what might
be other wise; which might make Mr.
Sherley
harken unto him in many things; and yet
I beleeve,
as he in his forementioned leter write,
he never
would side in any perticuler trade wch he
conceived
would wrong ye plantation, and eate up &
destroy ye
generall.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 341
31y. It may be perceived that, seeing they had
done
so much for
ye plantation, both in former adventures
and late
disbursements, and allso that Mr. Allerton
was ye
first occasioner of bringing them upon these
new
designes, which at first seemed faire & profitable
unto them,
and unto which they agreed; but now,
seeing them
to turne to loss, and decline to greater
intanglments,
they thought it more meete for ye plan-
tation to
bear them, then them selves, who had borne
much in
other things allready, and so tooke advan-
tage of such
comission & power as Mr. Allerton had
formerly had
as their agente, to devolve these things
upon them.
41y. With pitie and compassion (touching Mr.
Aller-
ton) I may
say with ye apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim.
6. 9. They that will be rich fall into many
temtations
and snares,
&c., and pearce them selves throw with
many
sorrows, &c.; for the love of money is ye roote of
all evill, v. 10.
God give him to see ye evill in his
failings,
that he may find mercie by repentance for ye
wrongs he
hath done to any, and this pore plantation
in
spetiall. They that doe such things doe
not only
bring them
selves into snares, and sorrows, but many
with them,
(though in an other kind,) as lamentable
experience
shows; and is too manifest in this bussines.
[186]
Now about these ships & their setting forth,
the truth,
as farr as could be learned, is this.
The
motion
aboute setting forth ye fishing ship (caled ye
342 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Frindship)
came first from ye plantation, and ye rea-
sons of it,
as is before remembered; but wholy left to
them selves
to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause.
But when it
fell into consideration, and ye designe was
held to be
profitable and hopefull, it was propounded
by some of
them, why might not they doe it of them
selves,
seeing they must disburse all ye money, and
what need
they have any refferance to ye plantation
in yt;
they might take ye profite them selves, towards
other
losses, & need not let ye plantation share therin;
and if their
ends were other wise answered for their
supplyes to
come too them in time, it would be well
enough. So they hired her, & set her out, and
fraighted
her as full as she could carry with passen-
gers goods yt
belonged to ye Massachussets, which rise
to a good
sume of money; intending to send ye plan-
tations
supply in ye other ship. The
effecte of this
Mr.
Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occa-
sion, but
affirmed upon othe, taken before ye Govr &
Dep: Govr
of ye Massachusets, Mr. Winthrop & Mr.
Dudley: That this ship-Frindship was not sett out nor
intended for
ye joynt partnership of ye plantation, but
for ye
perticuler accounte of Mr. James Sherley, Mr.
Beachampe, Mr.
Andrews, Mr: Allerton, & him selfe.
This
deposition was taken at Boston ye 29. of Aug:
1639. as is
to be seen under their hands; besids some
other
concurente testimonies declared at
severall times
to sundrie
of them.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 343
About ye
Whit-Angell, though she was first bought,
or at least
the price beaten, by Mr. Allerton (at Bris-
toll), yet
that had been nothing if Mr. Sherley had
not liked
it, and disbursed ye money.
And that she
was not
intended for ye plantation appears by sun-
drie
evidences;* as, first, ye bills of sale, or charter-
parties,
were taken in their owne names, without any
mention or
refferance to ye plantation at all; viz. Mr.
Sherley, Mr.
Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison,
and Mr.
Allerton; for Mr. Hatherley fell off, and
would not
joyne with them in this. That she was
not bought
for their accounte, Mr. Hatherley tooke
his oath
before ye parties afforesaid, ye day and year
above
writen.
Mr. Allerton tooke his oath to
like effecte concerning
this ship,
the Whit-Angell, before ye Govr & Deputie,
the 7. of
Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, ye same
time, that Mr.
Hatherley and him selfe did, in the
behalfe of
them selves and ye said Mr. Sherley, Mr.
Andrews,
& Mr. Beachamp, agree and undertake to
discharge,
and save harmless, all ye rest of ye partners
&
purchasers, of and from ye said losses of Freindship
for 200li.,
which was to be discounted therupon; as by
ther
depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare
more at
large, and some other depositions & other
* About ye Whit-Angell they all
mette at a certaine taverne in London,
wher they
had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a factore aboute
selling of
her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath been before mentioned;
as Mr. Hatherley manifested, & Mr.
Allerton could not deney.
344 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
testemonies
by Mr. Winslow,* &c. But
I suppose
these may be
sufficente to evince the truth in these
things,
against all pretences to ye contrary. And yet
the burthen
lay still upon ye plantation; or, to speake
more truly
and rightly, upon those few that were
ingaged for
all, for they were faine to wade through
these things
without any help from any.
[187] Concerning Mr.
Allerton's accounts, they were
so larg and
intrecate, as they could not well understand
them, much
less examine & correcte them, without a
great deale
of time & help, and his owne presence,
which was
now hard to gett amongst them; and it was
2. or 3.
years before they could bring them to any
good pass,
but never make them perfecte. I know
not how it
came to pass, or what misterie was in it,
for he tooke
upon him to make up all accounts till
this time,
though Mr. Sherley was their agente to buy
& sell
their goods, and did more then he therin; yet
he past in
accounts in a maner for all disbursments,
both
concerning goods bought, which he never saw,
* Mr. Winslow deposed, ye same
time, before ye Govr
afore said, &c. that
when he came
into England, and ye partners inquired of ye success of ye
Whit Angell,
which should have been laden wth bass
and so sent for Port,
of
Porting-gall, and their ship & goods to be sould; having informed them
that they
were like to faile in their lading of bass, that then Mr. James
Sherley used
these termes: Feck, we must make one
accounte of all; and
ther upon
presed him, as agente for ye
partners in Neu-England, to accepte
ye said ship Whit-Angell, and her accounte, into ye joynte partner-ship; which
he refused,
for many reasons; and after received instructions from New-Engl:
to refuse
her if she should be offered, which instructions he shewed them;
and wheras
he was often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, &c.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 345
but were
done when he was hear in ye cuntrie or at
sea; and all
ye expences of ye Leyden people, done
by others in
his absence; the charges aboute ye patente,
&c. In all which he made them debtore to him
above
300li. and
demanded paimente of it. But when things
came to
scaning, he was found above 2000li, debtore
to them,
(this wherin Mr. Hatherley & he being joyntly
ingaged,
which he only had, being included,) besids
I know not
how much yt could never be cleared; and
interest
moneys which ate them up, which he never
accounted. Also they were faine to alow such large
bills of
charges as were intolerable; the charges of ye
patent came
to above 500li. and yet nothing done in it
but what was
done at first without any confirmation;
30li.
given at a clape, and 50li, spent in a journey. No
marvell
therfore if Mr. Sherley said in his leter, if their
bussines had
been better managed, they might have
been ye
richest plantation of any English at yt time.
Yea, he
scrued up his poore old father in law's accounte
to above 200li.
and brought it on ye generall accounte,
and to
befreind him made most of it to arise out of
those goods
taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per
cent.,
because he knew they would never let it lye
on ye
old man, when, alass! he, poore man, never
dreamte of
any such thing, nor yt what he had could
arise nere yt
valew; but thought that many of them
had been
freely bestowed on him & his children by
Mr:
Allerton. Nither in truth did they come
nere yt
346 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
valew in
worth, but yt sume was blowne up by interest
& high
prises, which ye company did for ye most parte
bear, (he
deserving farr more,) being most sory that
he should
have a name to have much, when he had in
effecte
litle.
This year also Mr. Sherley sent
over an accounte,
which was in
a maner but a cash accounte what Mr.
Allerton had
had of them, and disbursed, for which
he referd to
his accounts; besids an account of beaver
sould, which
Mr. Winslow & some others had carried
over, and a
large supply of goods which Mr. Winslow
had sent
& brought over, all which was comprised in yt
accounte,
and all ye disbursments aboute ye Freindship,
&
Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts
from first
to last; or any thing else he could charg
ye
partners with. So they were made debtor
in ye
foote of
that accounte 4770li. 19. 2.* besids 1000li. still
due for ye
purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all
ye
beaver, and returnes that both Ashley & they had
made, which
were not small.
[188]
In these accounts of Mr. Sherley's some things
were
obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100.
* So as a while before, wheras their great
care was how to pay the pur-
chase, and
those other few debts which were upon them, now it was with
them as it
was some times with Saule's -father, who left careing for ye Asses,
and sorrowed
for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2. So that
which before they looked
at as a
heavie burthen, they now esteeme but a small thing and a light
mater, in
comparison of what was now upon them.
And thus ye Lord
oftentimes
deals with his people to teach them, and humble them, that he
may doe them
good in ye later end.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 347
of Bastable
ruggs which came in ye Freindship, & cost
75li.,
charged before by Mr. Allerton, and now by him
againe, with
other perticulers of like nature doubtfull,
to be twise
or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600li.
which Mr.
Allerton deneyed, and they could never un-
derstand for
what it was. They sent a note of these
& such
like things afterward to Mr. Sherley by Mr.
Winslow; but
(I know not how it came to pass) could
never have
them explained.
Into these deepe sumes had Mr.
Allerton rune them
in tow
years, for in ye later end of ye year 1628. all
their debts
did not amounte to much above 400li., as
was then
noted; and now come to so many thousands.
And wheras
in ye year 1629. Mr.
Sherley & Mr. Hath-
erley being
at Bristoll, and write a large letter from
thence, in
which they had given an account of ye debts,
and what
sumes were then disbursed, Mr. Allerton
never left
begging & intreating of them till they had
put it
out. So they bloted out 2. lines in yt
leter in
which ye
sumes were contained, and write upon it so
as not a
word could be perceived; as since by them
was
confessed, and by ye leters may be seene. And
thus were
they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were
so deeply
ingaged. And wheras Mr.
Sherley: did so
ernestly
press yt Mr. Allerton might be sent over to
finish ye
great bussines aboute ye patente, as may
be seen in
his leter write 1629. as is before recorded,
and yt
they should be ernest wth his wife to suffer him
348 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to goe,
&c., he hath since confessed by a letter under
my hands,
that it was Mr. Allerton's owne doings, and
not his, and
he made him write his words, & not his
owne. The patent was but a pretence, and not ye
thing. Thus were they abused in their simplicitie,
and no beter
then bought & sould, as it may seeme.
And to mend ye matter, Mr.
Allerton doth in a sorte
wholy now
deserte them; having brought them into ye
briers, he
leaves them to gett out as they can. But
God crost
him mightily, for he having hired ye ship
of Mr.
Sherly at 30li. a month, he set forth againe
with a most
wicked and drunken crue, and for covet-
ousnes sake
did so over lade her, not only filling her
hould, but
so stufed her betweene decks, as she was
walte, and
could not bear sayle, and they had like to
have been
cast away at sea, and were forced to put
for Millford
Havene, and new-stow her, & put some
of ther
ordnance & more heavie goods in ye botome;
which lost
them time, and made them come late into
ye countrie,
lose ther season, and made a worse viage
then ye
year before. But being come into ye
countrie,
he sells
trading comodities to any yt will buy, to ye
great
prejudice of ye plantation here; but that which
is worse,
what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets
up a company
of base felows and maks them traders,
to rune into
every hole, & into ye river of Kenebeck,
to gleane
away ye trade from ye house ther, aboute
ye
patente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 349
much money
of theirs here; [189] and now what in
him lay went
aboute to take away ye benefite therof,
and to
overthrow them. Yea, not only this, but
he
furnishes a
company, and joyns with some consorts,
(being now
deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and
sets up a
trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute
of ye
trade from thence also. But ye
French perceiv-
ing that
that would be greatly to their damage allso,
they came in
their begining before they were well
setled, and
displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and
tooke all
their goods to a good valew, ye loss being
most, if not
all, Mr. Allerton's; for though some of
them should
have been his partners, yet he trusted
them for
their partes; the rest of ye men were sent
into France,
and this was the end of yt projecte.
The
rest of
those he trusted, being lose and drunken fel-
lows, did
for ye most parte but coussen & cheate him
of all they
got into their hands; that howsoever he
did his
friends some hurte hereby for ye presente, yet
he gate
title good, but wente by ye loss by Gods just
hand. After in time, when he came to Pliffioth, ye
church caled
him to accounte for these, and other his
grosse miscarrages;
he confessed his faulte, and prom-
ised better
walking, and that he would wind him selfe
out of these
courses as soone as he could, &c.
This year also Mr. Sherley
would needs send them
over a
new-acountante; he had made mention of such
a thing ye
year before, but they write him word, that
350 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
their charge
was great allready, and they neede not
increase it,
as this would; but if they were well delte
with, and
had their goods well sent over, they could
keep their
accounts hear them selves. Yet he now
sente one,
which they did not refuse, being a yonger
brother of Mr.
Winslows, whom they had been at
charge to
instructe at London before he came. He
came over in
the White Angell with Mr. Allerton,
and ther
begane his first imploymente; for though
Mr.
Sherley had so farr befreinded Mr. Allerton, as
to cause* Mr.
Winslow to ship ye supply sente to ye
partners
here in this ship, and give him 4li. pr tune,
wheras
others carried for 3. and he made them pay
their
fraight ready downe, before ye ship wente out of
ye
harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of ye
goods being
delivered, and their fraight came to up-
ward of 6.
score pounds, yet they had much adoe to
have their
goods delivered, for some of them were
chainged, as
bread & pease; they were forced to take
worse for
better, neither could they ever gett all.
And if
Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been
worse; for
he had ye invoyce, and order to send them
to ye
trading houses.
This
year their house at Penobscott was robed by ye
French, and
all their goods of any worth they carlied
away, to ye
value of 400. or 500li. as ye cost first peny
worth; in
beaver 300li. waight; and ye rest in trading
* This word is obscure in MS.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 351
goods, as
coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c.
It was
in this
maner. The mr. of ye house, and parte of ye
company with
him, were come with their vessell to ye
westward to
fecth a supply of goods which was brought
over for
them. In ye mean time comes a smale French
ship into ye harbore (and amongst ye
company was a
false
Scott); they pretended they were nuly come from
ye sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their
vesell was
very leake, and desired they might hale her
a shore and
stop their leaks. And many French com-
plements
they used, and congees they made; and in
ye ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, yt were ser-
vants, and
by this Scoth-man understanding that ye
maister
& ye rest of ye company were gone from
home, they
fell of comending their gunes and muskets,
that lay
upon racks by ye wall side, and tooke them
downe to
looke on them, asking if they were charged.
And when
they were possesst of them, one presents
a peece
ready charged against ye servants, and another
a pistoll;
and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver
them their
goods, and carries some of ye men
aborde,
& made ye other help to carry away ye
goods. And
when they
had tooke what they pleased, they sett them
at liberty,
and wente their way, with this mocke, bid-
ing them
tell their mr. when he came, that some of
ye Ile of Rey gentlemen had been ther. *
*.The above paragraph was written on the
reverse of page 188 of the
original
manuscript.
352 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
* This year, on Sr Christopher Gardener, being, as
him selfe
said, descended of yt house yt the Bishop of
Winchester
came of (who was so great a persecutor
of Gods
saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a
great
traveler, received his first honour of knighthood
at
Jerusalem, being made Knight of ye
Sepulcher ther.
He came into
these parts under pretence of forsaking
ye world, and to live a private life, in a godly course,
not
unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imploy-
ments, and
take any paines for his living; and some
time offered
him selfe to joyne to ye churchs in sundry
places. He brought over with him a servante or 2.
and a comly
yonge. woman, whom be caled his cousin,
but it was
suspected, she (after y0 Italian maner) was
his
concubine. Living at ye Massachusets, for some
miscariages
which he should have answered, he fled
away from
authority, and gott amonge ye
Indeans of
these parts;
they sent after him, but could not gett
him, and
promissed some reward to those yt
should
find
him. The Indeans came to ye Govr here, and
tould wher
he was, and asked if they might kill him;
he tould
them no, by no means, but if they could take
him and
bring him hither, they should be payed for
their
paines. They said he had a gune & a
rapier,
& he
would kill them if yey went aboute it; and ye
* The following acconnt of Sir Christopher
Gardiner, with the documents
accompanying
it, extending to page 357, does not appear in the text of the
original
mannscript, -- having been perhaps inadvertently omitted, -- but was
written on
the reverse of pages 189-191.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 353
Massachuset
Indeans said they might kille him. But
ye Govr tould them no, they should not kill him,
but
watch their
opportunitie, & take him. And so
they
did, for
when they light of him by a river side, he
got into a
canowe to get from them, & when they
came nere,
him, whilst he presented his peece at them
to keep them
of, the streame carried ye canow against
a rock, and
tumbled both him & his peece & rapier
into ye water; yet he got out, and having a litle
dagger by
his side, they durst not close with him, but
getting
longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of
his hand, so
he was glad to yeeld; and they brought
him to ye Govr.
But his hands and armes were swolen
& very
sore with ye blowes they had given him. So
he used him
kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his
armes were
bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly
well againe,
and blamed ye Indeans for beating him
so
much. They said that they did but a
litle whip
him with
sticks. In his lodging, those yt made his
bed found a
litle note booke that by accidente had
slipt out of
his pockett, or some private place, in
which was a
memoriall what day he was reconciled
to ye pope & church of Rome, and in what universitie
he tooke his
scapula, and such & such degrees. It
being
brought to ye Govr, he
kept it, and sent ye
Govr of ye Massachusets word of his taking, who sent
for
him. So ye Govr sent him and these notes to ye
Govr ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he
354 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
gott for
England, he shewed his malice, but God pre-
vented him.
See ye Govr leter on ye other side.
Sr: It hath pleased God to bring Sr.
Christopher Gardener
safe to us,
with thos that came with him. And
howsoever I
never
intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and
use him
according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your
care of him,
and yt he shall speed ye better for your medi-
ation. It was a spetiall providence of God to bring
those
notes of his
to our hands; I desire yt you will please to
speake to
all yt are privie to them, not to discovere them
to anyone,
for yt may frustrate ye means of any further
use to be
made of them. The good Lord our God who
hath
allways
ordered things for ye good of his poore churches
here,
directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good
issue. I am sorie we put you to so much trouble
about this
gentleman,
espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but
I know not
how to avoyed it. I must againe intreate
you,
to let me
know what charge & troble any of your people
have been at
aboute him, yt it may be recompenced. So
with the
true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to
your selfe
& yours, and to all my worthy friends with you
(whom I love
in ye Lord), I comende you to his grace &
good
providence, & rest
Your most assured friend,
JOHN WINTHROP.
Boston, May 5. 1631.
By occation
wherof I will take a litle libertie to
declare what
fell out by this mans means & malice,
* That is, in the original mannscript.
1631.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 355
complying
with others. And though I doubt not but
it will be
more fully done by my honourd friends,
whom it did
more directly concerne, and have more
perticuler
knowledg of ye matter, yet I will here give
a hinte of ye same, and Gods providence in preventing
ye hurte that might have come by ye same. The
intelligence
I had by a letter from my much hond
and beloved
freind, Mr. John Winthrop, Govr of ye
Massachusets.
Sr:
Upon a petition exhibited by Sr. Christo: Gardner, Sr.
Ferd:
Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the
cause was
heard before ye lords of ye Privie Counsell, and
after
reported to ye king, the sucsess wherof maks it evi-
dent to all,
that ye Lord hath care of his people hear. The
passages are
admirable, and too long to write. I
hartily
wish an
opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being may
sheets of
paper. But ye conclusion was
(against all mens
expectation)
an order for our incouragmente, and much blame
and disgrace
upon ye adversaries, wch calls for much thank-
fullnes from
us all, which we purpose (ye Lord willing) to
express in a
day of thanks-giving to our mercifull God,
(I doubt not
but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you
to joyne in
it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor-
rection, so
he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing,
in our
deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that
wch
our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He
hath
mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall
further
aquainte you, when occasion shall serve.
The coppy of ye order follows.
356 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
At ye courte at Whit-hall ye
19. Jan: 1632.
Present
Sigillum Lord Privie Seale Lord Cottinton
Ea: of Dorsett Mr. Trer
Lo: Vi: Falkland Mr. Vic Chambr
Lo: Bp: of London Mr. Sec: Cooke
Maister Sec: Windebanck
Wheras his Matie hath latly
been informed of great dis-
traction and
much disorder in yt plantation in ye parts of
America
called New-England, which, if they be true, & suf-
fered to
rune on, would tende to ye great dishonour of this
kingdome,
and utter ruine of that plantation. For
pre-
vention
wherof, and for ye orderly settling of goverment,
according to
ye intention of those patents which have been
granted by
his Matie and from his late royall father king
James, it
hath pleased his Matie that ye lords & others of his
most
honourable Privie Counsell, should take ye same into
consideration. Their lordships in ye first place
thought fitt
to make a
comitie of this bord, to take examination of ye
matters
informed; which comitties having called diverse of
ye
principall adventurers in yt plantation, and heard those
that are
complanants against them, most of the things in-
formed being
deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties
that must be
called from yt place, which reqaired a long
expence of
time; and at presente their lordships finding the
adventurers
were upon dispatch of men, victles, and mar-
chandice for
yt place, all which would be at a stand, if ye
adventurers
should have discouragmente, or take suspition
that the
state hear had no good opinion of yt plantation;
their
lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be)
of some
perticuler men upou the generall govermente, or
principall
adventurers, (which in due time is further to be
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 357
inquired
into,) have thought fitt in ye
meane time to declare,
that the
appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, yt
the countrie
would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom,
and
profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as yt the ad-
venturers
had cause to goe on cherfully with their under-
takings, and
rest assured, if things were carried as was
pretended
when ye patents were granted, and accordingly as
by the
patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only
maintaine
the liberties & privileges heretofore granted, but
supply any
thing further that might tend to the good gover-
mente,
prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that
place,
&c.
WILLIAM TRUMBALL.
Anno Dom: 1632.
MR. ALLERTON, returning for
England, litle regarded
his bound of
a 1000li. to performe covenants; for
wheras he
was bound by ye same to bring ye ship to
[190]
London, and to pay 30li. per month for her hire,
he did
neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll
againe, from
whence he intended to sett her out againe,
and so did ye
3. time, into these parts (as after will
appear); and
though she had been 10. months upon
ye
former viage, at 30li. pr month, yet he never payed
peney for
hire. It should seeme he knew well
enough
how to deale
with Mr. Sherley. And Mr.
Sherley,
though he
would needs tye her & her accounte upon
ye
generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe
pleased; for
though Mr. Winslow had in their names
protested
against ye receiving her on yt accounte, or if
358 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ever they
should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet
never to
suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe
in her, yet
he ye last year let her wholy unto him,
and injoyned
them to send all their supplye in her to
their
prejudice, as is before noted. And now,
though
he broke his
bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire,
nor was ever
like to keep covenants, yet now he goes
and sells
him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from
first to
last (and in effecte he might as well have given
him ye
same); and not only this, but he doth as good as
provide a
sanctuary for him, for he gives him
one years
time to prepare his accounte, and then to
give up ye
same to them here; and then another year
for him to
make pay mente of what should be due upon
yt
accounte. And in ye mean time
writs ernestly to
them not to
interupte or hinder him from his bussines,
or stay him
aboute clearing accounts, &c.; so as he
in ye
mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte,
and any
other debtes belonging either to her, or ye
Frindship's
accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after,
sells ship,
& ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in
Spaine,
according to ye first designe, in effecte; and
who had, or
what became of ye money, he best knows.
In ye
mean time their hands were bound, and could doe
nothing but
looke on, till he had made all away into
other mens
hands (save a few catle & a litle land &
some small
maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in
ye
end removed, as he had allready his person, so all
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 359
his from
hence. This will better appere by Mr.
Sher-
ley's leter.
Sr:
These few lines are further to give you to understand,
that seeing
you & we, that never differed yet but aboute ye
White-Angell,
which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive
it doth
you. And now Mr. Allerton beeing here, we have
had some
confferance with him about her, and find him very
willing to
give you & us all contente yt
possiblie he can,
though he
burthen him selfe. He is contente to
take ye
White-Angell
wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett
with pirates
nere ye coast of lerland, which tooke away his
best sayles
& other provissions from her; so as verily if we
should now
sell her, she would yeeld but a small price,
besids her
ordnance. And to set her forth againe
with fresh
money we
would not, she being now at Bristoll.
Wherfore
we thought
it best, both for you & us, Mr.
Allerton being
willing to
take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand
pounds, to
give [191] you a true & perfecte accounte, and
take ye whole charge of ye
Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe,
from ye first to ye last.
The accounte he is to make and
perfecte
within 12. months from ye date of this letter, and
then to pay
you at 6. and 6. months after, what soever shall
be due unto
you and us upon the foote of yt
accounte.
And verily,
notwithstanding all ye disasters he hath had,
I am
perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and
ther. Only they must have patience till he can
gather in
what is due
to him ther. I doe not write this
slightly, but
upon some
ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you
know not of)
under ye hands & seals of some, &c. I rest
Your assured friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.
Des: 6. 1632.
360 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
But heres not a word of ye
breach of former bonds
&
covenants, or paimente of ye ships hire; this is
passt by as
if no such thing had been; besids what
bonds or
obligments so ever they had of him, ther
never came
any into ye hands or sight of ye partners
here. And for this yt Mr.
Sherley seems to intimate
(as a
secrete) of his abilitie, under ye hands & seals
of some, it
was but a trick, having gathered up an
accounte of
what was owing form such base fellows
as he had
made traders for him, and other debts; and
then got Mr.
Mahue, & some others, to affirme under
their hand
& seale, that they had seen shuch accounts
yt
were due to him.
Mr. Hatherley came over againe
this year, but upon
his owne
occasions, and begane to make preparation
to plant
& dwell in ye countrie.
He with his former
dealings had
wound in what money he had in ye patner-
ship into
his owne hands, and so gave off all partner-
ship
(excepte in name), as was found in ye issue of
things;
neither did he medle, or take any care aboute
ye
same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente
aboute ye
Friendship, as will after appeare. And
now
partly
aboute yt accounte, in some reconings betweene
Mr.
Allerton and him, and some debts yt Mr. Allerton
otherwise owed
him upon dealing between them in
perticuler,
he drue up an accounte of above 2000li.,
and would
faine have ingaged ye partners here with it,
because Mr.
Allerton had been their agent. But they
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 361
tould him
they had been fool'd longe enough with such
things, and
shewed him yt it no way belonged to
them; but
tould him he must looke to make good his
ingagment
for ye Freindship, which caused some trouble
betweene Mr.
Allerton and him.
Mr. William Peirce did ye
like, Mr. Allerton being
wound into
his debte also upon particuler dealings;
as if they
had been bound to make good all mens
debts. But they easily shooke off these things. But
Mr.
Allerton herby rane into much trouble & vexation,
as well as
he had troubled others, for Mr. Denison sued
him for ye
money he had disbursed for ye 6. part of
ye
Whit-Angell, & recovered ye same with damages.
Though ye partners were thus
pluged into great in-
gagments,
& oppresed with unjust debts, yet ye Lord
prospered
their trading, that they made yearly large
returnes,
and had soone wound them selves out of all,
if yet they
had otherwise been well delt with all; as
will more
appear, here after. [192] Also ye
people
of ye
plantation begane to grow in their owtward
estats, by
reason* of ye flowing of many people into
ye
cuntrie, espetially into ye Bay of ye Massachusets;
by which
means corne & catle rose to a great prise,
by wch
many were much inriched, and comodities grue
plentifull;
and, yet in other regards this benefite turned
to their
hurte, and this accession of strength to their
weaknes. For now as their stocks increased, and ye
* Rea- in the mannscript.
362 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
increse
vendible, ther was no longer any holding them
togeather,
but now they must of necessitie goe to their
great lots;
they could not other wise keep their katle;
and having
oxen growne, they must have land for
plowing
& tillage. And no man now thought he
could
live, except
he had catle and a great deale of ground
to keep
them; all striving to increase their stocks.
By which
means they were scatered all over ye bay,
quickly, and
ye towne, in which they lived compactly
till now,
was left very thine, and in a short time
allmost
desolate. And if this had been all, it
had
been less,
thoug to much; but ye church must also be
devided, and
those yt had lived so long togeather in
Christian
& comfortable fellowship must now part and
suffer many
divissions. First, those that lived on
their
lots on ye
other side of ye bay (called Duxberie) they
could not
long bring their wives & children to ye
publick
worship & church meetings here, but with such
burthen, as,
growing to some competente number, they
sued to be
dismissed and become a body of them
selves; and
so they were dismiste (about this time),
though very
unwillingly. But to touch this sadd
matter, and
handle things together that fell out after-
ward. To prevent any further scatering from this
p1ace, and
weakning of ye same, it was thought best to
give out
some good farms to spetiall persons, yt would
promise to
live at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull
to ye
church or comonewelth, and so tye ye lands to
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 363
Plimoth as
farmes for the same; and ther they might
keepe their
catle & tillage by some servants, and re-
taine their
dwellings here. And so some spetiall
lands
were granted
at a place generall, called Greens Harbor,
wher no
al1otments had been in ye former divission, a
plase very
weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear
catle, good
store. But alass! this remedy proved
worse
then ye
disease; for wthin a few years those that had
thus gott
footing ther rente them selves away, partly
by force,
and partly wearing ye rest with importunitie
and pleas of
necessitie, so as they must either suffer
them to goe,
or live in continuall opposition and con-
tention. And others still, as yey conceived
them selves
straitened,
or to want accomodation, break away under
one pretence
or other, thinking their owne conceived
necessitie,
and the example of others, a warrente suffi-
cente for
them. And this, I fear, will be ye
ruine of
New-England,
at least of ye churches of God ther, &
will provock
ye Lords displeasure against them.
[193]
This year, Mr. William Perce came into ye
cuntry,
& brought goods and passengers, in a ship
caled ye
Lyon, which belonged cheefly to Mr. Sherley,
and ye
rest of ye London partners, but these hear had
nothing to
doe with her. In this ship (besides
beaver
which they
had sent home before) they sent upwards
of 800li,
in her, and some otter skines; and also ye
coppies of Mr.
Allertons accounts, desiring that they
would also
peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch
364 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
things as they
should find amise in them; and rather
because they
were better acquaynted with ye goods
bought ther,
and ye disbursments made, then they
could bee
here; yea, a great part were done by them
selves,
though Mr. Allerton brougt in ye accounte,
and sundry
things seemed to them obscure and had
need of
clearing. Also they sente a booke of
excep-
tions
against his accounts, in such things as they could
manifest,
and doubted not but they might adde more
therunto. And also shewed them how much Mr.
Aller-
ton was
debtor to ye accounte; and desired, seeing
they had now
put ye ship White-Angell, and all,
wholy into
his power, and tyed their hands here, that
they could
not call him to accounte for any thinge, till
ye
time was expired which they had given him, and
by that time
other men would get their debts of him,
(as sume had
done already by suing him,) and he
would make
all away here quickly out of their reach;
and therfore
prayed them to looke to things, and gett
paymente of
him ther, as it was all ye reason they
should,
seeing they keept all ye bonds & covenants
they made
with him in their owne hands; and here
they could
doe nothing by ye course they had taken,
nor had any
thing to show if they should goe aboute
it. But it pleased God, this ship, being first to
goe
to Verginia
before she wente home, was cast away on
yt
coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was
all lost
(which was ye first loss they sustained in that
1632.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 365
kind); but Mr.
Peirce & ye men saved their lives,
and also
their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so
safly
home. Ye accounts were now
sent from hence
againe to
them. And thus much of ye
passages of this
year.
A part of Mr. Peirce his leter*
from Virginia.
It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to
their
hand ye
7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from
England.
Dear freinds, &c. Ye
bruit of this fatall stroke that ye
Lord hath
brought both on me and you all will come to your
ears before
this cometh to your hands, (it is like,) and ther-
fore I shall
not need to inlarg in perticulers, &c.
My whole
estate (for
ye most parte) is taken away; and so yours,
in
a great
measure, by this and your former losses [he means
by ye French & Mr.
Allerton]. It is time to looke aboute
us, before ye wrath of ye Lord breake forth to utter destruc-
tion. The good Lord give us all grace to search our
harts
and trie our
ways, and turne unto ye Lord, and humble our
selves under
his mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c.
Dear
freinds, you may know yt all your beaver, and ye books
of your
accounts, are swallowed up in ye sea;
your letters
remaine with
me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me
home. But what should I more say? Have we lost our
outward estates? yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine;
ther is yet
more in ye Lord Jehova than ever we had yet
in ye world. Oh that our foolish
harts could yet be wained
from ye things here below, which are vanity and vexation
* This letter was written on the reverse
of folio 192 of the original manu-
script, and
may properly be inserted here.
366 HISTORY OF BOOK II.
of spirite;
and yet we fooles catch after shadows, yt flye
away, &
are gone in a momente, &c. Thus with
my con-
tinuall
remembrance of you in my poore desires to ye
throne
of grace,
beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards
you all, in
& through ye Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall
&
temporail
good things, as may be most to the glory & praise
of his name,
and your everlasting good. So I rest,
Your afflicted brother in Christ,
WILLIAM
PEIRCE.
Virginia,
Des: 25. 1632.
Anno Dom: 1633.
This year Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Governor.
By the first
returne this year, they had leters from
Mr.
Sherley of Mr. Allertons further ill success, and
ye
loss by Mr. Peirce, with many sadd complaints;
but litle
hope of any thinge to be gott of Mr. Aller-
ton, or how
their accounts might be either eased, or
any way
rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly
yt
the burthen of all would be cast on their backs.
The spetiall
passages of his letters I shall here inserte,
as shall be
pertinente to these things; for though I am
weary of
this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet
for ye
clearing of ye truth I am compelled to be more
larg in ye
opening of these matters, upon wch [194]
so much
trouble hath insued, and so many hard cen-
sures have
passed on both sids. I would not be par-
tiall to
either, but deliver ye truth in all, and, as nere
as I can, in
their owne words and passages, and so
leave it to
the impartiall judgment of any that shall
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 367
come to
read, or veiw these things. His leters
are as
folow, dated
June 24. 1633.
Loving friends, my last* was sente in ye Mary & John,
by Mr. William Collier, &c.
I then certified you of ye
great,
&
uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in
ye loss of Mr. Peirce his ship, ye Lyon; but ye Lords holy
name be
blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him; his
will be
done, Amen. I then related unto you yt fearfull
accidente,
or rather judgmente, ye Lord pleased to lay on
London
Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch of my
great loss;
the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear
it, and faith
to trust in him, & not in these slipery and un-
certaine
things of this world.
I hope Mr. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this;
but he had
many disasters here before he could gett away;
yet ye last was a heavie one; his ship, going out of ye har-
bor at
Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on ye
shore, as it
cost him above l00li. before shee could be gott
off
againe. Verily his case was so
lamentable as I could
not but
afford him some help therin (and so did some were
strangers to
him); besids, your goods were in her, and if
he had not
been supported, he must have broke off his
viage, and
so loss could not have been avoyded on all
sides. When he first bought her, I thinke he had
made
a saving
match, if he had then sunck her, and never set
her
forth. I hope he sees ye Lords hand against him,
and will
leave of these viages. I thinke we did
well in
parting with
her; she would have been but a clogge to
ye accounte from time to time, and now though we shall
not gett
much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose
no
more. And now, as before I have writte,
I pray you
finish all ye accounts and reconings with him there; for here
* March 22.
368 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
he hath
nothing, but many debtes that he stands ingaged
to many men
for. Besids, here is not a man yt will spend
a day, or
scarce an hower, aboute ye accounts but my selfe,
and yt bussines will require more time and help then I can
afford. I shall not need to say any more; I hope you
will
doe yt which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie,
and consider
his intente, though he failed in many perticu-
lers, which
now cannot be helped, &c.
To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are
to pay 3001i.
and Mr. Beachamp is out of ye towne,
yet ye bussines I
must
doe. Oh the greefe & trouble yt man, Mr. Allerton,
hath brought
upon you and us! I cannot forgett it,
and
to thinke on
it draws many a sigh from my harte, and
teares from
my eyes. And now ye Lord hath visited me
with an other
great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more
patience. But this I have follishly pulled upon my
selfe,
.&c. [And in another, he hath this passage:] By Mr. Aller-
tons faire
propositions and large [195] promises, I have
over rune my
selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me
to write,
and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as
you love
those that ever loved you, and yt
plantation, thinke
upon
us. Oh what shall I say of that man, who
hath abused
your trust
and wronged our loves! but now to
complaine is
too late,
nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for
I am
perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth
on our
purses or credites. And had ye Lord sent Mr.
Peirce safe
home, we had eased both you and us of some
of those
debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to
bear these
crosses; and that great God, whose care &
providence
is every where, and spetially over all those that
desire truly
to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper,
& blesse
you so, as yt you may be able (as I perswade
my selfe you
are willing) to discharge & take off this great
& heavie
burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks;
and I hope
in ye ende for ye good of you, and many thou-
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 369
sands more;
for had not you & we joyned & continued
togeather,
New-England might yet have been scarce knowne,
I am
persuaded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest
English
people, as it now is. The Lord increase
& blesse
them,
&e. So, with my continuall praiers
for you all, I rest
Your assured loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.
June 24.
1633.
By this it apperes when Mr.
Sherly sould him ye ship
& all
her accounts, it was more for Mr. Allertons ad-
vantage then
theirs; and if they could get any there,
well &
good, for they were like to have nothing here.
And what
course was held to hinder them there, hath
allready
beene manifested. And though Mr.
Sherley
became more
sinsible of his owne condition, by these
losses, and
therby more sadly & plainly to complaine
of Mr.
Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them
here, but
all left unto them selves; not so much as to
examene
&, rectifle ye accounts, by which (it is like)
some
hundereds of pounds might have, been taken off.
But very
probable it is, the more they saw was taken
off, ye
less might come unto them selves. But I
leave
these
maters, come to other things.
Mr. Roger Williams (a man
godly & zealous, having
many
precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente)
came over
first to ye Massachusets, but upon some dis-
contente
left yt place, and came hither, (wher he was
friedly
entertained, according to their poore abilitie,)
and
exercised his gifts amongst them, & after some
370 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
time was
admitted a member of ye church; and his
teaching
well approoved, for ye benefite wherof I still
blese God,
and am thankfull to him, even for his
sharpest
admonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed
with
truth. He this year begane to fall into
some
strang
oppiions, and from opinion to practise; which
caused some
controversie betweene ye church & him,
and in ye
end some discontente on his parte, by occa-
sion wherof
he left them some thing abruptly. Yet
after wards
sued for his dismission to ye church of
Salem, which
was granted, with some caution to them
concerning
him, and what care they ought to have of
him. But he soone fell into more things ther, both
to their and
ye goverments troble and [196] disturb-
ance. I shall not need to name perticulers, they
are
too well
knowen now to all, though for a time ye
church here
wente under some hard censure by his
occasion,
from some that afterwards smarted them
selves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and
so I shall
leave ye matter, and desire ye Lord to shew
him his
errors, and reduse him into ye way of truth,
and give him
a setled judgment and constancie in ye
same; for I
hope he belongs to ye Lord, and yt he
will shew
him mercie.
Having had formerly converse and
famliarity with
ye
Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them
seated here
in a barren quarter, tould them of a river
called by
them ye Fresh River, but now is known
1633.] PLYIMOUTH PLANTATION. 371
by ye
name of Conightecute-River, which they often
comended
unto them for a fine place both for plantation
and trade,
and wished them to make use of it. But
their hands
being full otherwise, they let it pass. But
afterwards
ther coming a companv of banisbte Indeans
into these
parts, that were drivene out from thence by
the potencie
of ye Pequents, which usurped upon them,
and drive
them from thence, thev often sollisited them to
goe thither,
and they should have much trad, espetially
if they
would keep a house ther. And having now
good store
of comodities, and allso need to looke out
wher they
could advantage them selves to help them
out of their
great ingagments, they now begane to send
that way to
discover ye same, and trade with ye natives.
They found
it to be a fine place, but had no great
store of
trade; but ye Indeans excused ye same in re-
gard of ye season, and the fear ye Indans
were in of
their
enemise. So they tried diverce times,
not with
out profite,
but saw ye most certainty would be by
keeping, a
house ther, to receive ye trad when it came
down out of
ye inland. These Indeans, not
seeing
them very
forward to build ther, solisited them of ye
Massachusets
in like sorte (for their end was to be
restored to
their countrie againe); but they in ye Bay
being but
latly come, were not fitte for ye same; but
some of
their cheefe made a motion to joyne wth the
partners
here, to trad joyntly with them in yt river,
the which
they were willing to imbrace, and so they
372 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
should have
builte, and put in equall stock togeather.
A time of
meeting was appointed at ye Massachusets,
and some of
ye cheefe here was appointed to treat with
them, and
went accordingly; but they cast many fears
of deanger
& loss and the like, which was perceived
to be the
maine obstacles, though they alledged they
were not
provided of trading goods. But those
hear
offered at
presente to put in sufficiente for both, pro-
vided they
would become ingaged for ye halfe, and
prepare
against ye nexte year. They
conffessed more
could not be
offered, but thanked them, and tould them
they had no
mind to it. They then answered, they
hoped it
would be no offence unto [197] them, if them
sellves
wente on without them, if they saw it meete.
They said
ther was no reason they should; and thus
this treaty
broake of, and those here tooke conveniente
time to made
a begining ther; and were ye first English
that both
discovered that place, and built in ye same,
though they
were litle better then thrust out of it after-
ward as may
appeare.
But ye Dutch begane now to
repente, and hearing
of their
purpose & preparation, indeoured to prevente
them, and
gott in a litle before them, and made a
slight
forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, threten-
ing to stopp
their passage. But they having made
a smale
frame of a house ready, and haveing a great
new-barke,
they stowed their frame in her hold, &
cords to
cover & finishe it, having nayles & all other
1633.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 373
provisions
fitting for their use. This they did ye
rather
that they
might have a presente defence against ye
Indeans, who
weare much offended that they brought
home &
restored ye right Sachem of ye place (called
Natawanute);
so as they were to incounter with a duble
danger in
this attempte, both ye Dutch and ye Indeans.
When they
came up ye river, the Dutch demanded
what they
intended, and whither they would goe; they
answered, up
ye river to trade (now their order was
to goe and
seat above them). They bid them strike,
& stay,
or els they would shoote them; & stood by
ther
ordnance ready fitted. They answered
they had
comission
from ye Govr of Plimoth to goe up ye river
to such a
place, and if they did shoote, they must obey
their order
and proceede; they would not molest them,
but would
goe one. So they passed along, and
though
the Dutch
threatened them hard, yet they shoot not.
Coming to
their place, they clapt up their house
quickly, and
landed their provissions, and left ye com-
panie
appoynted, and sent the barke home; and after-
wards palisadoed
their house aboute, and fortified them
selves
better. The Dutch sent word home to ye
Mon-
hatas what
was done; and in proces of time, they sent
a band of
aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with
collours
displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them
strengtened,
& that it would cost blood, they came
to parley,
and returned in peace. And this was
their
enterance
ther, who deserved to have held it, and not
374 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
by freinds
to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they
were, as
will after appere. They did ye
Dutch no
wrong, for
they took not a foote of any land they
bought, but
went to ye place above them, and bought
that tracte
of land which belonged to these Indeans
which they
carried with them, and their friends, with
whom ye
Dutch had nothing to doe. But of these
matters more
in another place.
It pleased ye Lord to visite
them this year with an
infectious
fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and
upward of
20. persons dyed, men and women, besids
children,
and sundry of them of their anciente friends
which had
lived in Roland; as Thomas Blossome,
Richard
Masterson, with sundry [198] others, and in
ye
end (after he had much helped others) Samuell
Fuller, who
was their surgeon & phisition, and had
been a great
help and comforte unto them; as in his
facultie, so
otherwise, being a deacon of ye church,
a man godly,
and forward to doe good, being much
missed after
his death; and he and ye rest of their
brethren
much lamented by them, and caused much
sadnes &
mourning amongst them; which caused them
to humble
them selves, & seeke ye Lord; and towards
winter it
pleased the Lord ye sicknes ceased.
This
disease
allso swept away many of ye Indeans from
all ye
places near adjoyning; and ye spring before,
espetially
all ye month of May, ther was such a
quantitie of
a great sorte of flies, like (for bignes)
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 375
to wasps, or
bumble-bees, which came out of holes in
ye
ground, and replenished all ye woods, and eate ye
green-things,
and made such a constante yelling noyes,
as made all
ye woods ring of them, and ready to deafe
ye
hearers. They have not by ye
English been heard
or seen
before or since. But ye
Indeans tould them
yt
sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July,
August, and
ye cheefe heat of somer.
It pleased ye Lord to inable
them this year to send
home a great
quantity of beaver, besids paing all their
charges,
& debts at home, which good returne did
much
incourage their freinds in England. They
sent
in beaver
3366li. waight, and much of it coat beaver,
which yeeled
20s. pr pound, & some of it above; and
of
otter-skines* 346. sould also at a good prise.
And
thus much of
ye affairs of this year.
Anno Dom: 1634.
THIS year Mr. Thomas Prence was
chosen Govr.
Mr.
Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of
theirs this
year. I will forbear to coppy any part
therof, only
name a head or 2. therin. First, he
desirs they
will take nothing ill in what he formerly
write, professing
his good affection towards them as .
before,
&c. 21y. For Mr. Allertons accounts, he is
perswaded
they must suffer, and yt in no small sumes;
* The skin was sold at 14s. and 15. ye pound.
376 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
and that
they have cause enough to complaine, but it
was now too
late. And that he had failed them ther
those here,
and him selfe in his owne aimes. And
that now,
having thus left them here, he feared God
had or would
leave him, and it would not be strang,
but a wonder
if he fell not into worse things, &c.
3ly.
He blesseth
God and is thank full to them for ye good
returne made
this year. This is ye effecte
of his
letters,
other things being of more private nature.
I am now to enter upon one of ye
sadest things that
befell them
since they came; but before I begine, it
will be
needfull to premise such parte of their patente
as gives
them right and priviledge at Kenebeck; as
followeth:
[199] The said Counsell hath further
given, granted, bar-
ganed, sold,
infeoffed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and
by these
presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante,
bargane,
sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme
unto ye said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and
assignes,
All that tracte of land or part of New-England
in America
afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and
extendeth it
selfe from ye utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which
adjoyneth to
ye river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne
ocean, and a
place called ye falls of Nequamkick in America,
aforsaid;
and ye space of 15. English myles on each side
of ye said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all ye
said river
called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits
&
bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last
above
mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers,
waters,
fishing, &c. And by vertue of ye authority to us de-
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 377
rived by his
said late Matis Lres patents, to take, apprehend,
seise, and
make prise of all such persons, their ships and
goods, as
shall attempte to inhabite or trade with ye
savage
people of
that countrie within ye severall precincts and limits
of his &
their severall plantations, &c.
Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging
to
ye
plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and
comodities
to trade in that river, and would needs
press into
their limites; and not only so, but would
needs goe up
ye river above their house, (towards ye
falls of ye
river,) and intercept the trade that should
come to
them. He that was cheefe of ye
place forbad
them, and
prayed him that he would not offer them
that
injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties,
which had
cost them so dear. But he answered he
would goe up
and trade ther in dispite of them, and
lye ther as
longe as he pleased. The other tould him
he must then
be forced to remove him from thence, or
make seasure
of him if he could. He bid him doe his
worste, and
so wente up, and anchored ther. The
other tooke
a boat & some men & went up to him,
when he saw
his time, and againe entreated him: to
departe by
what perswasion he could. But all in
vaine: he
could gett nothing of him but ill words.
So he
considred that now was ye season for trade
to come downe,
and if he should suffer him to lye,
& take
it from them, all ther former charge would be
lost, and
they had better throw up all. So, con-
378 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
sulting with
his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he
resolved to
put him from his anchores, and let him
drive downe
ye river with ye streame; but comanded ye
men yt
none should shoote a shote upon any occasion,
except he
comanded them. He spoake to him againe,
but all in
vaine; then he sente a cuple in a canow to
cutt his
cable, the which one of them performes; but
Hocking taks
up a pece which he had layed ready,
and as ye
barke shered by ye canow, he shote [200]
him close
under her side, in ye head, (as I take it,)
so he fell
downe dead instantly. One of his fellows
(that loved
him well) could not hold, but with a
muskett shot
Hocking, who fell downe dead and never
speake
word. This was ye truth of ye
thing. The
rest of ye
men carried home the vessell and ye sad
tidings of
these things. Now ye Lord
Saye & ye Lord
Brooks, with
some other great persons, had a hand in
this
plantation; they write home to them, as much as
they could
to exasperate them in ye matter, leaveing
out all ye
circomstances, as if he had been kild without
any offenc
of his parte, conceling yt he had kild another
first, and ye
just occasion that he had given in offering
such wrong;
at wch their Lordsps were much offended,
till they
were truly informed of ye mater.
The bruite of this was quickly carried
all aboute,
(and yt
in ye worst maner,) and came into ye Bay
to their
neighbours their. Their owne barke
coming
home, and
blinging a true relation of ye matter, sundry
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 379
were sadly
affected with ye thing, as they had cause.
It was not
long before they had occasion to send their
vessell into
ye Bay of ye Massachusetts; but they were
so
prepossest with this matter, and affected with ye
same, as
they comited Mr. Alden to prison, who was
in ye
bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no
actore in ye
bussines, but wente to carie them supply.
They dismist
ye barke aboute her bussines, but kept
him for some
time. This was thought strang here,
and they
sente Capten Standish to give them true in-
formation,
(togeather with their letters,) and ye best
satisfaction
they could, and to procure Mr. Alden's
release. I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show
the passages
of these things, as folloeth.
Good Sr:
I have received your lres by
Captaine Standish, & am
unfainedly
glad of Gods mercie towards you in ye recovery
of your
health, or some way thertoo. For ye bussines you
write of, I
thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your
selfe,
leaving the answer of your Govr he
to our courte, to
whom ye same, together with my selfe is directed. I conceive
(till I hear
new matter to ye contrary) that your patente may
warrente
your resistance of any English from trading at
Kenebeck,
and yt blood of Hocking, and ye partie he slue,
will be
required at his hands. Yet doe I with
your selfe &
others
sorrow for their deaths. I thinke
likewise yt your
generall lres will satisfie our courte, and make them cease
from any
further inter medling in ye mater:
I have upon
ye same lre sett Mr.
Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and
yet, least I
should seeme to neglecte ye opinion of our court
380 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
& ye
frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound
Captaine
Staudish to appeare ye 3. of June at our nexte
courte, to
make affidavid for ye coppie of ye patente, and
to manifest
the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both
which will
tend to ye clearing of your inocencie. If any
unkindnes
hath ben taken from what we have done, let it
be further
& better considred of, I pray you; and I hope ye
more you
thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us.
At least you
ought to be just in differencing them, whose
opinions
concurr [201] with your owne, from others who
were
opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken wth
no man in ye bussines who taxed you most, but they are
such as have
many wayes heretofore declared ther good
affections
towards your plantation. I further
referr my selfe
to ye reporte of Captaine Standish & Mr. Allden; leaving
you for this
presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you
perfecte
recovery of health, and ye long continuance of it.
I desire to
be lovingly remembred to Mr. Prence, your Govr,
Mr. Winslow, Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew
how. The Lord keepe you all. Amen.
Your very loving freind
in our Lord Jesus,
THO: DUDLEY.
New-towne, ye 22. of May, 1634.
Another of his about these things as
followeth.
Sr: I am right sorrie for ye news that Captaine Standish &
other of
your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring
now to
Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my
opinion,
which differeth from others, who are godly & wise,
amongst us
here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth
me to
suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I remaine
in it untill
I be convinced therof. I thought not to
have
shewed your
letter written to me, but to have done my best
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 381
to have
reconciled differences in ye best
season & maner I
could; but
Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof
publickly in
ye courte, I was forced to produce it, and
that
made ye breach soe wide as he can tell you. I propounded
to ye courte, to answer Mr.
Prences lre, your Govr, but our
courte said
it required no answer, it selfe being an answer
to a former
lre of ours. I pray you certifie Mr. Prence so
much, and
others whom it concereth, that no neglecte or ill
maners be
imputed to me theraboute. The late lres
I received
from England
wrought in me divere fears* of some trials
which are
shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie
contention
betweene you and us, and between you & Pas-
cattaway,
will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie
hand doe not
help us. To reconcile this for ye presente
will be very
difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a
comone
danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our
uniting
againe. I pray you therfore, Sr. set your wisdom
&
patience a worke, and exhorte others to ye
same, that
things may
not proceede from bad to worse, so making our
contentions
like ye barrs of a pallace, but that a way of
peace may be
kepte open, wherat ye God of peace may have
enterance in
his owne time. If you suffer wrong, it
shall
be your
honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in
needles
putting you in mind of these things. God
hath done
great things
for you, and I desire his blessings may be
multiplied
upon you more & more. I will commite
no more
to writing,
but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest,
Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus,
THO: DUDLEY.
June 4. 1634.
* Ther was cause enough of these feares,
which arise by ye underworking
of some
enemies to ye churches here, by which this Comission
following was
procured
from his Matie. (See this paper in appendix, No. 11.)
382 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
By these things it appars what troubls
rise her-
upon, and
how hard they were to be reconciled; for
though they
hear were hartily sorrie for what was
fallen out,
yet they conceived they were unjustly
injuried,
and provoked to what was done; and that
their
neigbours (haveing no jurisdiction over them)
did more
then was mete, thus to imprison one of
theirs, and
bind them to [202] their courte. But
yet being
assured of their Christian love, and per-
swaded what
was done was out of godly zeale, that
religion
might not suffer, nor sine any way covered
or borne
with, espetially ye guilte of blood, of which
all should
be very consciencious in any whom soever,
they did
indeavore to appease & satisfie them ye best
they could;
first, by informing them ye truth in all
circomstances
aboute ye matter; 2ly, in being willing to
referr ye
case to any indifferante and equall hearing
and
judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it
els wher
when they should be duly called therunto;
and further
they craved Mr. Winthrops, & other of ye
reved
magistrats ther, their advice & direction herein.
This did
mollifie their minds, and bring things to a
good &
comfortable issue in ye end.
For they had this advice given them by Mr.
Win-
throp, &
others concurring with him, that from their
courte, they
should write to the neigboure plantations,
&
espetially that of ye lords, at Pascataway, and
theirs of ye
Massachusets, to appointe some to give
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 383
them meeting
at some fitt place, to consulte & deter-
mine in this
matter, so as ye parties meeting might
have full
power to order & bind, &c. And
that noth-
ing be done
to ye infringing or prejudice of ye liber-
ties of any
place. And for ye clearing of
conscience,
ye
law of God is, yt ye preist lips must be consulted
with, and
therfore it was desired that ye ministers
of every
plantation might be presente to give their
advice in
pointe of conscience. Though this course
seemed
dangerous to some, yet they were so well
assured of ye
justice of their cause, and ye equitie
of their
freinds, as they put them selves upon it, &
appointed a
time, of which they gave notice to ye
severall
places a month before hand; viz. Massachu-
sets, Salem,
& Pascataway, or any other yt they
would give
notice too, and disired them to produce
any evidence
they could in ye case. The
place for
meeting was
at Boston. But when ye day
& time
came, none
apered, but some of ye magistrats and
ministers of
ye Massachusets, and their owne.
Seeing
none of
Passcataway or other places came, (haveing
been thus
desired, & conveniente time given them for
yt
end,) Mr. Winthrop & ye rest said they could doe
no more then
they had done thus to requeste them,
ye
blame must rest on them. So they fell
into a fair
debating of
things them selves; and after all things
had been
fully opened & discussed, and ye opinione
of each one
demanded, both magistrats, and ministers,
384 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
though they
all could have wished these things had
never been,
yet they could not but lay ye blame &
guilt on
Hockins owne head; and withall gave them
such grave
& godly exhortations and advice, as they
thought
meete, both for ye presente & future; which
they allso
imbraced with love & thankfullnes, prom-
ising to
indeavor to follow ye same.
And thus was
this matter
ended, and ther love and concord re-
newed; and
also Mr. Winthrop & Mr. Dudley write
in their
behalfes to ye Lord Ssay & other gentl-men
that were
interesed in yt plantation, very effectually,
wth
which, togeather with their owne leters, and Mr.
Winslows
furder declaration of things unto them, they
rested well
satisfied.
[203] Mr. Winslow was sente by
them this year
into
England, partly to informe and satisfie ye Lord
Say &
others, in ye former matter, as also to make
answer and
their just defence for ye same, if any
thing should
by any be prosecuted against them at
Counsell-table,
or els wher; but this matter tooke
end, without
any further trouble, as is before noted.
And partly
to signifie unto ye partners in England,
that the
terme of their trade with ye company here
was out, and
therfore he was sente to finishe ye
accounts
with them, and to bring them notice how
much debtore
they should remaine on yt accounte,
and that
they might know what further course would
be best to
hold. But ye issue of these
things will
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 385
appear in ye
next years passages. They now sente
over by him
a great returne, which was very accep-
table unto
them; which was in beaver 3738li. waight,
(a great
part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 20s.
pr
pound,) and 234. otter skines;* which
alltogeather
rise to a
great sume of money.
This year (in ye foreparte of ye
same) they sente
forth a
barke to trad at ye Dutch-Plantation; and
they mette
ther with on Captaine Stone, that had
lived in
Christophers, one of ye West-Ende llands,
and now had
been some time in Virginia, and came
from thence
into these parts. He kept company with
ye
Dutch Gover, and, I know not in what drunken
fitt, he
gott leave of ye Govr to ceaise on their barke,
when they
were ready to come away, and had done
their
markett, haveing ye valew of 500li. worth of
goods abord
her; having no occasion at all, or any
collour of
ground for such a thing, but having made
ye
Govr drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right
word; and
when he urged him hear aboute, he answered
him, Als
't u beleeft. ! So he gat abord, (the cheefe of
their men
& marchant being ashore,) and with some
of his owne
men, made ye rest of theirs waigh an-
chor, sett
sayle, & carry her away towards Virginia.
But diverse
of ye Dutch sea-men, which had bene often
at Plimoth,
and kindly entertayned ther, said one to
another, Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus
abused,
* And ye skin at 14s. !That is, "If you please."
386 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
and have
their goods carried away, before our faces,
whilst our
Govr is drunke? They vowed
they would
never suffer
it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pur-
sued him,
& brought him in againe, and delivered
them their
barke & goods againe.
After wards Stone came into ye
Massachusets, and
they sent
& commensed suite against him for this
facte; but
by mediation of freinds it was taken up,
and ye
suite lett fall. And in ye
company of some
other
gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth,
and had
freindly & civill entertainmente amongst them,
with ye
rest; but revenge boyled within his brest,
(though
concelled,) for some conceived he had a pur-
pose (at one
time) to have staped the Govr, and put
his hand to
his dagger for that end, but by Gods
providence
and ye vigilance of some was prevented.
He afterward
returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with
one Captaine
Norton & some others; and, I know not
for what
occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigte-
cutt River;
and how they carried themselves I know
not, but ye
Indeans knoct him in ye head, as he lay
in his
cabine, and had thrown ye covering over his
face (whether
out of fear or desperation is uncer-
taine); this
was his end. They likewise killed all ye
rest, but
Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long
time against
them all in ye cooke-roome, till by acci-
dente the
gunpowder tooke fire, which (for readynes)
he had sett
in an open thing before him, which did
1634.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 387
so burne,
& scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could
make no
longer resistance, but was slaine also by
them, though
they much comended his vallour. And
having
killed ye men, they made a pray of what they
had, and
chafered away some of their things to ye
Dutch that
lived their. But it was not longe before
a quarell
fell betweene the Dutch & them, and they
would have
cutt of their bark; but they slue ye cheef
sachem wth
ye shott of a murderer.*
I am now to relate some strang and
remarkable pas-
sages. Ther was a company of people lived in ye
country, up
above in ye river of Conigtecut, a great
way from
their trading house ther, and were enimise
to those
Indeans which lived aboute them, and of
whom they
stood in some fear (bing a stout people).
About a
thousand of them had inclosed them selves
in a forte,
which they had strongly palissadoed about.
3. or 4.
Dutch men went up in ye begining of winter
to live with
them, to gett their trade, and prevente
them for
bringing it to ye English, or to fall into
amitie with
them; but at spring to bring all downe
to their
place. But their enterprise failed, for
it
pleased God
to visite these Indeans with a great sick-
nes, and
such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900.
and a halfe
of them dyed, and many of them did rott
above ground
for want of buriall, and ye Dutch men
* The two paragraphs above were written on
the reverse of folios 202 and
203 of the
original manuscript, under this year.
388 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
allmost
starved before they could gett away, for ise
and
snow. But about Feb: they got with much
diffi-
cultie to
their trading house; whom they kindly re-
leeved, being
allmost spente with hunger and could.
Being thus
refreshed by them diverce days, they got
to their
owne place, and ye Dutch were very thankfull
for this
kindnes.
This spring, also, those Indeans that
lived aboute
their
trading house there fell sick of ye small poxe,
and dyed
most miserably; for a sorer disease cannot
befall them;
they fear it more then ye plague; for
usualy they
that have this disease have them in abun-
dance, and
for wante of bedding & lining and other
helps, they
fall into a lamentable condition, as they
lye on their
hard matts, ye poxe breaking and matter-
ing, and
runing one into another, their skin cleaving
(by reason
therof) to the matts they lye on; when
they turne
them, a whole side will flea of at once,
[204] ( as
it were,) and they will be all of a gore
blood, most
fearfull to behold; and then being very
sore, what
with could and other distempers, they dye
like rotten
sheep. The condition of this people was
so
lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of
this diseas,
as they were (in ye end) not able to help
on another;
no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a
litle water
to drinke, nor any to burie ye dead; but
would
strivie as long as they could, and when they
could
procure no other means to make fire, they
.
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 389
would burne
ye woden trayes & dishes they ate their
meate in,
and their very bowes & arrowes; & some
would crawle
out on all foure to gett a litle water,
and some
times dye by ye way, & not be able to gett
in
againe. But those of ye
English house, (though
at first
they were afraid of ye infection,) yet seeing
their
woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their
pitifull
cries and lamentations, they had compastion
of them, and
dayly fetched them wood & water, and
made them
fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived,
and buried
them when they dyed. For very few of
them
escaped, notwithstanding they did what they
could for
them, to ye haszard of them selvs.
The
cheefe
Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his
freinds
& kinred. But by ye
marvelous goodnes &
providens of
God not one of ye English was so much
as sicke, or
in ye least measure tainted with this dis-
ease, though
they dayly did these offices for them for
many weeks
togeather. And this mercie which they
shewed them
was kindly taken, and thankfully ac-
knowledged
of all ye Indeans that knew or heard of
ye
same; and their mrs here did much comend & re-
ward them
for ye same.
Anno.Dom: 1635.
MR. WINSLOW was very wellcome
to them in Eng-
land, and ye
more in regard of ye large returne he
brought with
him, which came all safe to their hands,
390 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
and was well
sould. And he was borne in hand, (at
least he so
apprehended,) that all accounts should be
cleared
before his returne, and all former differences
ther aboute
well setled. And so he writ over to
them hear,
that he hoped to cleare ye accounts, and
bring them
over with him; and yt the accounte of
ye
White Angele would be taken of, and all things
fairly
ended. But it came to pass [205] that,
being
occasioned
to answer some complaints made against
the countrie
at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning
their
neigbours in ye Bay then them selves hear, the
which he did
to good effecte, and further prosecuting
such things
as might tend to ye good of ye whole, as
well them
selves as others, aboute ye wrongs and in-
croachments
that the French & other strangers both
had and were
like further to doe unto them, if not
prevented,
he prefered this petition following to their
Honrs
that were deputed Comissioners for ye Planta-
tions.
To ye right honorable ye
Lords Comissioners for ye Plan-
tations in America.
The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on ye behalfe of
ye plantations in New-England,
Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, yt wheras your peti-
tioners have
planted them selves in New England under his
Matis most gratious protection; now so it is, right Honbl,
that ye French & Dutch doe indeaouer to devide ye land
betweene
them; for which purpose ye French have, on ye
east side,
entered and seased upon one of our houses, and
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATIQN. 391
carried away
the goods, slew 2. of ye men in another place,
and tooke ye
rest prisoners with their goods. And ye
Dutch,
on ye
west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River,
within ye
limits of his Majts lrs patent, where they have
raised a
forte, and threaten to expell your petitioners thence,
who are also
planted upon ye same river, maintaining posses-
sion for his
Matie to their great charge, & hazard both of lives
& goods.
In tender consideration hereof your
petitioners humbly pray
that your Lopps
will either procure their peace wth those foraine
states, or
else to give spetiall walTante unto your petitioners
and ye
English Collonies, to right and defend them selves
against all
foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall
pray,
&c.
This petition found good acceptation with
most of
them, and Mr.
Winslow was heard sundry times by
them, and
appointed further to attend for an answer
from their
Lopps, espetiaIly, having upon conferance
with them
laid downe a way how this might be doone
without any
either charge or trouble to ye state; only
by
furnishing some of ye cheefe of ye cuntry hear
with
authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne
charge, and
in such a way as should be without any
publick
disturbance. But this crossed both Sr
Ferdi-
nandos
Gorges' & Cap: Masons designe, and ye arch-
bishop of
Counterberies- by them; for Sr Ferd: Gorges
(by ye
arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over
generall Govr
into ye countrie, and to have had means
from ye
state for yt end, and was now upon dispatch
and conclude
of ye bussines. And ye
arch-bishops
392 HISTORY OF [Book II.
purposs
& intente was, by his means, & some he
should send
with him, (to be furnished with Episco-
pall power,)
[206] to disturbe ye peace of ye churches
here, and to
overthrow their proceedings and further
growth,
which was ye thing he aimed at.
But it so
fell out (by
Gods providence) that though he in ye
end crost
this petition from taking any further effecte
in this
kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte
and whole
bussines of his & Sr Ferdinandos fell to ye
ground, and
came to nothing. When Mr. Winslow
should have
had his suit granted, (as indeed upon ye
pointe it
was,) and should have been confirmed, the
arch-bishop
put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow,
thinking to
gett it freed, went to ye bord againe; but
ye
bishop, Sr Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it
seemes,
procured Morton (of whom mention is made
before,
& his base carriage) to complaine; to whose
complaints Mr.
Winslow made answer to ye good sat-
isfaction of
ye borde, who checked Morton and re-
buked him
sharply, & allso blamed Sr Ferd Gorges,
&
Masson, for countenancing him. But ye
bish: had
a further
end & use of his presence, for he now be-
gane to
question Mr. Winslow of many things; as
of teaching
in ye church publickly, of which Morton
accused him,
and gave evidence that he had seen and
heard him
doe it; to which Mr. Winslow answered,
that some
time (wanting a minster) he did exercise
his gifte to
help ye edification of his breethren, when
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 393
they wanted
better means, wch was not often.
Then
aboute
mariage, the which he also confessed, that,
haveing been
called to place of magistracie, he had
sometimes
maried some. And further tould their
lordps
yt mariage was a civille thinge, & he found no
wher in ye
word of God yt it was tyed to ministrie.
Again, they
were necessitated so to doe, having for
a long time
togeather at first no minister; besids, it
I was no
new-thing, for he had been so maried him
selfe in
Holand, by ye magistrats in their Statt-house.
But in ye
end (to be short), for these things, ye
bishop, by
vemente importunity, gott ye bord at last
to consente
to his comittemente; so he was comited
to ye
Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute,
before he
could gett to be released. And this was
ye
end of this
petition, and this bussines; only ye others
designe was
also frustrated hereby, with other things
concurring,
which was no smalle blessing to ye people
here.
But ye charge fell heavie on
them hear, not only in
Mr.
Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,)
but by ye
hinderance of their bussines both ther and
hear, by his
personall imploymente. For though this
was as much
or more for others then for them hear,
and by them
cheefly he was put on this bussines,
(for ye
plantation kewe nothing of it till they heard
of his
imprisonmente,) yet ye whole charge lay on
them.
394 HISTORY OF [Book II.
Now for
their owne bussines; whatsoever Mr. Sher-
leys mind
was before, (or Mr. Winslow apprehension
of ye
same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that
he would
neither take of ye White-Angell from ye
accounte,
nor [207] give any further accounte, till he
had received
more into his hands; only a prety good
supply of
goods were sent over, but of ye most, no
note of
their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as for-
merly; which
Mr. Winslow said he could not help,
because of
his restrainte. Only now Mr.
Sherley &
Mr.
Beachamp & Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of
atturney
under their hands & seals, to recovere what
they could
of Mr. Allerton for ye Angells accounte;
but sent
them neither ye bonds, nor covenants, or such
other
evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these
matters. I shall here inserte a few passages out of
Mr.
Sherleys letters aboute these things.
Your leter of ye 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our
loving
friend Mr. Winslow, I have received, and your larg
parcell of
beaver and otter skines. Blessed be our
God,
both he and
it came safly to us, and we have sould it in
tow
parcells; ye skin at 14s. li. & some at 16.; ye
coate at
20s. ye pound.
The accounts I have not sent you them this
year, I will
referr you to Mr. Winslow to tell you ye reason
of it; yet
be assured yt none of you shall suffer by ye not
having of them,
if God spare me life. And wheras you say
ye 6. years are expired yt ye peopl put ye trad into your &
our hands
for, for ye discharge of yt great debte wch Mr.
Allerton
needlesly & unadvisedly ran you & us into; yet it
was promised
it should continue till our disbursments & in-
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 395
gagements
were satisfied. You conceive it is done;
we feele
& know
other wise, &c. I doubt not but we
shall lovingly
agree,
notwithstanding all yt hath been writen, on boath sids,
aboute ye
Whit-Angell. We have now sent you a
letter of
atturney,
therby giving you power in our names (and to
shadow it ye
more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may
be of Mr.
Allerton towards ye satisfing of that great charge
of ye
White Angell. And sure he hath bound him
selfe,
(though at
present I cannot find it,) but he hath often
affirmed,
with great protestations, yt neither you nor we
should lose
a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough
to discharg
it, so as we shall have no more contesting
aboute
it. Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall
& unkind
dealing with
you, in ye midest of justice remember mercie,
and doe not
all you may doe, &c. Set us out of
debte, and
then let us
recone & reason togeither, &c. Mr.
Winslow
hath undergone
an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded
it will
turne much to all your good. I leave him
to relate per-
ticuleres,
&c.
Your loving freind,
JAMES SHERLEY.
London, Sep:
7. 1635.
This year they sustained an other great
loss from ye
French.
Monsier de Aulnay coming into ye harbore of
Penobscote,
and having before gott some of ye cheefe
yt
belonged to ye house abord his vessell, by sutlty
coming upon
them in their shalop, he gott them to
pilote him
in; and after getting ye rest into his power
he tooke
possession of ye house in ye name of ye king
of France;
and partly by threatening, & other wise,
made Mr.
Willett (their agente ther) to approve of
396 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
sale of ye goods their unto him, of which he sett
ye
price him selfe [208] in effecte, and made an in-
ventory
therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but
made no
paymente for them; but tould them in con-
venient time
he would doe it if they came for it. For
ye
house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor
accounte any
thing, saing that they which build on
another mans
ground doe forfite ye same.
So thus
turning them
out of all, (with a great deale of com-
plemente,
and many fine words,) he let them have
their shalop
and some victualls to bring them home.
Coming home
and relating all the passages, they here
were much
troubled at it, & haveing had this house
robbed by ye
French once before, and lost then above
500li.
(as is before remembred), and now to loose
house &
all, did much move them. So as they re-
solved to
consulte with their freinds in ye Bay, and
if yey
approved of it, (ther being now many ships
ther,) they
intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke
to beat out
ye Frenche, and recover it againe.
Ther
course was
well approved on, if them selves could bear
ye
charge; so they hired a fair ship of above 300.
tune, well
fitted with ordnance, and agreed with ye
mr.
(one Girling) to this effect: that he and his com-
pany should
deliver them ye house, (after they had
driven out,
or surprised ye French,) and give them
peacable
possession therof, and of all such trading
comodities
as should ther be found; and give ye
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 397
French fair
quarter & usage, if they would yeeld. In
consideration
wherof he was to have 700li. of beaver,
to be
delivered him ther, when he had done ye thing;
but if he
did not accomplish it, be was to loose his
labour, and
have nothing. With him they also sent
their owne
bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine
Standish, to
aide him (if neede weer), and to order
things, if
the house was regained; and then to pay
him ye
beaver, which they keept abord their owne
barke. So they with their bark piloted him thither,
and brought
him safe into ye harbor. But
he was so
rash &,
heady as he would take no advice, nor would
surer
Captaine Standish to have time to summone
them, (who
had comission & order so to doe,) neither
would doe it
him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had
been done,
& they come to affaire parley, seeing their
force, they
would have yeelded. Neither would he
have
patience to bring his ship wher she might doe
execution,
but begane to shoot, at distance like a
madd man,
and did them no hurte at all; the which
when those
of ye plantation saw, they were much
greeved, and
went to him & tould him he would doe
no good if
he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for
she might
lye within piston shott of ye house). At
last, when
he saw his owne folly, be was perswaded,
and layed
her well, and bestowed a few shott to
good
purposs. But now, when he was in a way to doe
some good,
his powder was goone; for though he had
398 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
. . * peece of ordnance, it did now [209]
appeare he
had but a
barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could
doe no good,
but was faine to draw of againe; by
which means
ye enterprise was made frustrate, and ye
French
incouraged; for all ye while that he shot so
unadvisedly,
they lay close under a worke of earth, &
let him
consume him selfe. He advised with ye
Cap-
taine how he
might be supplyed with powder, for
he had not
to carie him home; 80 he tould him he
would goe to
ye next plantation, and doe his indeour
to procure
him some, and so did; but understand-
ing, by
intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on ye
barke, &
surprise ye beaver, he sent him the powder,
and brought
ye barke & beaver home.
But Girling
never
assualted ye place more, (seeing him selfe dis-
apoyented,)
but went his way; and this was ye end
of this
bussines.
Upon
ye ill success of this bussines, the Govr and
Assistants
here by their leters certified their freinds in
ye
Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and
disapoynted,
and yt the French partly had, and were
now likly to
fortifie them selves more strongly, and
likly to
become ill neigbours to ye English.
Upon
this they
thus writ to them as folloeth: --
Worthy Srs: Upon ye reading of your leters,
& consid-
eration of ye
waightines of ye cause therin mentioned, the
* Blank in the original.
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 399
courte hath
joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you
with men
& munition, for ye accomplishing of your desires
upon ye French. But because here
are none of yours yt have
authority to
conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be
done by us
for ye presente.
We desire, therfore, that you
would with
all conveniente speed send some man of trust,
furnished
with instructions from your selves, to make such
agreemente
with us about this bussines as may be usefull
for you, and
equall for us. So in hast we comite you
to
God; and
remaine
Your assured loving freinds,
JOHN HAYNES, Govr.
RI: BELLINGHAM, Dep.
Jo: WINTHROP.
THO: DUDLEY.
Jo: HUMFRAY.
WM: CODDINGTON.
WK: PINCHON.
ATHERTON HOUGHE.
INCREAS NOWELL.
RIC: DUMER.
SIMON BRADSTRETE.
New-towne, Octor 9. 1635.
Upon the receite of ye above
mentioned, they pres-
ently
deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving
them full
power to conclude, according to the instruc-
tions they gave
them, being to this purposs: that if
they would
afford such assistance as, togeather with
their owne,
was like to effecte the thing, and allso
bear a
considerable parte of ye charge, they would goe
on; if not,
[210] they (having lost so much allready)
400 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
should not
be able, but must desiste, and waite fur-
ther
opportunitie as God should give, to help them
selves. But this came to nothing, for when it came
to ye
issue, they would be at no charge, but sente
them this
letter, and referd them more at large to
their owne
messengers.
Sr: Having, upon ye
consideration of your letter, with ye
message you
sente, had some serious consultations aboute
ye great importance of your bussines with ye French, we
gave our
answer to those whom you deputed to conferr wth
us aboute ye viage to Penobscote. We
shewed our willing-
nes to help,
but withall we declared our presente condition,
& in
what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we
for our
parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you
sufficiente
supply of men & munition. But for
matter of
moneys we
have no authority at all to promise, and if we
should, we
should rather disapoynte you, then incourage you
by yt help, which we are not able to performe. We likewise
thought it
fitt to take ye help of other Esterne plantations;
but those
things we leave to your owne wisdomes.
And for
other things
we refer you to your owne comitties, who are
able to
relate all ye passages more at large. We salute
you, &
wish you all good success in ye
Lord.
Your faithfull & loving friend,
RI: BELLINGHAM, Dep:
In ye name
of ye Fest of the Comities.
Boston, Octobr 16. 1635.
This thing did not only thus breake of,
but some
of their
merchants shortly after sent to trad with
them, and
furnished them both with provissions, &
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 401
poweder
& shott; and so have continued to doe till
this day, as
they have seen opportunitie for their
profite. So as in truth ye English them
selves have
been the cheefest supporters of these French; for
besids
these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes
near unto
them) doth not only supply them with
what yey
wante, but gives them continuall intelligence
of all
things that passes among, ye English, (espetially
some of
them,) so as it is no marvell though they
still grow,
& incroach more & more upon ye English,
and fill ye
Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to ye
great
deanger of ye English, who lye open & unfor-
tified,
living, upon husbandrie; and ye other closed up
in their
forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in
good
securitie. If these things be not looked
too, and
remeady
provided in time, it may easily be conjectured
what they
may come toe; but I leave them.
This year, ye 14. or 15. of
August (being, Saturday)
was such a
mighty storme of wind & raine, as none
living in
these parts, either English or Indeans, ever
saw. Being like (for ye time it
continued) to those
Hauricanes
and Tuffons that writers make mention of
in ye
Indeas. It began in ye
morning, a litle before
day, and
grue not by degrees, but came with violence
in ye
begining, to ye great amasnaente of many. It
blew downe
sundry [211] houses, & uncovered others;
diverce
vessells were lost at sea, and many more in ex-
treme
danger. It caused ye sea to
swell (to ye south-
402 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ward of this
place) above 20. foote, right up & downe,
and made
many of the Indeans to clime into trees for
their
saftie; it tooke of ye borded roofe of a house
which
belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and
floted it to
another place, the posts still standing in
ye ground; and if it had continued long without ye
shifting of
ye wind, it is like it would have drouned
some parte
of ye cuntrie.
It blew downe many hun-
dered
thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by
the roots,
and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in
the midle,
and ye tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of
good biggnes
were wound like a withe, very strang
&
fearfull to behould. It begane in ye southeast, and
parted
toward ye south & east, and vered sundry ways;
but ye greatest force of it here was from ye former
quarters. It continued not (in ye extremitie) above
5. or 6.
houers, but ye violence begane to abate. The
signes and
marks of it will remaine this 100. years in
these parts
wher it was sorest. The moone suffered
a great
eclips the 2. night after it.
Some of their neighbours in ye Bay, hereing of ye
fame of
Conightecute River, had a hankering mind
after it,
(as was before noted,) and now understanding
that ye Indeans were swepte away with ye late great
mortalitie,
the fear of whom was an obstacle unto
them before,
which being now taken away, they be-
gane now to
prosecute it with great egernes. The
greatest
differances fell betweene those of Dorchester
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 403
plantation
and them hear; for they set their minde
on that
place, which they had not only purchased of
ye Indeans, but wher they had builte; intending only
(if they
could not remove them) that they should have
but a smale
moyety left to ye house, as to a single
family;
whose doings and proceedings were conceived
to be very
injurious, to attempte not only to intrude
them selves
into ye rights & possessions of others, but
in effect to
thrust them out of all. Many were ye
leters &
passages that went betweene them hear aboute,
which would
be to long here to relate.
I shall here first inserte a few lines
that was write
by their own
agente from thence.
Sr: &c. Ye Masschuset men are coming
almost dayly, some
by water,
& some by land, who are not yet determined wher
to setle,
though some have a great mind to ye place we are
upon, and
which was last bought. Many of them look
at
that which
this river will not afford, excepte it be at this
place which
we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have
comodious
dwellings for many togeather. So as what
they
will doe I
cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none
of them say
any thing to me, but what I hear from their
servants (by
whom I perceive their minds). I shall
doe what
I can to
withstand them. I hope they will hear
reason; as
that we were
here first, and entred with much difficulty and
danger,
[212] both in regard of ye Dutch & Indeans, and
bought ye
land, (to your great charge, all ready disbursed,)
and have
since held here a chargable possession, and kept
ye
Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long be-
fore this
day have possessed all, and kept out all others, &c.
404 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
I hope these
& such like arguments will stoppe them.
It was
your will we
should use their persons & messengers kindly,
& so we
have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge;
for ye
first company had well nie starved had it not been for
this house,
for want of victuals; I being forced to supply
12. men for
9. days togeather; and those which came last,
I
entertained the best we could, helping both them (& ye
other) with
canows, & guids. They gott me to goe
with
them to ye
Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them
to have
quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily
withstand
them. But this later company did not
once speak
therof,
&c. Also I gave their goods house
roome according
to their
ernest request, and Mr. Pinchons letter in their be-
halfe (which
I thought good to send you, here inclosed).
And what
trouble & charge I shall be further at I know
not; for
they are coming dayly, and I expecte these back
againe from
below, whither they are gone to veiw ye countrie.
All which
trouble & charg we under goe for their occasion,
may give us
just cause (in ye judgmente of all wise & un-
derstanding
men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon.
Thus with my
duty remembred, &c. I rest
Yours to be comanded
JOHNNATHA BREWSTER.
Matianuck,
July 6. 1635.
Amongst ye many agitations that pased betweene
them, I shal
note a few out of their last letters, & for
ye present omitte ye
rest, except upon other occasion
I may have
fitter opportunity. After their thorrow
veiw of ye place, they began to pitch them selves upon
their land
& near their house; which occasioned much
expostulation
betweene them. Some of which are such
as follow.
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 405
Brethren,
having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to
agitate
& bring to an issue some maters in difference be-
tweene us,
about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you
lay
challeng; upon which God by his providence cast us,
and as we
conceive in a faire way of providence tendered
it to us, as
a meete place to receive our body, now upon
removall.
We shall not need to answer all ye
passages of your larg
letter,
&c. But wheras you say God in his
providence cast
you,
&c., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion)
must now
tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and
yt
you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon
that wch
is your neigbours, and not yours; and in so doing,
your way
could not be faire unto it. Looke yt
you abuse
not Gods
providence in such allegations.
Theirs.
Now allbeite we at first judged ye
place so free yt we might
with Gods
good leave take & use it, without just offence to
any man, it
being the Lords [213] wast, and for ye presente
altogeather
voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded ye im-
ploymente
therof, to ye right ends for which land was created,
Gen: 1. 28.
and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine
possibilities
of this or that to be done by any, we judging
them (in
such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be
equalled
with presente actions (such as ours was) much less
worthy to be
prefered before them; and therfore did we
make some
weake beginings in that good worke, in ye place
afforesaid.
Ans: Their answer was to this effecte; That if it
was ye Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so,
& not
they; and "have since bought it of ye
right
406 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
oweners, and
maintained a chargable possession upon
it al this
while, as them selves could not but know.
And because
of present ingagments and other hinder-
ances which
lay at presente upon them, must it ther-
fore be
lawfull for them to goe and take it from
them? It was well known that they are upon a barren
place, wher
they were by necessitie cast; and neither
they nor
theirs could longe continue upon ye
same;
and why
should they (because they were more ready,
& more
able at presente) goe and deprive them of
that which
they had wth charg & hazard provided, &
intended to
remove to, as soone as they could & were
able?
They had another passage in their letter;
they had
rather have
to doe with the lords in England, to
whom (as
they heard it reported) some of them should
say that
they had rather give up their right to them,
(if they
must part with it,) then to ye
church of
Dorchester,
&c. And that they should be less
fearfull
to offend ye lords, then they were them.
Ans:
Their answer was, that what soever they had
heard, (more
then was true,) yet ye case was not so
with them
that they had need to give away their rights
&
adventurs, either to ye lords, or them; yet, if they
might
measure their fear of offence by their practise,
they had
rather (in that poynte) they should deal with
ye lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them
selves, then
they were.
1635.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 407
But least I should be teadious, I will
forbear other
things, and
come to the conclusion that was made in
ye endd. To make any forcible
resistance was farr
from their
thoughts, (they had enough of yt
about
Kenebeck,)
and to live in continuall contention with
their
freinds & brethren would be uncomfortable, and
too heavie a
burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake
(though they
conceived they suffered much in this
thing) they
thought it better to let them have it upon
as good
termes as they could gett; and so they fell to
treaty. The first thing yt (because they had made so
many &
long disputs aboute it) they would have them
to grante
was, yt they had right too it, or ells they
would never
treat aboute it. The which being ac-
knowledged,
& yeelded unto by them, this was ye con-
clusion they
came unto in ye end after much adoe:
that they
should retaine their house, and have the 16.
parte of all
they had bought of ye Indeans; and ye
other should
have all ye rest of ye land; leaveing such
a moyety to
those [214] of New-towne, as they re-
served for
them. This 16. part was to be taken in
too
places; one
towards ye house, the other towards New-
townes
proporrtion. Also they were to pay
according
to
proportion, what had been disbursed to ye
Indeans
for ye purchass. Thus was ye controversie ended, but
the
unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They
of New-
towne delt
more fairly, desireing only what they could
* They in MS.
408 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
conveniently
spare, from a competancie reserved for
a
plantation, for them selves; which made them the
more carfull
to procure a moyety for them, in this
agreement
& distribution.
Amongst ye other bussinesses that Mr.
Winslow had
to doe in
England, he had order from ye
church to
provid &
bring over some able & fitt man for to
be their
minister. And accordingly he had
procured
a godly and
a worthy * man, one Mr. Glover; but it
pleased God
when he was prepared for the viage, he
fell sick of
a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he
was ready to
come away, he became acquainted with
Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would
not ingage
him selfe to this place, otherwise then he
should see
occasion when he came hear; and if he liked
better else
wher, to repay ye charge laid out for him,
(which came
to aboute 70li.) and to be at his liberty.
He stayed
aboute a year with them, after he came
over, and
was well liked of them, & much desired by
them; but he
was invited to Ipswich, wher were many
rich &
able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he
wente to
them, & is their minister. Aboute
half of
ye charg was repayed, ye rest
he had for ye pains he
tooke
amongst them.
*
Before this word in the margin appears So capital N.
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
409
Anno Dom: 1636.
MR. ED:
WINSLOW was chosen Govr this year.
In ye
former year, because they perceived by Mr.
Winslows
later letters' that no accounts would be
sente, they
resolved to keep ye beaver, and send no
more, till
they had them, or came to some further
agreemente. At least they would forbear till Mr.
Winslow came
over, that by more full conferance with
him they
might better understand what was meete to
be
done. But when he came, though he
brought no
accounts,
yet he perswaded them to send ye
beaver,
& was
confident upon ye receite of yt beaver, & his
letters,
they should have accounts ye
nexte year; and
though they
thought his grounds but weake, that gave
him this hope,
& made him so confidente, yet by his
importunitie
they yeelded, & sente ye
same, ther being
a ship at ye latter end of year, by whom they sente
1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids
sundrie
small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins,
&c. And this year, in ye spring, came in a Dutch
man, who
thought to have traded at ye
Dutch-forte;
[215] but
they would not suffer him. He, having
good store
of trading goods, came to this place, &
tendred them
to sell; of whom they bought a good
quantitie,
they being very good & fitte for their turne,
as Dutch
roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted to ye
valew of 500li., for ye paymente of which they passed
410 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
bills to Mr. Sherley in England, having before sente
ye forementioned parcell of beaver.
And now this
year (by
another ship) sente an other good round
parcell that
might come to his hands, & be sould be-
fore any of
these bills should be due. The quantity
of beaver
now sent was 1809li.
waight, and of otters
10. skins,
and shortly after (ye same year) was sent by
another ship
(Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719li
waight, and
of otter skins 199. concerning which Mr.
Sherley thus
writs.
Your leters I have received, with 8.
hoggsheads of beaver
by Ed:
Wilkinson, mr. of ye Falcon. Blessed be God for ye
safe coming
of it. I have also seen & acceped 3.
bills of
exchainge,
&c. But I must now acquainte you how
the Lords
heavie hand
is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly
in this
cittie, with his judgmente of ye plague. The last
weeks bill
was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more; and
it is much
feared it will be a winter sicknes. By
reason
wherof it is
incredible ye number of people yt are gone into
ye
cuntry & left ye citie. I
am perswaded many more then
went out ye
last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriors
from most
places put downe; nor no receiving of any money,
though long
due. Mr. Hallows us more then
would pay
these bills,
but he, his wife, and all, are in ye cuntrie, 60.
miles from
London. I write to him, he came up, but
could
not pay
us. I am perswaded if I should offer to
sell ye
beaver at
88. pr pound, it would not yeeld money; but when
ye
Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have
better &
quicker markets; so it shall lye by.
Before I ac-
cepted ye
bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Andrews
with them,
& how ther could be no money made nor
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 411
received;
and that it would be a great discredite to you,
which never
yet had any turned back, and a shame to us,
haveing 1800li.
of beaver lying by us, and more oweing
then ye
bills come too, &c. But all was
nothing; neither
of them both
will put too their finger to help. I
offered to
supply my 3.
parte, but they gave me their answer they
neither
would nor could, &c. However, your
bils shall
be satisfied
to ye parties good contente; but I would not
have thought
they ,would have left either you or me at this
time,
&c. You will and may expect I should
write more,
& answer
your leters, but I am not a day in ye weeke at
home at
towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham; for
here is ye
miserablest time yt I thinke hath been known in
many
ages. I have know 3. great sickneses,
but none like
this. And that which should be a means to pacifie ye Lord, ,
& help
us, that is taken -away, preaching put downe in many
places, not
a sermone in Westminster on ye
saboth, nor in
many townes
aboute us; ye Lord in mercie looke uppon
us. In ye
begining of ye year was a great [216] drought,
& no
raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte
up, haye, at
5li. a load; and now all raine, so as much
sommer corne
& later haye is spoyled. Thus ye Lord
sends
judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see,
nor humble
our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier
judgments,
unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him,
which ye Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed
will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your
prayers,
I ever rest Your loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.
Sept: 14. 1636.
This was all ye answer they had
from Mr. Sherley,
by which Mr.
Winslow saw his hops failed him. So
they now
resoloved to send no more beaver in yt way
412 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
which they
had done, till they came to some issue or
other aboute
these things. But now came over let-
ters from Mr.
Andrews & Mr. Beachamp full of com-
plaints,
that they marveled yt nothing was sent over,
by which any
of their moneys should be payed in;
for it did
appear by ye accounte sente in Ano 1631.
that they
were each of them out, aboute a leven
hundered
pounds a peece, and all this while had not
received one
penie towards ye same. But
now Mr.
Sherley
sought to draw more money from them, and
was offended
because they deneyed him; and blamed
them hear
very much that all was sent to Mr. Sher-
ley, &
nothing to them. They marvelled much at
this,
for they
conceived that much of their moneis had been
paid in,
& yt yearly each of them had received a pro-
portionable
quantity out of ye larg returnes sent home.
For they had
sente home since yt accounte was re-
ceived in Ano
1631. (in which all & more then all
their debts,
wth yt years supply, was charged upon
them) these
sumes following.
Novbr 18. Ano 1631. By Mr. Peirce 0400li. waight of beaver, & otters 20.
July 13. Ano 1632. By Mr. Griffin 1348li. beaver, & otters .
. 147.
Ano 1633. By Mr. Graves 3366li. bever, & otters
. . 346.
Ano 1634. By Mr. Andrews 3738li. beaver, & otters
. . 234.
Ano 1635. By Mr.
Babb 1150li. beaver, & otters
. . 200.
June 24. Ano 1636. By Mr. Willkinson 1809li. beaver, & otters
. . 010.
Ibidem. By Mr. Langrume 0719li. beaver, & otters
. . 199.
______ ___
12150li.* 1156.
* Not correctly cast; it should be 12530li.
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 413
All these; sumes were saily rceived &
well sould,
as appears
by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20s.
pr
pound, and some at 24s.; the skin at 15. & some-
times
16. I doe not remember any under
14. It
may be ye
last year might be something lower, so
also ther
were some small furrs that are not recconed
in this
accounte, & some black beaver at higer rates,
to make up ye
defects. [217] It was conceived that
ye
former parcells of beaver came to litle less then
10000li.
sterling, and ye otter skins would pay all ye
charge,
& they wth other furrs make up besids if any
thing wanted
of ye former sume. When ye
former
accounte was
passed, all their debts (those of White-
Angelle
& Frendship included) came but to 4770li.
And they
could not estimate that all ye supplies since
sent them,
& bills payed for them, could come to
above 2000li.
so as they conceived their debts had
been payed,
with advantage or intrest. But it may
be objected,
how comes it that they could not as well
exactly sett
downe their receits, as their returnes, but
thus estimate
it. I answer, 2. things were ye
cause
of it; the
first & principall was, that ye new ac-
countante,
which they in England would needs presse
upon them,
did wholy faile them, & could never give
them any
accounte; but trusting to his memorie, &
lose papers,
let things rune into such confusion, that
neither he,
nor any with him, could bring things to
rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his
414 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
accounts, he
desired to have such a time, and such
a time of
leasure, and he would doe it. In ye
intrime
he fell into
a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell
out he could
make no accounte at all. His books
were after a
litle good begining left altogeather un-
perfect; and
his papers, some were lost, & others so
confused, as
he knew not what to make of them him
selfe, when
they came to be searched & examined.
This was not
unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they
came to
smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not
their
faulte,) both thus in England, and also here;
for they
conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds
for goods
trusted out in ye place, which were lost for
want of
clear accounts to call them in. Another
rea-
son of this
mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow
was sente
into England to demand accounts, and to
excepte
against ye Whit-Angell, they never had any
price sent
with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce
of them; but
all things stood in confusion, and they
were faine
to guesse at ye prises of them.
They write back to Mr. Andrews
& Mr. Beachamp,
and tould
them they marveled they should write they
had sent
nothing home since ye last accounts; for
they had
sente a great deale; and it might rather be
marveled how
they could be able to send so much,
besids
defraying all charg at home, and what they
had lost by
the French, and so much cast away at
sea, when Mr.
Peirce lost his ship on ye coast of Vir-
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 415
ginia. What they had sente was to them all, and to
them selves
as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did
not looke
after it, it was their owne faIts; they must
referr them
to Mr. Sherley, who had received [218]
it, to
demand it of him. They allso write to Mr.
Sherley to ye
same purposs, and what the others com-
plaints
were.
This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt
with
goods from ye
Massachusetts of such as removed
theither to
plante, were in an easterly storme cast
away in
coming into this harbore in ye night; the
boats men
were lost, and ye goods were driven all
alonge ye
shore, and strowed up & downe at high-
water
marke. But ye Govr
caused them to be gath-
ered up, and
drawn togeather, and appointed some
to take an
inventory of them, and others to wash
& drie
such things as had neede therof; by which
means most
of ye goods were saved, and restored to
ye
owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of
theirs (go-
ing thither
likwise) was cast away near unto Manoan-
scusett, and
such goods as came a shore were preserved
for
them. Such crosses they mette with in
their be-
ginings;
which some imputed as a correction from
God for
their intrution (to ye wrong of others) into
yt
place. But I dare not be bould with Gods
judg-
ments in
this kind.
In ye year 1634, the Pequents
(a stoute and war-
like
people), who had made warrs with sundry of
416 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
their
neigbours, and puft up with many victories,
grue now at
varience with ye Narigansets, a great
people
bordering upon them. These Narigansets
held
correspondance
and termes of freindship with ye Eng-
lish of ye
Massachusetts. Now ye
Pequents, being con-
scious of ye
guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they
knew to be
an-English man, as also those yt were
with him,
and being fallen out with ye Dutch, least
they should
have over many enemies at once, sought
to make
freindship with ye English of ye Massachu-
setts; and
for yt end sent both messengers & gifts
unto them,
as appears by some letters sent from ye
Govr
hither.
Dear & worthy Sr: &c. To let you know
somwhat of
our affairs,
you may understand that ye Pequents have sent
some of
theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered
much wampam
& beaver, &c. The first
messengers were
dismissed
without answer; with ye next we had diverce dayes
conferance,
and taking ye advice of some of our ministers,
and seeking
the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freind-
ship with
them, upon these conditions: that they should de-
liver up to
us those men who were guilty of Stones death,
&c. And if we desired to plant in Conightecute,
they should
give up
their right to us, and so we would send to trade
with them as
our freinds (which was ye cheefe thing we
aimed at,
being now in warr with ye Dutch and ye rest of
their
neigbours). To this they readily agreed;
and that
we should
meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigan-
setts; for
which end they were contente we should give the
Narigansets
parte of yt presente, they would bestow on us
1636.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 417
(for they
stood [219]* so much on their honour, as they
would not be
seen to give any thing of them selves).
As
for Captein
Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of
those who
had any hand in his death; and that they killed
him in a
just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our
men, and
bound them, to make them by force to shew him
ye
way up ye river; ! and he with 2. other coming on shore,
9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a
sleepe in ye
night, they
kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some
of them
going afterwards to ye pinass, it was suddainly blowne
up. Weare now preparing to send a pinass unto
them, &c.
In an other of his, dated ye
12. of ye first month,
he hath
this.
Our pinass is latly returned from ye Pequents; they put
of but litle
comoditie, and found them a very false people,
so as they
mean to have no more to doe with them. I
have
diverce
other things to write unto you, &:c.
Yours ever assured,
Jo: WINTHROP.
Boston, 12.
of ye 1. month, 1634.
After these things, and, as I take, this
year, John
Oldom, (of
whom much is spoken before,) being now
an
inhabitant of ye Massachusetts, went wth a small
vessell,
& slenderly mand, a trading into these south
parts, and
upon a quarell betweene him & ye Indeans
was cutt of
by them (as hath been before noted) at
an iland
called by ye Indeans Munisses, but since by
* 119 in MS.
! Ther is litle trust to be giyen to their
relations in these things.
418 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
English Block Iland. This, with ye
former about
the death of
Stone, and the baffoyling of ye Pequents
with ye
English of ye Massachusetts, moved them to
set out some
to take revenge, and require satisfaction
for these
wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and
without
their acquainting of those of Conightecute &
other
neighbours with ye same, as they did litle good.
But their
neigbours had more hurt done, for some
of ye
murderers of Old orne fled to ye.
Pequents, and
though the
English went to ye Pequents, and had
some parley
with them, yet they did but delude
them, &
ye English returned without doing any thing
to purpose,
being frustrate of their oppertunitie by ye
others
deceite. After ye English
were returned, the
Pequents
tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of
some of ye
English as they passed in boats, and went
on fouling,
and assaulted them the next spring at
their
habytations, as will appear in its place.
I doe
but touch
these things, because I make no question
they will be
more fully & distinctly handled by them
selves, who
had more exacte knowledg of them, and
whom they
did more properly concerne.
This year Mr. Smith layed
downe his place of min-
istrie,
partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it
too heavie a
burthen, and partly at the desire, and
by ye
perswasion, of others; and the church sought
out for
[220] * some other, having often been disap-
* 120 in MS.
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 419
pointed in
their hops and desires heretofore. And
it
pleased the
Lord to send them an able and a godly
man,* and of
a meeke and humble spirite, sound in
ye truht,
and every way unreproveable in his life &
conversation;
whom, after some time of triall, they
chose for
their teacher, the fruits of whose labours
they injoyed
many years with much comforte, in
peace, &
good agreemente.
Anno Dom: 1637.
IN ye fore parte of this year,
the Pequents fell
openly upon
ye English at Conightecute, in ye lower
parts of ye
river, and slew sundry of them, (as they
were at work
in ye feilds,) both men & women, to
ye
great terrour of ye rest; and wente away in great
prid &
triumph, with many high threats. They
allso
assalted a
fort at ye rivers mouth, though strong and
well
defended; and though they did not their pre-
vaile, yet
it struk them with much fear & astonish-
mente to see
their bould attempts in the face of
danger;
which made them in all places to stand
upon their
gard, and to prepare for resistance, and
ernestly to
solissite their freinds and confederats in ye
Bay of
Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for
they looked
for more forcible assaults. Mr.
Vane,
being then
Govr, write from their Generall Courte
to them
hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to
* Mr. John Reinor.
420 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
which they
were cordially willing, but tooke oppor-
tunitie to
write to them aboute some former things,
as well as
presente, considerable hereaboute. The
which will
best appear in ye Govr answer which he
returned to
ye same, which I shall here inserte.
Sr: The Lord having so disposed, as that your
letters to
our late Govr is fallen to my lott to make answer unto,
I could have
wished I might have been at more freedome
of time
& thoughts also, that I might have done it more to
your &
my owne satisfaction. But what shall be
wanting
now may be
supplyed hereafter. For ye matters which from
your selfe
& counsell were propounded & objected to us, we
thought not
fitte to make them so publicke as ye
cognizance
of our
Generall Courte. But as they have been
considered
by those of
our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to re-
turne unto
you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your willingnes
to joyne
with us in this warr against ye
Pequents, though
you cannot
ingage your selves without ye
consente of your
Generall
Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards
us, (which
we never had cause to doubt of,) and are will-
ing to
attend your full resolution, when it may most season-
ably be
ripened. (2ly.) Wheras you make this warr to be
our peopls,
and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise
then by
consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin;
yet we
suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand
upon such
terms, as we hope we should not doe towards
you; and
withall we conceive that you looke at ye
Pequents,
and all
other Indeans, as a comone enimie, who, though he
may take
occasion of ye begining of his rage, from some
one parte of
ye English, yet if he prevaile, will surly
pursue
his
advantage, to ye rooting out of ye whole nation. Ther-
fore when we
desired your help, we did it not without
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 421
respecte to
your owne saftie, as ours. (3ly.) Wheras you
desire we
should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occa-
sions; we
are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as
we now deale
with you as a free people, and at libertie, so
as we cannot
draw you into this warr with us, otherwise
then as
reason may guid & provock you; so we desire
we may be at
ye like freedome, when any occasion may
call for
help from us. And wheras it is objected
to
us, that we
refused to aide you against ye
French; we con-
ceive ye case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse
our failing
in that matter. (4ly.) Weras you objecte that
we began ye warr without your privitie, & managed it con-
trary to
your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions
being only
against Block Iland, and ye interprice seeming
of small
difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking
advice, or
looking out for aide abroad. And when we
had
resolved
upon ye Pequents, we sent presently, or not long
after, to
you aboute it; but ye answer received, it was not
seasonable
for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had
seen and
waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed
our owne.
(5ly.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we
assure
you (to our
knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance
from us; and
what we have provided in this and like cases,
at our last
Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you.
And (6ly);
wheras you objecte to us yt we should hold,
trade &
correspondancie with ye French, your enemise; we
answer, you
are misinformed, for, besids some letters which
hath passed
betweene our late Govr and them, to which we
were privie,
we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to
trade with
them; only one vessell or tow, for ye
better con-
veace of our
letters, had licens from our Govr to
sayle
thither.*
* But by this means they did furnish them,
& have still continued to doe.
422 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Diverce other things have been privatly
objected to us, by
our worthy
freind, whertunto he received some answer; but
most of
"them concerning ye apprehention of perticuler dis-
curteseis,
or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst
us. It concernes us not to give any other answer
to them
then this;
that, if ye offenders shall be brought forth in a
right way,
we shall be ready to doe justice as ye case
shall
require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest
assured,
that such
things are without our privity, and not a litle
greeveous to
us.
Now for ye joyning with ns in this warr, which indeed
concerns us
no other wise then it may your selves, viz.:
the
releeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren,
who are now
first in ye danger; though you may thinke us
able to make
it good without you, (as, if ye Lord
please
to be with
us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your
consideration,
which (we conceive) may have some waight
with
you. (First) yt if we should sinck under this burden,
your opportunitie
of seasonable help would be lost in 3.
respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your
selves
ther, with
3. times ye charge & hazard which now ye may.
2ly. The sorrowes which we
should lye under (if through
your
neglect) would much abate of ye
acceptablenes of your
help
afterwards. 3ly. Those of yours, who are now full of
courage and
forwardnes, would be much damped, and so
less able to
undergoe so great a burden. The (2.)
thing is
this, that
it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an
end before ye end of this somer, otherwise ye
newes of it
will
discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us
next year;
with what further hazard & losse it may expose
us unto,
your selves may judge.
The (3.) thing is this, that if ye Lord shall please to
blesse our
endeaours, so as we end ye warr, or put it in
a hopefull
way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts
in our
people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 423
such
opinione of your good will towards as, as were fitt to
be nurished
among such neigbours & brethren as we are.
And what ill
consequences may follow, on both sids, wise
men may
fear, & would rather prevente then hope to re-
dress. So with my harty salutations to you selfe,
and all
your
counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest
Yours most assured in ye Lord,
JO : WINTHROP.
Boston, ye 20. of ye S. month, 1637.
In ye mean time, the Pequents,
espetially in ye win-
ter before,
sought to make peace with ye Narigansets,
and used
very pernicious arguments to move them
therunto :
as that ye English were stranegers and be-
gane to
overspred their countries and would deprive
them therof
in time, if they were suffered to grow
&
increse; and if ye Narigansets did assist ye English
to subdue
them, they did but make way for their
owne
overthrow, for if they were rooted out, the
English
would soone take occasion to subjugate them;
and if they
would harken to them, they should not
neede to
fear ye strength of ye English; for they
would not
come to open battle with them, but fire
their
houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for
them as they
went abroad upon their occasions; and
all this
they might easily doe without any or litle
danger to
them selves. The which course being,
held,
they well
saw the English could not long subsiste, but
they would
either be starved with hunger, or be forced
to forsake
the countrie; with many ye like things; in-
424 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
so much that
ye Narigansets were once wavering, and
were halfe
minded to have made peace with them, and
joyed
against ye English. But
againe when they con-
sidered, how
much, wrong they had received from the
Pequents,
and what an oppertunitie they now had by
ye
help of ye English to right them selves, revenge
was so
sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all ye
rest; so as
they resolved to joyne with ye English
against
them, & did. [223] The Court here agreed
forwith to
send 50. men at their owne charg; and
wth
as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them
armed, and
had made them ready under sufficiente
leaders, and
provided a barke to carrie them provisions
& tend
upon them for all occasions; but when they
were ready
to march (with a supply from ye Bay)
they had
word to stay, for ye enimy was as good as
vanquished,
and their would be no neede.
I shall not take upon me exactly to
describe their
proceedings
in these things, because I expecte it will
be fully
done by them selves, who best know the car-
rage &
circumstances of things; I shall therfore but
touch them
in generall. From Connightecute (who
were most
sencible of ye hurt sustained, & ye pres-
ent danger),
they sett out a partie of men, and an
other partie
mett them from ye Bay, at ye Narigansets,
who were to
joyne with them. Ye
Narigansets were
ernest to be
gone before ye English were well rested
and
refreshte, espetially some of them which came last.
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 425
It should
seeme their desire was to come upon ye
enemie
sudenly, -& undiscovered. Ther was a
barke
of this
place, newly put in ther, which was come from
Conightecutte,
who did encourage them to lay hold of
ye
Indeans forwardness and to shew as great forward-
nes as they,
for it would incorage them, and expedi-
tion might
prove to their great advantage. So they
went on, and
so ordered their march, as the Indeans
brought them
to a forte of ye enimies (in which most
of their
cheefe men were) before day. They ap-
proached ye
same with great silence, and surrounded
it both with
English & Indeans, that they might not
breake out;
and so assualted them with great courage,
shooting,
amongst them, and entered ye forte with all
speed; and
those yt first entered found sharp resist-
ance from
the enimie, who both shott at & grapled
with them;
others rane into their howses, & brought
out fire,
and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in
their matts,
&, standing close togeather, with ye wind,
all was
quietly on a flame, and therby more were
burnte to
death then was otherwise slain; it burnte
their
bowstrings, and made them unservisable.
Those
yt
scaped ye fire were slaine with ye sword; some
hewed to
peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers,
so as they
were quickly dispatchte, and very few es-
caped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about
400. at this
time. It was a fearfull sight to see
them thus
frying, in ye fyer, and ye streams of blood
426 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
quenching ye
same, and horrible was ye stinck &
sente ther
of; but ye victory seemed a sweete sacri-
fice, and
they gave the prays therof to God, who had
wrought so
wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their
enimise in
their hands, and give them so speedy a
victory over
so proud & insulting an enimie. The
Narigansett
Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute,
but aloofe
from all danger, and left ye whole [224 ]
execution to
ye English, exept it were ye stoping of
any yt
broke away, insulting over their enimies in this
their ruine
& miserie, when they saw them dancing in
ye
flames, calling them by a word in their owne lan-
guage,
signifing, O brave Pequents! which they
used
familierly
among them selves in their own prayes, in
songs of
triumph after their victories. After
this ser-
vis was thus
happily accomplished, they marcht to the
water side,
wher they mett with some of their vesells,
by which
they had refreishing with victualls & other
necessaries. But in their march ye rest of ye
Pe-
quents drew
into a body, and acoasted them, thinking
to have some
advantage against them by reason of
a neck of
land; but when they saw the English pre-
pare for
them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither
did hurt,
nor could receive any. After their
refreish-
ing &
repair to geather for further counsell & direc-
tions, they
resolved to pursue their victory, and follow
ye
warr against ye rest, but ye Narigansett Indeans
*Be in manuscript.
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 427
most of them
forsooke them, and such of them as they
had with
them for guids, or otherwise, they found
them very
could and backward in ye bussines, ether
out of
envie, or yt they saw ye English would make
more profite
of ye victorie then they were willing
they should,
or els deprive them of such advantage as
them selves
desired by having, them become tributaries
unto them,
or ye like.
For ye rest of this bussines, I
shall only relate ye
same as it
is in a leter which came from Mr. Win-
throp to ye
Govr hear, as followeth.
Worthy Sr: I received your
loving letter, and am much
provocked to
express my affections towards you, but strait-
nes of time
forbids me; for my desire is to acquaints you
with ye Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing
against his
& our enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise
his name
with us. About 80. of our men, haveing
costed
along
towards ye Dutch plantation, (some times by water,
but most by
land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents,
whom they
slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they
tooke,
&
beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe
sachem,)
they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and find
him
out. He wente and brought them word
where he was
but
Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was
gone, fled
away with some 20. more to ye
Mowakes, so our
men inissed
of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and
rang-
ing up &
downe, as ye providence of God guided them (for
ye Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not
whither to
guid them, or els would not), upon ye 13.
of this
month, they
light upon a great company of them, viz. 80.
strong men,
& 200. women & children, in a small Indean
428 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
towne, fast
by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into
before our
men could gett to them. Our captains
were not
then come
togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine
Masson, with
some 10. [225] of their men, & Captaine
Patrick with
some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at ye
Indeans,
Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at
ye noyse. Then they gave
order to surround ye swampe, it
being aboute
a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte &
some 12.
more, not hearing that comand, fell into ye
swampe
among ye Indeans. The swampe was so
thicke with shrub-
woode, &
so boggie with all, that some of them stuck
fast, and
received many shott. Levetenant
Davenport was
dangerously
wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott
in ye head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to
have been
taken by ye Indeans.
But Sargante Rigges, &
Jeffery, and
2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse
of ye Indeans with their swords.
After they were drawne
out, the
Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas
Stanton, our
interpretour) that, if they would come out,
and yeeld
them selves, they should have their lives, all
that had not
their hands in ye English blood. Wherupon
ye sachem of ye place came forth, and an old man or 2.
&
their wives
and children, and after that some other women
&
children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night.
Then Thomas
Stanton was sente into them againe, to call
them forth;
but they said they would selle their lives their,
and so shott
at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out,
and been
presently rescued, they had slaine him.
Then
our men cutt
of a place of ye swampe with their swords, and
cooped the
Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could
easier kill
them throw ye thickets.
So they continued all
ye night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and
ye Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows
so thicke,
as they pierced their hatte brimes, & their sleeves,
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 429
&
stockins, & other parts of their cloaths, yet so miracu-
lously did
the Lord preserve them as not one of them was
wounded,
save those 3. who rashly went into ye
swampe.
When it was
nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of
them which
were left dropt away betweene our men, though
they stood
but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly
discovered,
& some killed in ye pursute. Upon searching of
ye swampe, ye next morning, they found 9. slaine, &
some
they pulled
up, whom ye lndeans had buried in ye mire, so
as they doe
thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did
escape, for
they after found some who dyed in their flight
of their
wounds received. The prisoners were
devided, some
to those of
ye river, and the rest to us. Of these we send
ye male children to Bermuda,* by Mr. William Peirce, & ye
women &
maid children are disposed aboute in ye
townes.
Ther have
been now slaine & taken, in all, aboute 700.
The rest are
dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so
terrified as
all their friends are affraid to receive them.
2.
of ye sachems of Long Iland came to Mr. Stoughton and
tendered
them selves to be tributaries under our protection.
And 2. of ye Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke
our
frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have
ye wife &
children of
Mononotto, a womon of a very modest counte-
nance and
behaviour. It was by her mediation that
the !
2. English
[226] maids were spared from death, and were
kindly used
by her; so that I have taken charge of her.
One of her
first requests was, that the English would not
abuse her
body, and that her children might not be taken
from
her. Those which were wounded were
fetched of soone
by John
Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie
houre, to
bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded
men to ye pinass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, wth Mr.
* But yey were carried to ye West-Indeas.
! They in the manuscript.
430 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Willson,
being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people
are all in
health, (ye Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched
in their
armes all ye day, and had been in fight all ye night,
yet they
professed they found them selves so fresh as they
could
willingly have gone to such another bussines.
This is ye substance of that which I received, though I am
forced to
omite many considerable circomstances.
So, being
in much
straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within
this 4.
days, and in them the Lord Lee and Mr.
Vane,) I
hear breake
of, and with harty saluts to, &c., I
rest
Yours assured,
Jo: WINTHROP.
The 28. of ye 5. month, 1637.
The captains reporte we have slaine 13.
sachems; but Sas-
sacouse
& Monotto are yet living.
That I may make an end of this matter:
this Sassa-
couse (ye
Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to ye
Mowhakes,
they cutt of his head, with some other
of ye
cheefe of them, whether to satisfie ye English, or
rather ye
Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard,
hired them
to doe it,) or for their owne advantage,
I well know
not; but thus this warr tooke end. The
rest of ye
Pequents were wholy driven from their place,
and some of
them submitted them selves to ye
Narigansets,
& lived under them; others of them be-
tooke them
selves to ye Monhiggs, under Uncass, their
sachem, wth
the approbation of ye English of Conigh-
tecutt,
under whose protection Uncass lived, and he
and his men
had been faithful to them in this warr,
& done
them very good service. But this did so
vexe
1637.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 431
the
Narrigansetts, that they had not ye whole sweay
over them,
as they have never ceased plotting and
contriving
how to bring them under, and because they
cannot
attaine their ends, because of ye English who
have
protected them, they have sought to raise a
generall
conspiracie against ye English, as will appear
in an other
place.
They had now letters againe out of England
from
Mr.
Andrews & Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither
had nor
would pay them any money, or give them any
accounte,
and so with much discontent desired them
hear to send
them some, much blaming them still, that
they had
sent all to Mr. Sherley, & none to them
selves. Now, though they might have justly referred
them to
their former answer, and insisted ther upon,
& some
wise men counselled them so to doe, yet be-
cause they
beleeved that [227] they were realy out
round sumes
of money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and
they had
some in their hands, they resolved to send
them what
bever they had.* Mr. Sherleys
letters were
to this
purpose: that, as they had left him in ye
paiment of ye
former bills, so he had tould them
he would
leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should
find it
true. And he was as good as his word,
for
they could
never gett peney from him, nor bring him
to any
accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in ye
Chancerie. But they all of them turned their com-
* But staid it till ye next
year.
432 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
plaints
against them here, wher ther was least cause,
and who had
suffered most unjustly; first from Mr.
Allerton
& them, in being charged with so much of
yt
which they never had, nor drunke for; and now
in paying
all, & more then all (as they conceived), and
yet still
thus more demanded, and that with many
heavie
charges. They now discharged Mr.
Sherley from
his agencie,
and forbad him to buy or send over any
more goods
for them, and prest him to come to some
end about
these things.
Anno Dom: 1638.
THIS year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen
Govr.
Amongst other enormities that fell out
amongst them,
this year 3.
men were (after due triall) executed for
robery &
murder which they had committed; their
names were
these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and
Richard
Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who
was also
guilt, but he escaped away, and could not
be
found. This Arthur Peach was ye
cheefe of them,
and ye
ring leader of all ye rest.
He was a lustie
and a
desperate yonge man, and had been one of ye
souldiers in
ye Pequente warr, and had done as good
servise as ye
most ther, and one of ye forwardest in
any
attempte. And being now out of means,
and loath
to worke,
and falling to idle courses & company, he
intended to
goe to ye Dutch plantation; and had alured
these 3.,
being other mens servants and apprentices,
1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 433
to goe with
him. But another cause ther was allso
of his
secret going away in this maner; he was not
only rune
into debte, but he had gott a maid with
child,
(which was not known till after his death,) a
mans
servante in ye towne, and fear of punishmente
made him
gett away. The other 3. complotting with
him, rane away
from their maisters in the night, and
could not be
heard of, for they went not ye ordinarie
way, but
shaped such a course as they thought to
avoyd ye
pursute of any [228]. But falling into ye
way
that lyeth
betweene ye Bay of Massachusetts and the
Narrigansets,
and being disposed to rest them selves,
struck fire,
and took tobaco, a litle out of ye way,
by ye
way side. At length ther came a
Narigansett
Indean by,
who had been in ye Bay a trading, and
had both
cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett
him ye
day before, & he was now returning.)
Peach
called him
to drinke tobaco with them, and he came
& sate
downe with them. Peach tould ye
other he
would kill
him, and take what he had from him. But
they were
some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him,
rogue, he
had killed many of them. So they let him
alone to doe
as he would; and when he saw his time,
he tooke a
rapier and rane him through the body once
or twise,
and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam,
and 3. coats
of cloath, and wente their way, leaving
him for
dead. But he scrabled away, when they
were
gone, and
made shift to gett home, (but dyed within
434 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
a few days
after,) by which means they were dis-
covered; and
by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For
they
desiring a canow to sett them over a water,
(not
thinking their facte had been known,) by ye
sachems
comand they were carried to Aquidnett Iland,
& ther
accused of ye murder, and were examed &
comitted
upon it by ye English ther.
The Indeans sent
for Mr.
Williams, & made a greeveous complainte; his
freinds and
kinred were ready to rise in armes, and
provock the
rest therunto, some conceiving they should
now find ye
Pequents words trew: that ye English
would fall
upon them. But Mr. Williams
pacified
them, &
tould them they should see justice done upon
ye
offenders; & wente to ye man, & tooke Mr. James,
a phisition,
with him. The man tould him who did it,
& in
what maner it was done; but ye phisition found
his wounds
mortall, and that he could not live, (as he
after
testified upon othe, before ye jurie in oppen
courte,) and
so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr.
Williams, Mr.
James, & some Indeans testified in
courte. The Govrt in ye Bay
were aquented with it,
but refferrd
it hither, because it was done in this
jurisdiction;
* but pressed by all means yt justice
might be
done in it; or els ye countrie must rise &
see justice
done, otherwise it would raise a warr.
Yet
some of ye
rude & ignorante sorte murmured that any
* And yet afterwards they laid claime to
those parts in ye controversie
about
Seacunk.
1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 435
English
should be put to death for ye Indeans. So at
last they of
ye iland brought them hither, and being
often examened,
and ye evidence prodused, they all in
the end
freely confessed in effect all yt the Indean
accused them
of, & that they had done it, in ye maner
afforesaid;
and so, upon ye forementioned evidence,
were cast by
ye jurie, & condemned, & executed for
the
same. And some of ye
Narigansett Indeans, & of
ye
parties freinds, were presente when it was done,
which gave
them & all ye countrie good satisfaction.
But it was a
matter of much sadnes to them hear,
and was ye
2. execution which they had since they
came; being
both for wilfull murder, as hath bene
before
related. Thus much of this mater.
[229] They received this year more letters
from
England full
of reneued complaints, on ye one side,
that they
could gett no money nor accounte from Mr.
Sherley;
& he againe, yt he was pressed therto, saying
he was to
accounte with those hear, and not with
them,
&c. So, as was before resolved, if
nothing came
of their
last letters, they would now send them what
they could,
as supposing, when some good parte was
payed them,
that Mr. Sherley & they would more
easily agree
aboute ye remainder.
So they sent to Mr. Andrews and
Mr. Beachamp, by
Mr.
Joseph Yonge, in ye Mary & Anne, 1325li. waight
of beaver,
devided betweene them. Mr.
Beachamp re-
turned an
accounte of his moyety, that he made 400li,
436 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
starling of
it, fraight and all charges paid. But Mr.
Andrews,
though he had ye more and beter parte, yet
he made not
so much of his, through his owne indis-
cretion; and
yet turned ye loss* upon them hear, but
without
cause.
They sent them more by bills & other
paimente,
which was
received & acknowledged by them, in
money !
& ye like; which was for katle sould of Mr.
Allertons,
and ye price of a bark sold, which belonged
to ye
stock, and made over to them in money, 434li.
sterling. The whole sume was 1234li. sterling, save
what Mr.
Andrews lost in ye beaver, which was other-
wise made
good. But yet this did not stay their
clamors, as
will apeare here after more at large.
It pleased God, in these times, so to
blesse ye cuntry
with such
access & confluance of people into it, as it
was therby
much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood
at a high
rate for diverce years together. Kine were
sould at 20li.
and some at 25li. a peece, yea, some
times at 28li. A cow-calfe usually at l0li. A milch
goate at 3li.
& some at 4li. And femall
kids at 30s.
and often at
40s. a peece. By which means
ye anciente
planters
which had any stock begane to grow in their
estats. Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s.
a
bushell. So as other trading begane to be neglected;
and the old
partners (having now forbidden Mr. Sherley
to send them
any more goods) broke of their trade at
* Being about 40li. ! And devided betweene them.
1638.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 437
Kenebeck,
and, as things stood, would follow it no
longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned
with,) being
loath it should be lost by discontinuance,
agreed with
ye company for it, and gave them aboute
ye
6. parte of their gaines for it; [230]. with ye first
fruits of
which they builte a house for a prison; and
the trade
ther hath been since continued, to ye great
benefite of
ye place; for some well fore-sawe that these
high prises
of corne and catle would not long continue,
and that
then ye comodities ther raised would be much
missed.
This year, aboute ye 1. or 2.
of June, was a great
&
fearfull earthquake; it was in this place heard be-
fore it was
felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or
low murmure,
like unto remoate thunder; it came from
ye
norward, & pased southward. As ye
noyse aproched
nerer, they
earth begane to shake, and came at length
with that
violence as caused platters, dishes, & such
like things
as stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall
downe; yea,
persons were afraid of ye houses them
selves. It so fell oute yt at ye
same time diverse of
ye
cheefe of this towne were mett together at one
house,
conferring with some of their freinds that
were upon
their removall from ye place, (as if ye Lord
would herby
shew ye signes of his displeasure, in their
shaking a
peeces & removalls one from an other.)
However it
was very terrible for ye time, and as
* 130 in MS.
438 HISTORY OF [ROOK II.
ye
men were set talking in ye house, some women
& others
were without ye dores, and ye earth shooke
with yt
violence as they could not stand without
catching
hould of ye posts & pails yt stood next
them; but ye
violence lasted not long. And about
halfe an
hower, or less, came an other noyse &
shaking, but
nether so loud nor strong as ye former,
but quickly
passed over; and so it ceased. It was
not only on
ye sea coast, but ye Indeans felt it
within land;
and some ships that were upon ye coast
were shaken
by it. So powerfull is ye
mighty hand of
ye
Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake,
and the
mountaines to tremhle before him, when he
pleases; and
who can stay his hand? It was observed
that ye
somers, for divers years togeather after this
earthquake,
were not so hotte & seasonable for ye
ripning of
corne & other fruits as formerly; but
more could
& moyst, & subjecte to erly & untimly
frosts, by
which, many times, much Indean corne
came not to
maturitie; but whether this was any
cause, I
leave it to naturallists to judge.
Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Dom: 1640.
THESE 2. years I joyne togeather, because
in them
fell not out
many things more then ye ordinary pas-
sages of
their comone affaires, which are not need-
full to be
touched. [231] Those of this plantation
having at
sundrie times granted lands for severall
1639,
1640.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 439
townships,
and arnonost ye rest to ye inhabitants of
Sityate,
some wherof issewed from them selves, and
allso a
large tracte of land was given to their 4.
London
partners in yt place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr.
Beacham, Mr.
Andrews, & Mr. Hatherley.
At Mr.
Hatherley's
request and choys it was by him taken
for him
selfe and them in yt place; for the
other
3. had
invested him with power & trust to chose
for
them. And this tracte of land extended
to their
utmoste
limets that way, and bordered on their neig-
bours of ye
Massachusets, who had some years after
seated a
towne (called Hingam) on their lands next
to these
parts. So as now ther grue great
difference
betweene
these 2. townships, about their bounds, and
some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They
of Hingam
presumed to alotte parte of them to their
people, and
measure stack them out. The other
pulled up
their stacks, threw them. So it grew
to a
controversie betweene the 2. goverments, & many
letters and
passages were betweene them aboute it;
and it hunge
some 2. years in suspense. The Courte
of
Massachusets appointed some to range their line
according to
ye bounds of their patente, and (as they
wente to
worke) they made it to take in all Sityate,
and I know
not how much more. Againe, on ye
other hand,
according to ye line of ye patente of
this place,
it would take in Hingame and much more
within their
bounds.
440 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
In ye end boath Courts agreed
to chose 2. comis-
sioners of
each side, and to give them full & absolute
power to
agree and setle ye bounds betwene them; and
what they
should doe in ye case should stand irrevo-
cably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could
not
conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiflly on
a clawes in
their graunte, That from Charles-river,
or any
branch or parte therof, they were to extend
their
limits, and 3. myles further to ye southward;
or from ye
most southward parte of ye Massachusets
Bay, and 3.
mile further. But they chose to stand
on ye
former termes, for they had found a smale
river, or
brooke rather, that a great way with in
land trended
southward, and issued into some part
of yt
river taken to be Charles-river, and from ye
most
southerly part of this, & 3. mile more south-
ward of ye
same, they would rune a line east to ye
sea, aboute
20. mile; which will (say they) take in
a part of
Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne
yt
though this patente & plantation were much the
ancienter,
yet this inlargemente of ye same (in which
Sityate
stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs
were first
to take place, before this inlargmente.
Now
their answer
was, first, that, however according to their
plan, they
could noway come upon any part of
their
ancieante grantee [232] 21y. They could never
prove yt
to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew
not which
was Charles-river, but as ye people of this
1639, 1640.]
PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 441
place, which
came first, imposed such a name upon
yt
river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte
(supposing yt
was it, which Captaine Smith in his,
mapp so
named). Now they yt first
named it have
best reason
to know it, and to explaine which is it.
But they
only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare
as it was by
them navigated, and yt was as fall as
a boate
could goe. But yt every
runlett or small
brooke, yt
should, farr within land, come into it, or
mixe their
stremes with it, and were by ye natives
called by
other & differente names from it, should
now by them
be made Charles-river, or parts of it,
they saw no
reason for it. And gave instance in
Humber, in
Old England, which had ye Trente, Ouse,
and many
others of lesser note fell into it, and yet
were not
counted parts of it; and many smaler rivers
& broks
fell into ye Trente, & Ouse, and no parts
of them, but
had nams aparte, and divisions & nom-
inations of
them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that
they had no
east line in their patente, but were to
begine at ye
sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At
this meeting
no conclution was made, but things dis-
cussed &
well prepared for an issue. The next
year
ye
same comissioners had their power continued or re-
newed, and
mett at Sityate, and concluded ye mater,
as
followeth.
442 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
The agreemente of ye bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massa-
chusetts.
Wheras ther were tow comissiones
granted by ye
2. juris-
dictions, ye one of Massachsets Govermente, granted
unto
John
Endecott, gent: and Israell Stoughton, gent: the other
of
New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Govr, and
Edward
Winslow, gent: and both these for ye
setting out,
setling,
& determining of ye bounds & limitts of ye lands
betweene ye said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente
age, but ye posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly
in yt behalfe. And for as much
as ye said comissioners on
both sids
have full power so to doe, as appeareth by ye
records of
both jurisdictions; we therfore, ye said
comissioners
above named,
doe hearby with one consente & agreemente
conclude,
detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all
ye marshes at Conahasett yt lye
of ye one side of ye river
next to
Hingam, shall belong to ye jurisdition of Massa-
chusetts
Plantation; and all ye marshes yt lye on ye other
side of ye river next to Sityate, shall be long to ye jurisdiction
of
New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at ye mouth
of ye river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe
herby agree,
conclude, & detirmine shall belong to ye
juris-
dition of
Massachusetts. And further, we doe
hearby agree,
determine,
and conclude, yt the bounds of ye limites betweene
both ye said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from ye mouth
of ye brook yt runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we
call by ye name of Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe
line to ye midle of a great ponde, yt
lyeth on ye right hand
of ye uper path, or commone way, yt
leadeth betweene
Waimoth and
Plimoth, close to ye path as [233] we goe
alonge,
which was formerly named (and still we desire may
be
caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or
6. myles from
Weimoth
southerley; and from thence with a straight line to
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 443
ye souther-most part of Charles-river,* & 3. miles southerly,
inward into
ye countrie, according as is expresed in ye patente
granted by
his Matie to ye
Company of ye Massachusetts Plan-
tation. Provided all ways and never ye less concluded &
determined
by mutuall agreemente betweene ye said
comis-
sioners, yt if it fall out yt the
said line from Accord-pond
to ye sothermost parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly
as is before
expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any
plantation
begune by ye Govert of New-Plimoth, or hereafter
to be begune
within 10. years after ye date of these psnts,
that then,
notwithstanding ye said line, it shall be lawfull
for ye said Govrt of New-Plimoth to assume on ye northerly
side of ye said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid,
so much land
as will make up ye quantity of eight miles
square, to
belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to
[be] begune
as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, &
conclude to
appertaine & belong to ye said
Govrt of New-
Plimoth. And wheras ye said line, from ye said
brooke which
runeth into
Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-
brooke, and
ye pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere ye lands
belonging to
ye tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe
ther-
fore hereby
determine & conclude, that if any devissions
allready
made and recorded, by either ye said
townships, doe
crose the
said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force
according to
ye former intents and purposes of ye said townes
granting
them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted).
And yt no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter ex-
ceede, but
containe them selves within ye said
lines expressed.
In witnes
wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions,
doe by these
presents indented set our hands & seales ye
ninth day of
ye 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine
lord, .
king
Charles; and in ye year of our Lord, 1640.
WILLIAM BRADFORD, Govr. Jo: ENDECOTT.
ED: WINSLOW. ISRAELL STOUGHTON.
Which is Charles River may still be
questioned.
444 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Wheras ye patente was taken in
ye name of William
Bradford,
(as in trust,) and rane in these termes: To
him, his
heires, and associats & assignes; and now ye
noumber of
free-men being much increased, and diverce
tounships
established and setled in severall quarters of
ye
govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton,
Sandwich,
Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not
longe after,
Seacunke (called afterward, at ye desire
of ye
inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by
ye
Courte desired that William Bradford should make a
surrender of
ye same into their hands. The
which he
willingly
did, in this maner following.
Wheras William Bradford, and diverce
others ye first in-
struments of
God in the begining of this great work of
plantation,
togeather with such as ye allordering hand of God
in his
providence soone added unto them, have been at very
great
charges to procure ye lands, priviledges, & freedoms
from all
intanglments, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie
deeds,
inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of
debts,
&c., by reason wherof ye
title to ye day of these
presents
[234] remaineth in ye said William Bradford, his
heires,
associats, and assignes: now, for ye
better setling
of ye estate of the said lands (contained in ye grant or
pattente),
the said William Bradford, and those first instru-
ments termed
& called in sondry orders upon publick recorde,
ye Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetialI, the one
bearing date
ye 3, of March, 1639. the other in Des: the
1. Ano 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation
&
agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other
ye freemen & inhabitants of ye said
corporation. Be it
knowne unto
all men, therfore, by these presents, that the
1639, 1640.]
PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 445
said William
Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with
ye said purchasers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their
heires, and
assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in ye
said
resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date ye first
of Des:
1640. viz. first, from ye bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles
to ye eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose
the neck of
land. The 2. of a place called
Acoughcouss,
which lyeth
in ye botome of ye bay adjoyning to ye
west-side
of Pointe
Perill, and 2. myles to ye westerne side of ye said
river, to an
other place called Acushente liver, which entereth
at ye westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to ye eastward
therof, and
to extend 8. myles up into ye
countrie. The
3. place,
from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Caw-
sumsett
neck,) which is ye cheefe habitation of ye Indeans,
&
reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into ye land 8.
myles
through ye whole breadth therof. Togeather with such
other small
parcells of lands as they or any of them are per-
sonally
possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former
titles or
grante whatsoever. And ye said William Bradford
doth, by ye free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente
of ye said old-planters, or purchasers, together with ye liking,
approbation,
and acceptation of ye other parte of ye said
corporation,
surrender into ye hands of ye whole courte, con-
sisting of ye free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all
yt other right & title, power, authority, priviledges, immu-
nities,
& freedomes granted in ye said
letters patents by ye
said right
Honble Counsell for New-England; reserveing his
& their
personall right of freemen, together wth the
said old
planters
afforesaid, excepte ye said lands before excepted,
declaring
the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all
such as shal
be legally admitted into ye same, his associats:
And ye said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes,
doe hereby
further promise and grant to doe & performe
whatsoever
further thing or things, acte or actes, which in
him lyeth,
which shall be needfull and expediente for ye better
446 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
confirming
and establishing the said premises, as by Counsel
lerned in ye
lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised,
when he
shall be ther unto req~lired. In witness wherof, the
! said
William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered
the said
letters patents actually into ye hands & power of ye
said courte,
binding him selie, his heires, executors, admin-
istrators, and assignes to deliver up
whatsoever spetialties
are in his
hands that doe or may concerne the same.
[235]
In these 2. years they had sundry letters out
of England
to send one over to end the buissines and
accounte
with Mr. Sherley; who now professed he
could not
make up his accounts without ye help of
some from
hence, espetialy Mr. Winslows.
They had
serious
thoughts of it, and ye most parte of ye partners
hear thought
it best to send; but they had formerly
written such
bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Wins-
low was
neither willing to goe, nor yt any other of ye
partners should;
for he was perswaded, if any of them
wente, they
should he arested, and an action of such
a sume layed
upon them as they should not procure
baele, but
must lye in prison, and then they would
bring them
to what they liste; or other wise they
might be
brought into trouble by ye arch-bishops
means, as ye
times then stood. But, notwithstand-
ing, they
weer much inclined to send, & Captaine
Standish was
willing to goe, but they resolved, see-
ing they
could not all agree in this thing, and that
it was
waighty, and ye consequence might prove dan-
gerous, to
take Mr. Winthrops advise in ye thing,
1639, 1640.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 447
and ye
rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many
letters
acquaynted him with ye differences betweene
them, and
appoynted him for his assigne to receive
his parte of
ye debte. (And though they
deneyed to
pay him any
as a debte, till ye controversie was ended,
yet they had
deposited 110li. in money in his hands
for Mr.
Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone
as he would
come to any agreement with ye rest.)
But Mr.
Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and
disswaded
them from sending; so they broak of their
resolution
from sending, and returned this answer:
that the
times were dangerous as things stood with
them, for
they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered
formerley,
and for a small matter was clapte up in
ye
Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out,
to both his
& their great loss and damage; and
times were
not better, but worse, in yt respecte.
Yet, that
their equall & honest minds might appeare
to, all men,
they made them this tender: to refferr ye
case to some
gentle-men and marchants in ye Bay of
ye
Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were
well knowne
unto them selves, (as they perceived
their wer
many of their aquaintance and freinds ther,
better
knowne to them then ye partners hear,) and
let them be
informed in ye case by both sids, and
have all ye
evidence yt could be prodused, in writ-
ing, or
other wise; and they would be bound to
stand to
their determination, and make good their
448 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
award,
though it should cost them all they had in
ye
world. But this did not please them, but
they
were
offended at it, without any great reasone for
ought I know,
(seeing nether side could give in clear
accountes, ye
partners here could not, by reason they
(to their
smarte) were failed by ye accountants they
sent them,
and Mr. Sherley pretened he could not
allso,) save
as they conceived it a disparagmente
to yeeld to
their inferiours in respecte of ye place
and other
concurring circomstances. So this came
to
nothing; and
afterward Mr. Sherley write, yt if Mr.
Winslow
would mett him in France, ye Low-Coun-
tries, or
Scotland, let ye place be knowne, and he
[236] come
to him ther. But in regard of ye
troubles
that now
begane to arise in our owne nation, and
other
reasons, this did not come to any effecte.
That
which made
them so desirous to bring things to an
end was
partly to stope ye clamours and assertions
raised &
cast upon them hereabouts; though they
conceived
them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong,
and had most
cause of complaints; and partly because
they feared
ye fall of catle, in which most parte of
their estats
lay. And this was not a vaine feare; for
they fell
indeede before they came to a conclu-
sion, and
that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a
month before
was worth 20li., and would so have
passed in
any paymente, fell now to 5li. and would
yeeld no
more; and a goate that wente at 3li. or 50s.
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 449
would now
yeeld but, 8. or 10s. at most.
All men
feared a
fall of catle, but it was thought it would
be by
degrees; and not to be from ye highest pitch
at once to ye
lowest, as it did, which was greatly
to ye
damage of many, and ye undoing of some. An
other reason
was, they many of them grew aged,
(and indeed
a rare thing it was that so many part-
ners should
all live together so many years as these
did,) and
saw many changes were like to befall; so
as they were
loath to leave these intanglments upon
their
children and posteritie, who might be driven to
remove
places, as they had done; yea, them selves
might doe it
yet before they dyed. But this bussi-
nes must yet
rest; ye next year gave it more rip-
nes, though
it rendred them less able to pay, for
ye
reasons afforesaid.
Anno Dom: 1641.
MR. SHERLEY being weary of this
controversie, and
desirous of
an end, (as well as them selves,) write to
Mr.
John Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of ye
inhabitants
of this place, and of his speatiall aquaint-
ance, and
desired them to be a means to bring this
bussines to
an end, by advising & counselling the
partners
hear, by some way to bring it to a composi-
tion, by
mutuall agreemente. And he write to them
selves allso
to yt end, as by his letter may apear; so
much therof
as concernse ye same I shall hear relate.
450 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Sr. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much con-
cerning ye ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I
know not
what move to write, &c. If you
desire an end
as you seeme
to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise;
that is, to
parfecte all accounts, from ye
first to ye last, &c.
Now if we
find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been
so stricte
& carefull as we should and oughte to have
done, as for
my owne parte I doe confess I have been some-
what to
remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I
fear you can
never make a perfecte accounte of all your
pety viages,
out, & home too & againe, &c.*
So then ye
second way
must be, by bicling, or [237] compounding; and
this way,
first or last, we must fall upon, &e.
If we must
warr at law
for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether
will I from
you, but to cleave ye heare, and then I dare say
ye lawyers will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to ye
worke, one
way or other, and end, that I may not allways
suffer in my
name & estate. And you are not free;
nay,
ye gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth ye professors
of it to be
hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now
able, should
combine & joyne togeather to oppress & bur-
den me,
&e. Fear not to make a faire &
reasonable offer;
beleeve me,
I will never take any advantage to plead it
against you,
or to wrong you; or else let Mr.
Winslow come
over, and
let him have such full power & authority as we may
ende by
compounding; or else, ye accounts so well and fully
made up, as
we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be
God,
ye times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you
returne to
your native countrie againe, and have such
free-
dome &
libertie as ye word of God prescribs. Our bishops
were never
so near a downfall as now; God hath miracu-
lously
confounded them, and turned all their popish
* This was but to pretend advantage, for
it could not be done, neither did
it need.
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 451
Machavillian
plots & projects on their owne heads, &c.
Thus you see
what is fitt to be done concerning our per-
ticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consid-
eration; let
each give way a litle that we may meete, &c.
Be you and
all yours kindly saluted, &c. So
ever rest,
Your
loving friend,
JAMES
SHERLEY.
Clapham, May
18. 1641.
Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr.
Atwodes
& Mr.
Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an
end, (and ye
continuall clamors from ye rest,) and by
none more
urged then by their own desires, they tooke
this course
(because many scandals had been raised
upon
them). They apoynted these 2. men before
men-
tioned to
meet on a certaine day, and called some
other
freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother
in law to Mr.
Beachamp, and having drawne up a col-
lection of
all ye remains of ye stock, in what soever it
was, as
housing, boats, bark, and all implements be-
longing to ye
same, as they were used in ye time of
ye
trad, were they better or worce, with ye remaines
of all
comodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or
any thing
els, as well ye refuse as ye more vendible,
with all
debts, as well those yt were desperate as
others more
hopefull; and having spent diverce days
to bring
this to pass, having ye helpe of all bookes and
papers,
which either any of them selves had, or Josias
Winslow, who
was their accountante; and they found
ye
sume in all to arise (as ye things were valued) to
452. HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
aboute 1400li. And they all of them tooke a volun-
tary but a
sollem oath, in ye presence one of an
other, and
of all their £rends, ye persons abovesaid yt
were now
presente, that this was all that any of them
knew of, or
could remember; and Josias Winslow did
ye
like for his parte. But ye
truth is they wrongd
them selves
much in ye valuation, for they recon
some catle
as they were taken of Mr. Allerton, as for
instance a
cowe in ye hands of one cost 25li. and so
she was
valued in this accounte; but when she came
to be past
away in parte of paymente, after ye agree-
mente, she
would be accepted but at 4li. 15s. [238]
Also, being
tender of their oaths, they brought in
they knew
owing to ye stock; but they had not made
ye
like diligente search what ye stocke might owe to
any, so as
many scattering debts fell upon afterwards
more then
now they knew of.
Upon this they drew certaine articles of
agreemente
betweene Mr
Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and
them selves.
The effecte is as folloeth.
Articles of agreemente made and concluded
upon ye 15.
day of
October, 1641. &c.
Imp:
Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years
agreed upon
betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and
Richard
Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Brad-
ford, Edward
Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish,
William
Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, wth
Isaack
Allerton, in
a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 453
in
New-England; the terme of which said partnership being
expired, and
diverse sumes of money in goods adventured
into
New-England by ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp,
&
Richard Andrews, and many large returnes made from
New-England
by ye said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow,
&c.; and
differauce arising aboute ye charge of 2. ships, the
one called ye
White Angele, of Bristow, and ye other ye
Frindship,
of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c.;
which said
ships & their viages, ye said William Bradford,
Ed: W.
&c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their ac-
counts of
partnership; and weras ye accounts of ye said
partnership
are found to be confused, and cannot orderley
appeare
(through ye defaulte of J osias Winslow, ye booke
keeper); and
weras ye said W. B. &c. have received all
their goods
for ye said trade from the foresaid James Sher-
ley, and
have made most of their returnes to him, by con-
sente of ye
said John Beachamp & Richard Andrews; and
wheras also
ye said James Sherley hath given power &
authoritie
to Mr. John Atwode, with ye advice
& consente
of William
Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to
put such an
absolute end to ye said partnership, with all
and every
accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, what-
soever, to ye
said James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard
Andrews,
from ye said W. B. &c. for and concerning ye said
beaver
trade, & also ye charge ye said 2. ships, and their
viages made
or pretended, whether just 'or unjuste, from ye
worlds
begining to this presente, as also for ye paimente
of a purchas
of 18001i. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on
ye
behalfe of ye said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of ye joynt
stock,
shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-
England
aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date ye
6. Novbr. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes
of money or
goods as are received by William Bradford,
Tho: Prence,
& Myles Standish, for ye recovery of dues, by
accounts
betwexte them, ye said James Sherly, John Bea-
454 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
champ, &
Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for ye ship
caled ye
White Angell. Now ye said
John Attwode, with ad-
vice &
counsell of ye said William Collier, having had much
comunication
& spente diverse days in agitation of all ye
said
differances & accounts with ye said W. B., E. W.,
&c.; and
ye said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with ye said
book-keeper
spente much time in collecting & gathering
togeither ye
remainder of ye stock of partnership for ye said
trade, and
what soever hath beene received, or is due by ye
said
attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manne
of goods,
debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those
debts that
are weake and doubtfull [239] and desperate, as
those yt
are more secure, which in all doe amounte to ye
sume of 1400li.
or ther aboute; and for more full satisfac-
tion of ye
said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard
Andrews, the
said W. B. and all ye rest of ye abovesaid
partners,
togeither with Josias Winslow ye booke keeper
have taken a
voluntarie oath, yt within ye said sume of
1400li.
or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to
ye
utmost of their rememberance.
In consideration of all which matters
& things before ex-
pressed, and
to ye end yt a full, absolute, and finall end
may be now
made, and all suits in law may be avoyded
and love
& peace continued, it is therfore agreed and con-
cluded
betweene ye said John Attwode, with ye advice &
consent of ye
said William Colier, for & on ye behalfe of
ye
said James Sherley, to and with ye said W. B., &c. in
maner and
forme following: viz. that ye said John Attwode
shall
procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under ye
hands &
seals of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp,
Richard
Andrews, to be delivered fayer & unconcealed unto
ye
said William Bradford, &c., at or before ye last day of
August, next
insuing ye date hereof, whereby ye said William
Bradford
&c., their heires, executors, & administrators, &
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 455
every of
them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & dis-
charged of
all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and
demands
whatsoever concerning ye generall stock of beaver
trade,
paymente of ye said 1800li. for
ye purchass, and all
demands,
reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, con-
cerning the
tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship aforesaid,
togeather
with whatsoever hath been received by ye said
William Bradford,
of ye goods or estate of Isaack Allerton,
for
satisfaction of ye accounts of ye said ship called ye
Whit Angele,
by vertue of a lre of attourney to him, Thomas
Prence,
& Myles Standish, directed from ye said James Sher-
ley, John
Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for yt purpose as
afforesaid.
It is also agreed & concluded upon
betweene the said
parties to
these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c.
shall now be
bound in 2400li. for paymente of 1200li. in full
satisfaction
of all demands as afforesaid; to be payed in
maner &
forme following; that is to say, 4001i.
within 2.
months next
after ye receite of the aforesaid releases and
discharges,
one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready
in ye
hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by
the means of
Mr. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80li.
waight of
beaver now deposited into ye hands of ye said
John
Attwode, to be both ill part of paimente of ye said
400li. and ye other 800li. to
be payed by 200li. pr
anume, to
such assignes
as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in
Plimoth or
Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodi-
ties, and at
such rates, as the countrie shall afford at ye
time of
delivery & paymente; and in ye mean time ye said
bond of 2400li. to be deposited into ye hands of ye said
John
Attwode. And it is agreed upon by & betweene ye
said
parties to
these presents, that if ye said John Attwode shall
not or
cannot procure such said releases & discharges as
afforesaid
from ye said James Sherley, John Bachamp, &
456 HISTORY OF [BOOK
II.
Richard
Andrews, at or before ye last day of August next
insuing ye
date hear of, yt then ye said John Attwode shall,
at ye
said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be de-
livered unto
ye said W. B., F. W., &e. their said bond of
2400li.
and ye said 80li. waight of beaver, or ye due
valew
therof,
without any fraud or further delay; and for perform-
ance of all
& singuler ye covenants and agreements hearin
contained
and expressed, which on ye one parte and behalfe
of ye
said James Sherley are to be observed & performed,
shall become
bound in ye sume of 2400li. to them, ye
said
William
Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles
Standish,
William Brewster, John Allden, and John How-
land. And it is lastly agreed upon betweene ye
said parties,
that these
presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte forboath
parties, in
ye hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of
Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all ye said
parties have here-
unto
severally sett their hands, ye day and year first above
writen.
JOHN ATWODE, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD WINSLOW, &c.
In ye
presence Of EDMOND FRFEMAN,
WILLIAM THOMAS,
WILLIAM PADY,
NATHANIF,LL SOUTHER.
The nexte year this long and tedious
bussines came
to some
issue, as will then appeare, though not to a
finall ende
with all ye, parties; but this much for ye
presente.
I had forooten to inserte in its place how
ye church
here had
invited and Sent for Mr. Charles Chansey,* a
* Mr.
Chancey came to them in ye year 1638. and staid till ye
later part of
this year
1641.
1641.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 457
reverend,
godly, and very larned man, intending upon
triall to
chose him pastor of ye church hear, for ye
more
comfortable performance of ye ministrie with Mr.
John Reinor,
the teacher of ye same. But
ther fell
out some
difference aboute baptising, be holding it
ought only
to be by diping, and putting ye whole body
under water,
and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The
church
yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was law-
full, but in
this could countrie not so conveniente.
But they
could not nor durst not yeeld to him in
this, that
sprinkling, (which all ye churches of Christ
doe for ye
most parte use at this day) was unlawfull,
& an
humane invention, as ye same was prest; but
they were
willing, to yeeld to him as far as yey could,
& to ye
utmost; and were contented to suffer him to
practise as
he was perswaded; and when he came to
minister
that ordnance, he might so doe it to any yt
did desire
it in yt way, provided he could peacably
suffer Mr.
Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs
otherwise
baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering
on of water
upon them; so as ther might be no dis-
turbance in
ye church hereabouts. But he
said he
could not
yeeld herunto. Upon which the church
pro-
cured some
other ministers to dispute ye pointe with
him
publikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who
did it
sundrie times, very ablie and suffieently, as allso
some other
ministers within this govermente. But he
was not
satisfied; so ye church sent to many other
458 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
churches to
crave their help and advise in [241] this
mater, and,
with his will & consente, sent them his
arguments
writen under his owne hand. They sente
them to ye
church at Boston in ye Bay of Massachu-
sets, to be
comunicated with other churches ther.
Also they
sent the same to ye churches of Conighte-
cutt and
New-Haven, with sundrie others; and re-
ceived very
able & sufficent answers, as they con-
ceived, from
them and their larned ministers, who all
concluded
against him. But him selfe was not
satis-
fied therewth. Their answers are too large hear to
relate. They conceived ye church had done
what was
meete in ye
thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been ye most
parte of 3.
years here, removed him selfe to Sityate,
wher he now
remaines a minister to ye church ther.
Also about
these times, now, yt catle &- other things
begane
greatly to fall from their former rates, and
persons
begane to fall into more straits, and many
being,
allready gone from them, (as is noted before,)
both to
Duxberie, Alarshfeeld, and other places, &
those of ye
cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine
Standish, Mr.
Allden, and many other & stille some
dropping
away daly, and some at this time, and many
more
unsetled, it did greatly weaken ye place, and by
reason of ye
straitnes and barrennes of ye place, it sett
ye
thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere
more
hereafter.
1642.] PLYMOLTTH PLANTATION. 459
Anno Dom: 1642.
MARVILOUS it may be to see and consider how some
kind of
wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a
land wher
the same was so much witnesed against, and
so narrowly
looked unto, & severly punished when it
was knowne;
as in no place more, or so much, that
I have known
or heard of; insomuch as they have
been
somewhat censured, even by moderate and good
men, for
their severitie in punishments. And yet
all
this could
not suppress ye breaking out of sundrie no-
torious
sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too
many sad
presidents and instances,) espetially drunk-
ennes and
unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene
persons
unmaried, for which many both men & women
have been
punished sharply enough, but some maried
persons
allso. But that which is worse, even
sod-
omie and
bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak
forth in
this land, oftener then once. I say it
may
justly be
marveled at, and. cause us to fear & tremble
at the
consideration of our corrupte natures, which are
so hardly
bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot
by any other
means but ye powerful worke & grace of
Gods
spirite. But (besids this) one reason
may be
that ye
Divell may carrie a greater spite against the
churches of
Christ and ye gospell hear, by how much
ye
more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie
amongst
them, and strictly punisheth the contrary
460 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
when it
ariseth either in church or comone wealth;
that he
might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon
them in ye
eyes of [ye] world, who use to be rash in
judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that
Satane hath
more power in these heathen lands, as
som have
thought, then in more Christian nations, es-
petially
over Gods servants in them.
2.
An other reason may be, that it may be in this
case as it
is with waters when their streames are
stopped or
damed up, when they gett passage they
flow with
more violence, and make more noys and dis-
turbance,
then when they are suffered to rune quietly
in their
owne chanels. So wikednes being here
more
stopped by
strict laws, and ye same more nerly looke
unto, so as
it cannot rune in a comone road of liberty
as it would,
and is inclined, it searches every wher
and at last
breaks out wher it getts vente.
3. A
third reason may be, hear (as I am verily per-
swaded) is
not more evills in this kind, nor nothing
nere so many
by proportion, as in other places; but
they are
here more discoverd and seen, and, made pub-
lick by due
serch, inquisition, and due punishment;
for ye
churches looke narrowly to their members, an
ye
magistrats over all, more strictly then in other
places. Besids, here the people are but few in com-
parison of
other places, which are full & populous
and lye hid,
as it were, in a wood or thickett, and
many horrible
evills by yt means are never seen nor
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 461
knowne;
wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought
into ye
light, and set in ye plaine feeld, or rather on
a hill, made
conspicuous to ye veiw of all.
But to proceede; ther came a letter from ye
Govr
in ye
Bay to them here, touching matters of ye fore-
mentioned
nature, which because it may be usefull
I shall hear
relate it, and ye passages ther aboute.
Sr: Having an opportunitie to
signifie ye desires of our Gen-
erall Court
in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly
take this
occasion to imparte them to you, yt you may imparte
them to ye
rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders,
for
counsell; and give us your advise in them, The first is
concerning
heinous offences in point of uncleannes; the per-
ticuler
cases, with ye circomstances, and ye questions ther
upon, you
have hear inclosed. The 2. thing is
concerning
ye
Ilanders at Aquidnett; yt seeing the cheefest of them are
gone from
us, in offences, either to churches, or comone welth,
or both;
others are dependants on them, and ye best sorte
are such as
close with them in all their rejections of us.
Neither is
it only in a faction yt they are devided from us,
but in very
deed they rend them selves from all ye true
churches of
Christ, and, many of them, from all ye powers
of
majestracie. We have had some experience
hereof by some
of their
underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come
amongst us,
and have made publick defiance against magis-
tracie,
ministrie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as anti-
christian;
secretly also sowing ye seeds of Familisme, and
Anabaptistrie,
to ye infection of some, and danger of others;
so that we
are not willing to joyne with them in any league
or
confederacie at all, but rather that you would consider &
advise with
us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from
being
infected by them. Another thing I should mention
462 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
to you for ye
maintenance of ye trad of beaver; if ther be
not a
company to order it in every jurisdition among ye
English,
which companies should agree in generall of their
way in
trade, I supose that ye trade will be overthrowne, and
ye
Indeans will abuse us. For this cause we
have latly put
it into
order amonost us, hoping, of incouragmente from you
(as we have
had) yt we may continue ye same. Thus not
further to
trouble you, I rest, with my loving
remembrance
to your
selfe, &c.
Your loving friend,
Ri :
BELLINCHAM.
Boston, 28.
(1.) 1642.
The note
inclosed follows on ye other side.*
[244] Worthy & beloved Sr:
Your letter (with ye questions
inclosed) I have comunicated
with our
Assistants, and we have refered ye
answer of them
to such Reved Elders as are amongst us, some of whose
answers
thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their
owne hands;
from ye rest we have not yet received any. Our
farr
distance hath bene ye reason of this long delay, as also
yt they could not conferr their counsells togeather.
For our selves, (you know our breedings
& abillities,) we
rather
desire light from your selves, & others, whom God
hath better
inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in
cases so
difficulte, and of so high a nature. Yet
under cor-
rection, and
submission to better judgments, we propose this
one thing,
to your prudent considerations. As it
seems to us,
in ye
case even of willfull murder, that though a man did
smite or
wound an other, with a full potirpose or desire to kill
him, (wch is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he
*A leaf is here wanting in the original
manuscript, it having been cut out.
1642 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 463
did not dye,
the magistrate was not to take away ye others
life.* So by proportion in other grosse & foule
sines, though
high
attempts & nere approaches to ye same be made, and
such as in
the sight & account of God may be as ill as ye
accomplishmente
of ye foulest acts of yt sine, yet we doute
whether it
may be safe for ye magistrate to proceed to death;
we thinke, upon
ye former grounds, rather he may not. As,
for
instance, in ye case of adultrie, (if it be admitted yt
it is
to be
punished wth death, which to some of us is not
cleare,)
if ye
body be not actually defiled, then death is not to be
inflicted. So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be
not pene-
tration. Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and
fre-
quencie in ye
same, doth make us remaine in ye darke, and
desire
further light from you, or any, as God shall give.
As for ye 2. thing, concerning
ye Ilanders? we have no con-
versing with
them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie
or humanity
may require.
And as for trade? we have as farr as we
could ever therin
held an
orderly course, & have been sory to see ye spoyle
therof by
others, and fear it will hardly be recovered.
But
in these, or
any other things which may concerne ye comone
good, we
shall be willing to advise & concure with you in
what we
may. Thus wth my love remembered to your selfe,
and ye
rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take
leave, &
rest,
Your loving friend,
W. B.
Plim: 17. 3.
month, 1642.
Now follows
ye ministers answers. And
first Mr.
Reynors.
* Exod: 21. 22. Deu: 19. 11. Num: 35. 16. 18.
464 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Qest:
What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death,
& what
very facte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if ye
fact it
selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concurring
may make it
capitall?
Ans:
In ye judiciall law (ye moralitie wherof
concerneth us)
it is
manyfest yt carnall knowledg of man, or lying wth man,
as with
woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to
be punished
with death; what els can be understood by Levit:
18. 22.
& 20. 13. & Gen: 19. 5? 21y. It seems allso yt
this
foule sine
might be capitall, though ther was not penitratio
corporis,
but only contactus & fricatio usq ad effusionem
seminis, for
these reasons: [245] 1. Because it was
sin to be
punished
with death, Levit. 20. 13. in ye man who was lyen
withall, as
well as in him yt lyeth with him; now his sin is
not
mitigated wher ther is not penitration, nor augment
wher it is;
wheras its charged upon ye women, yt they were
guilty of
this unnaturall sine, as well as men, Rom. 1. 26. 27.
Ye
same thing doth furder apeare, 2. because of yt proportion
betwexte
this sin & beastialitie, wherin if a woman did stand
before, or
aproach to, a beast, for yt end, to lye downe therto,
(whether
penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18.
23. &
20. 16. 31y. Because something els
might be equivalent
to
penetration wher it had not been, viz. ye fore mentioned
acts with
frequencie and long continuance with a high hand
utterly
extinguishing all light of nature; besids, full intention
and bould
attempting of ye foulest acts may seeme to have
been
capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously to slay
with guile
was capitall. Exod: 21. 14.
Yet it is not so manyfest yt ye
same acts were to be pun-
ished with
death in some other sines of uncleannes, wch yet
by ye
law of God were capitall crimes; besids other reasons,
(1.) because
sodomie, & also beastialitie, is more against ye
light of
nature then some other capitall crimes of unclainnes,
which reason
is to be attended unto, as yt which most of all
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 465
made this
sin capitall; (2.) because it might be comited with
more
secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed ye more to
be
restrained & suppresed by ye law; (3ly)
because ther was
not ye
like reason & degree of sining against family & pos-
teritie in
this sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleannes.
2. Quest:
How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession
from a
delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime,
seeing Nemo
tenetur prodere seipsum.
Ans:
A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente
inquision
into ye cause brought before him.
Job 29. 16.
Pro: 24. 11.
1'4. & 25. 2. (2ly.) If it be manifest yt a capitall
crime is
committed, & yt comone reporte, or probabilitie,
suspition,
or some complainte, (or ye like,) be of this or yt
person, a
magistrate ought to require, and by all due means
to procure
from ye person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked
confession
of ye fact, as apears by yt which is morall & of
perpetuall
equitie, both in ye case of uncertaine murder, Deut :
21.1.9. and
slander, Deut: 22.13.21; for though nemo
tenetur
prodere seipsum, yet by that wch may
be known to
ye magistrat by ye forenamed means, he is bound thus to
doe,
or els he
may betray his countrie & people to ye
heavie dis-
pleasure of
God, Levit: 18. 24. 25. Jos: 22. 18. Psa: 106.
30; such as
are inocente to ye sinfull, base, cruell lusts of
ye
profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them,
into ye
hands of ye stronger temptations, & more bouldness,
&
hardnes of harte, to comite more & worse villany, besids
all ye
guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe.
(3ly.) To
infiicte
some punishmente meerly for this reason, to extracte
a
conffession of a capitall crime, is contrary to ye nature of
vindictive
justice, which always hath respecte to a know crime
comitited by
ye person punished; and it will therfore, for any
thing which
can before be knowne, be ye provocking and
forcing of
wrath, compared to ye wringing of ye nose, Pro:
30. 33. which
is as well forbiden ye fathers of ye countrie as
466 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
of ye
family, Ephe. 6. 4. as prod using many sad & dangerous
effects. That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose
is no
due means,
hath been abundantly proved by ye godly learned,
& is
well known.
Q. 3.
In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with
other
circomstances shall be sufficiente to convince? or is ther
no
conviction without 2. witneses?
Ans: In taking away ye life of
man, one witnes alone
will not
suffice, ther must be tow, or yt
which is instar
ye
texts are manifest, Numb: 35. 30. Deut:
17. 6. & 19. 15
2ly. Ther may be conviction by
one witnes, & some thing
yt
hath ye force of another, as ye evidencie of ye
fact done
by such an
one, & not an other; unforced confession when
ther was no
fear or danger of suffering for ye fact, hand
writings
acknowledged & confessed.
JOHN REYNOR.
[246] Mr. Partrich his
writing, in ans: to ye questions.
What is yt sodomiticall acte
which is to be punished with
death?
Though I conceive probable yt a voluntary effusion of
seed
per modum
concubitus of man with man, as of a man with
woman,
though in concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis,
is yt
sin which is forbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be
punished
with death, Levit: 20. 13. because, though ther be
not
penetratio corporis, yet ther may be similitudo concubitus
muliebris,
which is yt the law specifieth; yet I dar not be
con-* (1.)
because, Gen: 19. 5. ye intended acte of ye Sodo-
mits (who
were ye first noted maisters of this unnaturall
act
of more then
brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copu-
lation of
man with woman: Bring them out unto us,
yt we
may know
them; (21y.) because it is observed among ye
nations wher
this unnaturall unclainnes is comited, it is wth
penetration
of ye body; (3ly.) because, in ye
judiciall pro-
* "Confident"?
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 467
ceedings of
ye judges in England, ye indict: so rune (as
I have been
informed).
Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a
confession of
a capitall
crime from a suspected and an accused person?
Ans.
I conceive yt a magistrate is bound, by carfull ex-
amenation of
circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to
sifte ye
accused, and by force of argumente to draw him
to an
acknowledgment of ye truth; but he may not extracte
a confession
of a capitall crime from a suspected person by
any violent
means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or
by any
punishmente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted,
for so he
may draw forth an acknowledgmente of a crime
from a
fearfull inocente; if guilty, he shall be compelled to
be his owne
accuser, when no other can, which is against
ye
rule of justice.
Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one
witnes with other
circomstances
shall be sufficente to convicte; or is ther no,
conviction
without two witnesses?
Ans:
I conceive yt, in ye case of, capitall crimes,
ther can
be no safe
proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses,
as Numb:
35.30. Deut: 19.15. excepte ther can some evi-
dence be
prodused as aveilable & firme to prove ye facte as
a witnes is,
then one witnes may suffice; for therin ye end
and equitie
of ye law is attained. But to proceede unto
sentence of
death upon presumptions, wher probably ther
may subesse
falsum, though ther be ye testimony of one
wittnes, I
supose it cannot be a safe way; better for such a
one to be
held in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive.
RALPH PARTRICH.
The Answer of Mr. Charles
Chancy.
An contactus et fricatio usq ad seminis
effusioem sine
penetratione
corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda?
Q. The
question is what sodomiticall acts are to be pun-
468 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ished wth
death, & what very facte committed, (ipso facto,)
is worthy of
death, or if ye faete it selfe be not capitall,
what
circomstances conjuring may make it capitah.
The
same
question may be asked of rape, inceste, beastialitie,
unnaturall
sins, presumtuous sins. These be ye words of ye
first
question.
Ans:
The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God
shall
directe by his word & spirite) in these following con-
clusions: (1.) That ye judicials of Moyses, that are appen-
dances to ye morall law, grounded on ye law
of nature,
or ye
decalooue, are imutable, and ppetuall, wch all orthodox
devines
acknowledge; see ye authors following. Luther
Tom. 1. Whitenberge:
fol. 435. & fol. 7.
Melanethon,
in loc: com
loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4.
sect.
15. Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 29.
& 30. Hen:
Bulin: Decad. 3. sermo. 8. Wolf:
Museu. loc.: com: in 6.
precepti
explicaci: Bucer de reano Christi, 1. 2.
c. 17.
Theo: Beza,
vol: 1. de hereti: puniendis, fol. 154. Zanch:
in 3.
precept: Ursin: Pt. 4. explicate contra John. Piscat:
in Aphorismi
Loe,. de lege dei aphorism. 17. And more
might be
added. I forbear, for brevities sake, to
set downe
their very
words; this being ye constants & generall oppinion
of ye
best devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true,
though much
more might be said to confirme it.
2. That all ye sines mentioned
in ye question were pun-
ished with
death by ye judiciall law of Moyses, ast adultry,
Levit: 20.
10. Deut: 22. 22. Esech: 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5.
which is to
be understood not only of double adultrie, when
as both
parties are maried, (as some conceive,) but who-
soever
(besids her husband) lyes with a married woman,
whether ye
man be maried or not, as in ye place, Deut: 22.
22. or
whosoever, being a maried man, lyeth with another
woman
(besids his wife), as P. Martire saith, loc: com:
which in
diverce respects maks ye Sine worse on ye maried
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 469
mans parte;
for ye Lord in this law hath respect as well to
publick
honesty, (the sin being so prejudicall to ye church
&
state,) as ye private wrongs (saith Juniolls). So incest
is to be
punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22.
Beastiality
likwise,
Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19. Raps in like
maner,
Deut: 22.
25. Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22.
& 20.
13. And all presumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31.
3.
That ye punishmente of these foule sines wth death is
grounded on
ye law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall
law. (1.) Because ye reasons anexed
shew them to be per-
petuall. Deut. 22. 22.
So shalt thou put away evill.
Incest,
beastiality,
are caled confusion, & wickednes.
(2.) Infamie
to ye
whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12. Levit: 18. 23.
Raps are as
murder, Deut: 22. 25. Sodomie is an
abomi-
nation,
Levit: 22. 22. [247] No holier & juster laws can
be devised
by any man or angele then have been by ye
Judg of all
ye world, the wisdome of ye Father, by whom
kings doe
raigne, &c. (3.) Because, before ye
giving of ye
Law, this
punishmente was anciently practised, Gen: 26. 11.
38.29.
39.20. & even by the heathen, by ye very light of
nature, as
P. Martire shews. (4ly.) Because ye
land is de-
filed by
such sins, and spews out ye inhabitants, Levit: 18.
24, 25.
& that in regard of those nations yt were not ac-
quainted wth the law of Moyses. 5. All
ye devins above
specified
consent in this, that ye unclean acts punishable
with death
by ye law of God are not only ye grose acts of
uncleannes
by way of carnall copulation, but all ye evidente
attempts
therof, which may appeare by those severall words
yt
are used by ye spirite of God, expressing ye sins to be
punished
with death; as ye discovering of nakednes, Levit:
18. 20.
which is retegere pudenda, as parts pr
euphemismum
(saith
Junius ), or detegere ad cubandum (saith Willett), to
uncover ye
shamefull parts of ye body (saith Ainsworth),
which,
though it reaches to ye grose acts, yet it is plaine it
470 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
doth comprehend ye other foregoing immodest attempts,
as
contactum, fricationem, &c.; likwise ye phrase of
lying with
so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copulation, but
other obscene sets, preeding
ye same, is implyed in Pauls
word a]rsenokoi?tai 1 Cor: 6. 9. & men
lying with men
1. Tim: 1. 9. men defiling them selves wth mankind, men
burning with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18.*22.
sodom & sin going after strange flesh, Jud: v. 7. S. and
lying with mankind as with
a woman, Levit: 18. 22. Abu-
lentis says yt it signifies omnes modos quibus masculus
mas-
culo
abutatur, changing ye naturall use into yt which is against
nature, Rom:
1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well
translats
Levit 20. 15. to give consente to lye withall, so
approaching
to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit : 20. 16.
ob solum
conatu ! (saith Willett) or for going about to doe
it. Add to this a notable speech of Zepperus de
legibus
(who hath
enough to end controversies of this nature).
L. 1. he
saith: In crimine adulterii voluntas (understand-
ing
manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure attenditur;
and he
proves it out of good laws, in these words : Solici-
tatores +
alienum nuptiam itemq matrimonium interpellatores,
etsi effectu
sceleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem
tamen
perniciosee libidinis extra ordinem puniuntlir; nam
generate est
quidem affectu sine effectu [non] puniri, sed
contrariur,
observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus.
5.
In concluding punishments from ye
judiciall law of
Moyses yt is perpetuall, we must often preeed by analogicall
proportion
& interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore
ad majus,
&e. ; for ther will still fall out some cases, in
every
comone-wealth, which are not in so many words ex-
tante in
holy write, yet ye snbstance of ye matter in every
kind (I
conceive under correction) may be drawne and con-
cluded out
of ye scripture by good consequence of an equeva-
* 8 in
MS. ! Contic in MS. + Solicitations in MS.
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 471
lent nature;
as, for example, ther is no express law against
destroying
conception in ye wombe by potions, yet by anologie
with Exod:
21. 22, 23. we may reason yt life is to be given
for
life. Againe, ye question, An
contactus & fricatio, &c.,
and methinks
yt place Gen: 38. 9. in ye punishmente of
Onans sin,
may give some cleare light to it; it was (saith
Pareus)
beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum parri-
cidio
habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam
hominem ex
semine generandum occidere? Propterea juste
a Deo
occisus est. Observe his words. And againe, Disca-
mus
quantopere Deus abominetur omnem seminis genitalis
abusum,
illicit effusionem, & corruptione, &c., very perti-
nente to
this case. That allso is considerable,
Deut: 25.
11, 12. God comanded yt, if any wife drue
nigh to deliver
her husband
out of ye hand of him yt smiteth him, &c., her
hand should
be cutt off. Yet such a woman in yt
case might
say much for
her selfe, yt what she did was in trouble &
perplexitie
of her minde, & in her husbands defence; yet
her hand
must be cutt of for such impuritie (and this is
morall, as I
conceive). Then we may reason from ye
less
to ye
greater, what greevous sin in ye sight of God it is,
by ye
instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell, to
proceede to
contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis,
&c.,
& yt contra naturam, or to attempte ye grosse acts of
unnaturall
filthines. Againe, if yt
unnaturall lusts of men
with men, or
woman with woman, or either with beasts, be
to be punished
with death, then a pari naturall lusts of men
towards
children under age are so to be punished.
6.
Circumstantire variant vis e actiunes, (saith ye lawiers,)
&
circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all reeked
up; but God
hath given laws for those causes & cases that
are of
greatest momente, by which others are to be judged of,
as in ye
differance betwixte chane medley, & willfull
murder; so
in ye sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe
472 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
an acte of
uncleannes by sudden temptation, & another to
lye in waite
for it, yea, to make a Comune practise of it;
this
mightily augments & multiplies ye sin. Againe, some
sines of
this nature are simple, others compound, as yt is
simple
adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie; but when
ther is a
mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as when adultery
&
sodomie & prditio seminis goe togeather in ye
same acte
of
uncleannes, this is capitall, double, & trible. Againe,
when
adultrie or sodomie is comited by pfessors or church
members, I
fear it coms too near ye sine of ye preists daugh
ters,
forbidden, & comanded to be punished, Levit: 21. 9.
besids ye
presumption of ye sines of such.
Againe, when
uncleannes
is comited with those whose chastity they are
bound to
pserve, this coms very nere the incestious copula-
tion, I
feare; but I must hasten to ye other questions.
[248] 2. Question ye second,
upon ye pointe of exami
nation, how
farr a magistrate may extracte a confession
from a
delinquente to accuse him selfe in a capitall crime,
seeing Nemo
tenetur prodere seipsum.
Ans:
The words of ye question may be understood of
extracting a
confession from a delinquente either by oath or
bodily
tormente. If it be mente of extracting
by requiring
an oath, (ex
officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall
crimes, I
fear it is not safe, nor warented by Gods word,
to extracte
a confession from a delinquente by an oath in
matters of
life and death. (1.) Because ye
practise in ye
Scripturs is
other wise, as in ye case of Achan, Jos: 7. 19.
Give, I pray
ye, glorie to ye Lord God of Israll, and make
a confession
to him, & tell roe how thou hast done.
He
did not
compell him to sweare. So when as
Johnathans life
was
indangered, 1. Sam. 14.43. Saule said unto Johnathan,
Tell me what
thou hast done; he did not require an oath.
And notable
is yt, Jer: 38. 14. Jeremiah
was charged by
Zedechias,
who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 473
from me;
& Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto ye, wilt
thou not
surely put me to death? impling yt,
in case of
death, he
would have refused to answer him. (2.)
Reason
shews it,
& experience; Job: 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c. It
is to be
feared yt those words (whatsoever a man hath) will
comprehend
also ye conscience of an oath, and ye fear of
God, and all
care of religion; therfore for laying a snare
before ye guiltie, I think it ought not to be
donn. But
now, if ye
question be mente of inflicting bodyly torments
to extracte
a confession from a mallefactor, I conceive yt
in maters of
higest consequence, such as doe conceirne
ye
saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats may
proceede so
farr to bodily torments as racks, hote-irons,
&c., to
extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions
are
strounge; but otherwise by no means. God
sometims
hids a
sinner till his wickednes is filled up.
Question 3. In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes
with other
circumstances shall be sufficente to convicte, or
is ther no
conviction without 2. witneses?
Deut: 19. 25. God hath given an express rule yt
in no
case one
witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in
capitall
cases. God would not put our lives into
ye power
of anyone
toungue. Besids, by ye
examination of more
wittneses
agreeing or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly
may be
discovered; but this is to be understood of one
witnes of
another; but if a man witnes against him selfe,
his owne
testimony is sufficente, as in ye case of ye Amala-
kite, 2.
Sam: 1. 16. Againe, when ther are sure
& certaine
signee &
evidences by circumstances, ther needs no witnes
in this
case, as in ye bussines of Adoniah desiring Abishage
ye
Shunamite to wife, that therby he might make way for
him selfe
unto ye kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24. Againe,
probably by
many concurring circumstances, if probabillity
may have ye
strength of a witnes, somthing may be this
474 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
way
gathered, me thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte
ye true mother, and ye
harlote, 1. King. 3. 25. Lastly, I
see no cause
why in waighty matters, in defecte of witneses
& other
proofes, we may not have recourse to a lott, as in
ye
case of Achan, Josu: 7. 16. which is a clearer way in
such
doubtfull cases (it being solemnely & religiously per-
formed) then
any other that I know, if it be made ye last
refuse. But all this under correction.
The Lord in mercie directe & prosper
ye desires of his
servants
that desire to walk before him in truth & right-
eousnes in
the administration of justice, and give them wis-
dome and
largues of harte.
CHARLES CHANNCY.
Besids ye occation before
mentioned in these writ-
ings
concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they
had aboute ye
same time a case of buggerie fell out
amongst
them, which occasioned these questions, to
which these
answers have been made.
And after ye time of ye
writig of these things
befell a
very sadd accidents of the like foule nature
in this
govermente, this very year, which I shall
now
relate. Ther was a youth whose name was
Thomas
Granger; he was servant to an honest man
of Duxbery,
being aboute 16. or 17. years of age.
(His father
& mother lived at the same time at
Sityate.) He was this year detected of buggery (and
indicted for
ye same) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats,
five sheep,
2. calves, and a turkey. Horrible [249]
it is
to mention,
but ye truth of ye historie requires
it. He was first discovered by one yt accidentally
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 475
saw his lewd
practise towards the mare. (I forbear
perticulers.) Being upon it examined and comitted,
in ye
end he not only confest ye, fact with that beast
at that
time, but sundrie times before, and at sev-
erall times
with all ye rest of ye forenamed in his
indictmente;
and this his free-confession was not only
in private
to ye magistrats, (though at first he strived
to deney
it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others,
and
afterwards, upon his indictmente, to ye whole
court &
jury; and confirmed it at his execution.
And wheras
some of ye sheep could not so well be
knowne by
his description of them, others with them
were brought
before him, and he declared which were
they, and
which were not. And accordingly he was
cast by ye
jury, and condemned, and after executed
about ye
8. of Septr, 1642. A very sade spectakle
it was; for
first the mare, and then ye cowe, and
ye
rest of ye lesser catle, were kild before his face,
according to
ye law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him
selfe was executed. The catle were all cast into a
great &
large pitte that was digged of purposs for
them, and no
use made of any part of them.
Upon ye examenation of this
person, and also of a
former that
had made some sodomiticall attempts upon
another, it
being demanded of them how they came
first to ye
knowledge and practice of such wickednes,
the one
confessed he had long used it in old England;
and this
youth last spoaken of said he was taught it
476 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
by an other
that had heard of such things from some
in England
when he was ther, and they kept catle
togeather. By which it appears how one wicked per-
son may
infecte many; and what care all ought to
have what
servants they bring into their families.
But it may be demanded how came it to
pass that
so many
wicked persons and profane people should
so quickly
come over into this land, & mixe them
selves
amongst them? seeing it was religious
men yt
begane ye
work, and they came for religions sake.
I confess
this may be marveilled at, at least in time
to come,
when the reasons therof should not be
knowne; and
ye more because here was so many
hardships
and wants mett withall. I shall therfore
indeavor to
give some answer hereunto. And first,
according to
yt in ye gospell, it is ever to be remem-
bred that
wher ye Lord begins to sow good seed,
ther ye
envious man will endeavore to sow tares.
2. Men being to come over into a wildernes, in
which much
labour & servise was to be done aboute
building
& planting, &c., such as wanted help in yt
respecte,
when they could not have such as yey would,
were glad to
take such as they could; and so, many
untoward
servants, sundry of them proved, that were
thus brought
over, both men & women kind; who,
when their
times were expired, became families of
them selves,
which gave increase hereunto. 3. An
other and a
maine reason hearof was, that men, find-
1642] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 477
ing so many
godly disposed persons willing to come
into these
parts, some begane to make a trade of it,
to
transeport passengers & their goods, and hired
ships for
that end; and then, to make up their
fraight and
advance their profite, cared not who ye
persons
were, so they had money to pay them. And
by this
means the cuntrie became pestered with many
unworthy
persons, who, being come over, crept into
one place or
other. 4. Againe, the Lords blesing
usually
following his people, as well in outward as
spirituall
things, (though afflictions be mixed with-
all,) doe
make many to adhear to ye people of
God, as many
followed Christ, for ye loaves sake,
Iohn 6. 26.
and a mixed multitud came into ye
willdernes
with ye people of God out of Eagipte
of old,
Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by
their
freinds some under hope yt they would be made
better;
others that they might be eased of such bur-
thens, and
they kept from shame at home yt would
necessarily
follow their dissolute courses. And
thus,
by one means
or other, in 20. years time, it is a
question
whether ye greater part be not growne ye
worser.
[250] I am now come to ye
conclusion of that long
&
tedious bussines betweene ye partners hear, & them
in England,
the which I shall manifest by their owne
letters as
followeth, in such parts of them as are per-
tinente to ye
same.
478 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Mr. Sherleys to Mr.
Attwood.
Mr.
Attwood, my approved loving freind: Your
letter of ye
18. of
October last I have received, wherin I find you have
taken a
great deall of paines and care aboute yt trouble-
some
bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners & freinds, &
us hear, and
have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which
complements
& words are no reall satisfaction, &c.
For ye
agreemente
you have made with Mr. Bradford, Mr. Wins-
low, & ye
rest of ye partners ther, considering how honestly
and justly I
am perswaded they have brought in an accounte
of ye
remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satis-
fied, and so
I thinke is Mr. Andrewes, and I supose will
be Mr.
Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to
whom ye
least is due, &c. And now for peace
sake, and
to conclud
as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass
by all
failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this
agreemente yt
you have made is condesended unto, and Mr.
Andrews hath
sent his release to Mr. Winthrop, with such
directions
as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to
trouble you
with mine, and we have both sealed in ye pres-
ence of Mr.
Weld, and Mr. Peeters, and some others, and
I have also sente
you an other, for the partners ther,
to seale to
me; for you must not deliver mine to them,
excepte they
seale & deliver one to me; this is fitt and
equall,
&c.
Yours to comand in what I mayor can,
JAMES SHERLEY.
June 14.
1642.
His to ye partners as
followeth.
Loving
freinds,
Mr. Bradford, Mr.
Winslow, Mr. Prence, Captaine Stan-
dish, Mr,
Brewster, Mr. Alden, & Mr, Howland, give me
leave to
joyne you all in one letter, concerning ye finall end
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATJON. 479
& conclude
of yt tedious & troublsome bussines, & I thinke
may truly
say uncomfurtable & unprofitable to all, &c. It
hath pleased
God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits,
and
disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace
and love, as
we began. I am contented to yeeld &
make
good what Mr.
Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for
yt
end have sente to my loving freind, Mr. Attwood, an abso-
lute and
generall release unto you all, and if ther wante any
thing to
make it more full, write it your selves, & it shall be
done,
provided yt all you, either joyntly or severally, seale
ye
like discharge to me. And for yt
end I have drawne one
joyntly, and
sent it to Mr. Attwood, with yt I have sealed to
you. Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance
also, & sent
it to Mr.
Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived
fitt, and,
as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 5441i.
unto ye
gentlemen of ye Bay. Indeed,
Mr. Welld, Mr. Peters,
& Mr.
Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr.
Andrews, Mr.
Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to agree,
and to yt
end we have had many meetings and spent much
time aboute
it. But as they are very religious &
honest
gentle-men,
yet they had an end yt they drove at & laboured
to
accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for ye gen-
erall good
of their patente). It had been very well
you had
sent one
over. Mr. Andrew wished you
might have one 3.
parte of ye
1200li. & ye Bay 2. thirds; but
then we 3. must
have agreed
togeather, which were a hard mater now.
But
Mr.
Weld, Mr. Peters, & Mr., Hibbens, & I, have
agreed, they
giving you
bond (so to compose with Mr. Beachamp, as) to
procure his
generall release, & free you from all trouble &
charge yt
he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for
I am
perswaded Mr. Weld will in time gaine him to give them
all that is
dew to [251] him, which in some sorte is granted
allready;
for though his demands be great, yet Mr. Andrewes
hath taken
some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less
then I
thinke he will consente to give them for so good an
480 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
use; so you
neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save
you harmles,
you be safe and well. Now our accord is,
yt
you must pay
to ye gentle-men of ye Bay 900li. ; they are to
bear all
chargs yt may any way arise concerning ye free
&
absolute clearing of you from us three.
And you to have
ye
other 300li. &c.
Upon ye receiving of my release
from you, I will send you
your bonds
for ye purchass money. I
would have sent them
now, but I
would have Mr. Beachamp release as well as I, be-
cause you
are bound to him in them. Now I know if
a man
be bound to
12. men, if one release, it is as if all released,
and my
discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not
but you
shall have them, & your comission, or any thing els
that is
fitt. Now you know ther is tow years of
ye purchass
money, that
I would not owne, for I have formerley certified
you yt
I would but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged
of all,
&c.
Your loving and kind friend in what I mayor can,
JAMES SHERLEY.
June 14.
1642.
The coppy of
his release is as followeth.
Wheras diverce questions, differences,
& demands have
arisen &
depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Wins-
low, Thomas
Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John
Allden, and
John Howland, gent: now or latly
inhabitants or
resident at
New-Plimoth, in New-England, on ye one party,
and James
Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th
other parte,
for & concerning a stocke & partable trade of
beaver &
other comodities, and fraighting of snips, as ye
White
Angell, Frindship, or others, and ye goods of Isaack
Allerton
which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of
atturney
made by ye said James Sherley and John Beachamp
and Richard
Andrews, or any other maters concerning ye said
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 481
trade,
either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or
elsewher,
all which differences are since by mediation of
freinds
composed, compremissed, and all ye said parties
agreed. Now know all men by these presents, that I,
the
said James
Sherley, in performance of ye said compremise &
agreemente,
have remised, released, and quite claimed, & doe
by these
presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires,
executors,
& Administrators, and for every of us, for ever
quite claime
unto ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow,
Thomas
Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John
Allden,
& John Howland, and every of them, their & every
of their
heires, executors, and administrators, all and all
mailer of
actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions,
bonds,
bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, chal-
linges,
differences, and demands whatsoever, with or against
ye
said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, 'Thomas Prence,
Myles
Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John
Howland, or
any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time
to come can,
shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or
thing
whatsoever from ye begining of ye world untill ye
day
of ye
date of these presents. In witnes wherof
I have here-
unto put my
hand & seale, given ye second day of June, 1642,
and in ye
eighteenth year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord,
king
Charles, &c.
JAMES SHERLEY.
Sealed and
delivered
in ye presence of THOMAS
WELD,
HUGH PETERS,
WILLIAM HIBBINS.
ARTHUR TIRREY, Scr.
THO: STURGS, his servante.
Mr. Andrews his discharg was to
ye same effecte; he
was by
agreemete to have 500li. of ye money, the which
482 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
he gave to
them in ye Bay, who brought his discharge
and demanded
ye money. And they tooke in
his re-
lease and
paid ye money according to agreemete,
one third of
the 500li. they paid downe in hand, and
ye
rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly,
for which
they gave their bonds. And wheras 44li.
was more
demanded, they conceived they could take
it of with Mr.
Andrews, and therfore it was not in the
bonde. [252]
But Mr. Beachamp would not parte with
any of his,
but demanded 400li. of ye partners here, &
sent a
release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon
ye
receite of ye money. But his
relese was not per-
fecte, for
he had left out some of ye partners names,
with some
other defects; and besids, the other gave
them to
understand he had not near so much due.
So
no end was
made with him till 4. years after; of which
in it
plase. And in yt regard, that
them selves did not
agree, I
shall inserte some part of Mr. Andrews letter,
by which he
conceives ye partners here were wronged,
as
followeth. This leter of his was write
to Mr.
Edmond
Freeman, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp.
Mr.
Freeman,
My love remembred unto you, &c. I then certified ye part-
ners how I
found Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Sherley, in their per-
ticuler
demands, which was according to mens principles, of
getting what
they could; allthough ye one will not shew any
accounte,
and ye other a very unfaire and unjust one; and
both of them
discouraged me from sending ye partners my
accounte, Mr.
Beachamp espetially. Their reason, I
have
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 483
cause to
conceive, was, yt allthough I doe not, nor ever
intended to,
wrong ye partners or ye bussines, yet, if I gave
no accounte,
I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some
degree at
least; and they might seeme to be ye more free
from
taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have both
of them
charged ye accounte with much intrest they have
payed forth,
and one of them would likwise for much intrest
he hath not
paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, &c. And
seeing ye
partners have now made it appear yt ther
is
1200li. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear
by my
accounte I have not charged ye bussines with any in-
trest, but
doe forgive it unto ye partners, above 200li. if Mr.
Sherley
& Mr. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged
ye
bussines so many 100li. both in principall & intrest
likwise,
and have
therin wronged me as well and as much as any of
ye
partners; yet if they will not make & deliver faire & true
accounts of
ye same, nor be contente to take what by com-
putation is
more then can be justly due to either, that is, to Mr.
Beachamp 150li. as by Mr. Allertons accounte, and Mr.
Sherleys
accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther
might be
nothing due to Mr. Sherley, yet he requirs 100li.
&c. I conceive, seing ye partners have
delivered on their
oaths ye
sume remaining in their hands, that they may justly
detaine ye
650li. which may remaine in their hands, after
I am
satisfied,
untill Mr. Sherley & Mr. Beachamp will be more fair
& just
in their ending, &c. And as I
intend, if ye partners
fayrly end
with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them
selves for ye
rest of my said 544li. to returne back for ye poore
my parte of
ye land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to re-
linquish my
right & intrest in their dear patente, on which
much of our
money was laid forth, and also my right &
intrest in
their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me
first &
last 350li.*
But I doubte whether other men have not
* This he means of ye first adventures, all which were lost, as hath before
been shown;
and what he here writs is probable at least.
484 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
charged or
taken on accounte what they have disbursed in ye
like case,
which I have not charged, neither did I conceive
any other
durst so doe, untill I saw ye
accounte of the one
and heard ye
words of ye other; the which gives me just cause
to suspecte
both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seerneth
they
consulted one with another aboute some perticulers
therin. Therfore I Conceive ye partners
ought ye rather to
require just
accounts from each of them before they parte
with any
money to either of them. For merchants
understand
how to give
an acounte; if they mean fairley, they will not
deney to
give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe
them to give
exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall
cannot
forget his charge, if ye man will remember. I desire
not to wrong
Mr. Beachamp or Mr. Sherley, nor may be
silente in
such apparente probabilities of their wronging ye
partners,
and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew
any
accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some per-
ticulers,
and very suspitious in many more; either of which,
being from
understanding merchants, cannot be from weaknes
or
simplisitie, and therfore ye more unfaire. So comending
you &
yours, and all ye Lord's people, unto ye gratious pro-
tection and
blessing of ye Lord, and rest your loving friend,
RICEEARD ANDREWES.
Aprill 7.
1643.
This leter was write ye year
after ye agreement, as
doth appear;
and what his judgments was herein, ye
contents
doth manifest, and so I leave it to ye equall
judgments of
any to consider, as they see cause.
Only I shall adde what Mr.
Sherley furder write in
a leter of
his, about ye same time, and so leave this
bussines. His is as followeth on ye other side.*
* Being the conclusion, as will be seen, of page 252 of the
original.
1642.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 485
[253] Loving freinds, Mr.
Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Cap:
Standish, Mr.
Prence, and ye rest of ye partners wth you; I
shall write
this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a
good conclude
of a generall, but a costly & tedious bussines
I thinke to
all, I am sure to me, &c.
I received from Mr. Winslow a
letter of ye 28. of Sept: last,
and so much
as concernes ye generall bussines I shall answer
in this, not
knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to
write
perticuler letters, &c. I expected
more letters from you
all, as some
perticuler writs,* but it seemeth no
fitt oppor-
tunity was
offered. And now, though ye
bussines for ye
maine may
stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my
former
agreemente with Mr. Weld & Mr. Peters, before they
could
conclude or gett any grante of Mr. Andrews, they
sought to
have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a
bond for a
110li.
So I sente my acquittance, for they said
without mine
ther would be no end made (& ther was good
reason for
it). Now they hoped, if yey ended with me, to
gaine Mr.
Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at
which I
should wonder, but yt I observe some passages,) and
they also
hoped to have gotten Mr. Beachamps part, & I did
thinke he
would have given it them. But if he did
well
understand
him selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for
his demands
make a great sound. + But it seemeth he would
not parte
with it, supposing it too great a sume, and yt he
might easily
gaine it from you. Once he would have
given
them 40li. but now they say he will not doe that, or rather
I suppose
they will not take it; for if they doe, & have Mr.
Andrewses,
then they must pay me their bond of 110li.
3 months
hence. Now it will fall out farr better
for you,
yt they deal not with Mr. Beachamp, and also for me, if
you
*
Perhaps write, for wrote. ! The in
the manuscript.
+This was a misterie to them, for
they heard nothing hereof from any
side ye
last year, till now ye conclution was past, and bonds given.
486 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
be as kind
to me as I have been & will be to you; and yt
thus, if you
pay Mr. Andrews, or ye Bay men, by his order,
544li.
which is his full demande; but if looked into, perhaps
might be
less. The man is honest, & in my
conscience would
not
wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well as other
men; and Mr.
Winslow may call to minde wherin he for-
getts; (but
some times it is good to buy peace.) The
gentle-
men of ye
Bay may abate 100li. and so both sids have more
right &
justice then if they exacte all, &c.
Now if you send
me a l50li. then say Mr. Andrews full sume, & this, it is
nere
700li. Mr. Beachamp he demands 4001i. and we all know
that, if a
man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and
make proofe
of his debte; which I know he can never make
good proafe
of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall
money; so
till he can, you have good reason to keep ye
500li. &c. This I proteste I
write not in malice against
Mr.
Beachamp, for it is a reall truth. You
may partly see it
by Mr.
Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you
are all
perswaded I can say more then Mr. Andrews con-
cerning that
accounte. I wish I could make up my owne
as
plaine &
easily, but because of former discontents, I will
be sparing
till I be called; & you may injoye ye 500li. quietly
till he
begine; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall
be all one,
I will doe him no wronge; and if he have not on
peney more,
he is less loser then either Mr. Andrews or I.
This I
conceive to be just & honest; ye having or not having o
of his
release matters not; let him make such proafe of his
debte as you
cannot disprove, and according to your first
agreemente
you will pay it, &c.
Your truly affectioned freind,
JAMES SHERLEY.
London,
Aprill 27. 1643.
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 487
Anno Dom. 1643.
I AM to begine this year whith that which
was a
mater of
great saddnes and mouring unto them all.
Aboute ye
18. of Aprill dyed their Reved Elder, and
my dear
& loving friend, Mr. William Brewster; a
man that had
done and suffered much for ye Lord
Jesus and ye
go spells sake, and had bore his parte in
well and woe
with this poore persecuted church above
36. years
[254] in England, Holand, and in this
wildernes,
and done ye Lord & them faithfull service
in his place
& call1ing. And notwithstanding ye
many
troubls and
sorrows he passed throw, the Lord upheld
him to a
great age. He was nere fourskore years
of age (if
not all out) when he dyed. He had this
blesing
added by ye Lord to all ye rest, to dye in his
bed, in
peace, amongst ye mids of his freinds, who
mourned
& wepte over him, and ministered what help
&
comforte they could unto him, and he againe re-
comforted
them whilst he could. His sicknes was
not
long, and
till ye last day therof he did not wholy
keepe his
bed. His speech continued till somewhat
more then
halfe a day, & then failed him; and aboute
9. or 10. a
clock that eving he dyed, without any
pangs at
all. A few howers before, he drew his
breath
shorte, and some few minuts before his last,
he drew his
breath long, as a man falen into a sound
slepe,
without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly
departed this
life unto a better.
488 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
I would now
demand of any, what he was ye worse
for any
former sufferings? What doe I say, worse?
Nay, sure he
was ye better, and they now added to
his
honour. It is a manifest token
(saith ye Apostle,
2. Thes: 1.
5, 6, 7.) of ye righeous judgmente of God
yt
ye may be counted worthy of ye kingdome of God,
for which ye
allso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing
with God to
recompence tribulation to them yt trouble
you: and to
you who are troubled, rest with us, when
ye
Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his
mighty
angels. 1. Pet. 4. 14. if you be reproached
for ye
name of Christ, hapy are ye, for ye spirite
of glory and
of God resteth upon you. What though
he wanted ye
riches and pleasurs of ye world in this
life, and
pompous monuments at his funurall? yet ye
memoriall of
ye just shall be blessed, when ye name
of ye
wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments).
Pro: 10. 7.
I should say something of his life, if to
say a litle
were not
worse then to be silent. But I cannot
wholy
forbear,
though hapily more may be done hereafter.
After he had
attained some learning, viz. ye knowledg
of ye
Latine tongue, & some insight in ye Greeke, and
spent some
small time at Cambridge, and then being
first
seasoned with ye seeds of grace and vertue, he went
to ye
Courte, and served that religious and godly gentl-
man, Mr.
Davison, diverce years, when he was Secre-
tary of
State; who found him so discreete and faithfull
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 489
as he
trusted him above all other that were aboute
him, and
only imployed him in all matters of greatest
trust and
secrecie. He esteemed him rather as a
sonne
then a
servante, and for his wisdom & godlines (in
private) he
would converse with him more like a freind
&
familier then a maister. He attended his
mr. when
he was sente
in ambassage by the Queene into ye Low-
Countries,
in ye Earle of Leicesters time, as for other
waighty
affaires of state, so to receive possession of the
cautionary
townes, and in token & signe therof the
keyes of
Flushing being delivered to him, in her matis
name, he
kepte them some time, and comitted them
to this his
servante, who kept them under his pilow,
on which he
slepte ye first night. And,
at his returne,
ye
States honoured him with a gould chaine, and his
maister
comitted it to him, and comanded him to wear
it when they
arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow
the country,
till they came to ye Courte.
He afterwards
remained
with him till his troubles, that he was put
from his
place aboute ye death of ye Queene of Scots;
and some
good time after, doeing him manie faithfull
offices of
servise in ye time of his troubles.
Afterwards
he wente and
lived in ye country, in good esteeme
amongst his
freinds and ye gentle-men of those parts,
espetially
the godly & religious. He did much
good
in ye
countrie wher he lived, in promoting and further-
ing
religion, not only by his practiss & example, and
provocking
and incouraging of others, but by procuring
490 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
of good
preachers to ye places theraboute, and drawing
on of others
to assiste & help forward in such a worke
he him selfe
most comonly deepest in ye charge, &
some times
above his abillitie. And in this state
he
continued
many years, doeing ye best good he could
and walking
according to ye light he saw, till ye Lord
reveiled
further unto him. And in ye
end, by ye tir-
rany of ye
bishops against godly preachers & people
in silenceing
the one & persecuting ye other, he and
many more of
those times begane to looke further into
things, and
to see into ye unlawfullnes of their callings
and ye
burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which
both he and
they endeavored to cast of; as yey aIlso
did, as in ye
begining of this treatis is to be seene
[255] After they were joyned togither in comunion,
he was a
spetiall stay & help unto them. They
ordi-
narily mett
at his house on ye Lords day, (which was
a manor of ye
bishops,) and with great love he enter-
tained them
when they came, making provission for
them to his
great charge. He was ye
cheefe of those
that were
taken at Boston, and suffered ye greatest
loss; and of
ye seven that were kept longst in prison
and after
bound over to ye assises.
Affter he came
into Holland
he suffered much hardship, after he had
spente ye
most of his means, haveing a great charge
and many
children; and, in regard of his former breed-
ing &
course of life, not so fitt for many imployments
as others
were, espetially such as were toylesume &
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 491
laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with
much
cherfullnes and contentation. Towards ye
later
parte of
those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward
condition
was mended, and he lived well & plentifully;
for he fell
into a way (by reason he had ye Latine
tonogue) to
teach many students, who had a disire
to lerne ye
English tongue, to teach them English;
and by his
method they quickly attained it with great
facilitie;
for he drew rules to lerne it by, after ye
Latine
maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes &
Germans,
resorted to him, as they had time from other
studies,
some of them being, great mens sones. He
also had
means to set up printing, (by ye help of some
freinds,)
and so had imploymente inoughg, and by
reason of
many books which would not be alowed
to be
printed in England, they might have had more
then they
could doe. But now removeing into this
countrie all
these things were laid aside againe, and
a new course
of living must be framed unto; in which
he was no
way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear
his burthen
with ye rest, living many times without
bread, or
corne, many months together, having many
times
nothing but fish, and often wanting that also;
and drunke
nothing but water for many years togeather
yea, till
within 5. or 6. years of his death. And
yet
he lived (by
ye blessing of God) in health till very old
age. And besids yt, he would labour
with his hands
in ye
feilds as lono, as he was able; yet when the
492 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
church had
no other minister, he taught twise every
Saboth, and
yt both powerfully and profitably, to ye
great
contentment of ye hearers, and their comfortable
edification;
yea, many were brought to God by his
ministrie. He did more in this behalfe in a year, then
many that
have their hundreds a year doe in all their
lives. For his personall abilities, he was qualified
above many;
he was wise and discreete and well
spoken,
having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a
very
cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongs
this
freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peace-
able
disposition, under vallewing him self & his owne
abilities,
and some time over valewing, others; inoffen-
cive and
inocente in his life & conversation, wch gained
him ye
love of those without, as well as those within;
yet he would
tell them plainely of their faults & evills,
both
publickly & privatly, but in such a maner as usu-
ally was
well taken from him. He was tender
harted,
and
compassionate of such as were in naiserie, but
espetialy of
such as had been of good estate and ranke
and were
fallen unto want & poverty, either for good-
nes &,
religions sake, or by ye injury & oppression
of others;
he would say, of all men these deserved
to be pitied
most. And none did more offence &
dis-
please him
then such as would hautily and proudly
carry &
lift up themselves, being rise from nothing,
and haveing
litle els in them to comend them but a few
fine
cloaths, or a Title riches more then others.
In
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 493
teaching, he
was very moving & stirring of affections,
also very
plaine & distincte in what he taught; by
which means
he became ye more profitable to ye hearers.
He had a
singuler good gift in prayer, both publick
&
private, in ripping up ye hart & conscience before
God, in ye
humble confession of sinne, and begging ye
mercies of
God in Christ for ye pardon of ye same.
He always
thought it were better for ministers to pray
oftener, and
devide their prears, then be longe & te-
dious in ye
same ( excepte upon sollemne & spetiall
occations,
as in days of humiliation & ye like). His
reason was,
that ye harte & spirits of all, espetialy
ye
weake, could hardly continue & stand bente (as it
were) so
long towards God, as they ought to doe
in yt
duty, without flagging and falling of.
For
ye
govermente of ye church, (which was most [256]
proper to
his office,) he was carfull to preserve good
order in ye
same, and to preserve puritie, both in
ye
doctrine & comunion of ye same; and to supress
any errour
or contention that might begine to rise
up amongst
them; and accordingly God gave good
success to
his indeavors herein all his days, and he
saw ye
fruite of his labours in that behalfe.
But
I must
breake of, having- only thus touched a few,
as it were,
heads of things.
I cannot but here take occasion, not only
to men-
tion, but
greatly to admire ye marvelous providence
of God, that
notwithstanding ye many changes and
494 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
hardships
that these people wente throwgh, and ye
many enemies
they had and difficulties they mette with
all, that so
many of them should live to very olde age!
It was not only
this reved mans condition, (for one
swallow maks
no summer, as they say,) but many
more of them
did ye like, some dying aboute and
before this
time, and many still living, who attained
to 60. years
of age, and to 65. diverse to 70. and
above, and some
nere 80. as he did. It must needs
be more then
ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that
so it should
be; for it is found in experience, that
chaing of
aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drink-
ing of
water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are
enimies to
health, causes of many diseaces, consumers
of naturall
vigoure and ye bodys of men, and shortners
of
life. And yet of all these things they
had a large
parte, and
suffered deeply in ye same.
They wente
from England
to Holand, wher they found both worse
air and dyet
then that they came from; from thence
(induring a
long, imprisonmente, as it were, in ye ships
at sea) into
New-England; and how it hath been with
them hear
hath allready beene showne; and what crosses,
troubls,
fears, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable
unto, is
easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they
may say with
ye Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they
were in
journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills
of robers,
in perills of their owne nation, in perils among
ye
heathen, in perills in ye willdernes, in perills in ye
sea,
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 495
in perills
among false breethern; in wearines & painfull-
nes, in
watching often, in hunger and thirst, in fasting
often, in
could and nakedness. What was it then
that
upheld
them? It was Gods vissitation that
preserved
their
spirits. Job 10. 12. Thou hast given me
life
and grace,
and thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite.
He that
upheld ye Apostle upheld them. They were
persecuted,
but not forsaken, cast downe, but perished
not. 2. Cor:
4. 9. As unknowen, and yet knowen;
as dying,
and behold we live; as chastened, and yett
not kiled.
2. Cor: 6. 9. God, it seems, would have
all men to
behold and observe such mercies and works
of his
providence as these are towards his people, that
they in like
cases might be encouraged to depend upon
God in their
trials, & also blese his name when they
see his
goodnes towards others. Man lives not by
bread only,
Deut: 8. 3. It is not by good &
dainty
fare, by
peace, & rest, and harts ease, in injoying
ye
contentments and good things of this world only,
that
preserves health and prolongs life. God
in such
examples
would have ye world see & behold that he
can doe it
without them; and if ye world will shut
ther eyes,
and take no notice therof, yet he would
have his
people to see and consider it. Daniell
could
be better
liking with pulse then others were with
ye
kings dainties. Jaacob, though he wente
from one
nation to
another people, and passed thorow famine,
fears, &
many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and
496 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
dyed
sweetly, & rested in ye Lord, as infinite others
of Gods
servants have done, and still shall doe, (through
Gods
goodnes,) notwithstanding all ye malice of their
enemies; when
ye branch of ye wicked shall be cut of
before his
day, Job. 15. 32.
and ye bloody and deceitful
men shall
not live out halfe their days. Psa: 55. 2
By reason of ye plottings of
the Narigansets, (ever
since ye
Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into
a generall
conspiracie against ye English in all parts
as was in
part discovered ye yeare before; and now
made more
plaine and evidente by many discoveries
and
free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall
occasions)
from diverse places, concuring in one; with
such other
concuring circomstances as gave them suffis-
sently to
understand the trueth therof, and to thinke
of means how
to prevente ye same, and secure them
selves. Which made them enter into this more nere
union &
confederation following.
[257] Articles of Conffederation betweene ye
Plantations un-
der ye Govermente of
Massachusets, ye Plantations up ye
Govermente of New-Plimoth, ye
Plantations under ye
Govermente of Conightecute, and ye
Govermente of New-
Haven, with ye Plantations in
combination therwith.
Wheras we all came into these parts of
America with one
and ye
same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome
of our Lord
Jesus Christ, & to injoye ye liberties of ye Gospell
in puritie
with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise
providence
of God) we are further disperced upon ye sea
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 497
coasts and
rivers then was at first intended, so yt we
cannot,
according to
our desires, with conveniencie comunicate in one
govermente
& jurisdiction; aud wheras we live encompassed
with people
of severall nations and strang languages, which
hereafter
may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and
for as much
as ye natives have formerly comitted sundrie inso-
lencies and
outrages upon severall plantations of ye English,
and have of
late combined them selves against us; and
seeing, by
reason of those distractions in England (which
they have
heard of) and by which they know we are hindered
from yt humble way of seeking advice or reaping
those com-
furtable
fruits of protection which at other times we might
well
expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty,
without
delay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst
our selves,
for mutllall help & strength in all our future
concernments. That as in nation and religion, so in other
respects, we
be & continue one, according to ye tenor and
true meaning
of the insuing articles, (1) Wherfore it
is
fully agreed
and concluded by & betweene ye parties or
jurisdictions
above named, and they joyntly & severally
doe by these
presents agree & conclude, that they all be
and
henceforth be called by ye name of The United Colonies
of
New-England.
2. The said United Collonies, for them selves
& their pos-
terities,
doe joyntly & severally hereby enter into a firme &
perpetuall
league of frendship & amitie, for offence and
defence,
mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions,
both for
preserving & propagating ye truth of ye Gospell, and
for their
owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.
3.
It is further agreed that the plantations which at
presente are
or hereafter shall be setled with [in] ye limites
of ye
Massachusets shall be for ever under ye Massachusets,
and shall
have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all
cases, as an
intire body. And yt Plimoth, Conightecutt, and
498 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
New-Haven
shall each of them have like peculier jurisdition
and govermente
within their limites and in refference to ye
plantations
which all ready are setled, or shall hereafter be
erected, or
shall selle within their limites, respectively; pro-
vided yt no other jurisdition shall hereafter be taken in as
a distincte
head or member of this confederation, nor shall
any other
plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and
not allready
in combination or under ye jurisdiction of any
of these
confederats, be received by any of them; nor shall
any tow of ye confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without
consente of
ye rest, which consete to be interpreted as is
expresed in
ye sixte article ensewing.
4.
It is by these conffederats agreed, yt the
charge of all
just warrs,
whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte
or member of
this confederation soever they fall, shall, both
in men,
provissions, and all other disbursments, be borne by
all ye
parts of this confederation, in differente proportions,
according to
their differente abillities, in maner following:
namely, yt the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time
to time, as
ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and
number of
all their males in every plantation, or any way
belonging
too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what
qualitie or
condition soever they be, from 16. years old to
60. being
inhabitants ther; and yt according to ye differente
numbers
which from time to time shall be found in each
jurisdiction
upon a true & just accounte, the service of men
and all
charges of ye warr be borne by ye pole; each
juris-
diction or
plantation being left to their owne just course &
custome of
rating them selves and people according to their
differente
estates, with due respects to their qualities and
exemptions
amongst them selves, though the confederats take
no notice of
any such priviledg. And yt according to their
differente
charge of each jurisdiction & plantation, the whole
advantage of
ye warr, (if it please God to blesse their
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 499
indeaours,)
whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be
proportionably
devided amonge ye said confederats.
5.
It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any
plantation
under or in combynacion with them, be invaded
by any
enemie whomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any
3. [258]
magistrats of yt jurisdiction so invaded, ye rest
of ye confederats, without any further meeting or expostu-
lation,
shall forthwith send ayde to ye confederate in danger,
but in
differente proportion; namely, ye Massachusets an
hundred men
sufficently armed & provided for such a service
and journey,
and each of ye rest forty five so armed & pro-
vided, or
any lesser number, if less be required according to
this
proportion. But if such confederate in danger
may be
supplyed by
their nexte confederates not exeeding ye number
hereby
agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further
for ye
presente; ye charge to be borne as in this article is
exprest, and
at ye returne to be victuled & suplyed with
powder &
shote for their jurney (if ther be need) by yt juris-
diction
which imployed or sent for them. But
none of ye
jurisdictions
to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting
of ye coimissioners for this confederation, a greater aide
appear
nessessarie. And this proportion to
continue till upon
knowlege of
greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall
be bronght
to ye nexte meeting, some other proportion be
ordered. But in such case of sending men for presente
aide whether
before or after such order or alteration, it is
agreed yt at ye meeting of ye comissioners for this
confeder-
ation, the
cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered;
and if it
appeare yt the falte lay in ye parties so
invaded,
yt then that jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction
both to ye
invaders whom they have injured, and beare all ye
charges of ye
warr them selves, without requiring any allow-
ance from ye
rest of ye confederats towards ye same. And
further, yt if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion
500 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
approaching,
and ther be time for a meeting, that in such
a case 3.
magistrats of yt jurisdiction may sumone a meeting
at such
conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete,
to consider
& provid against ye threatened danger, provided
when they
are mett, they may remove to what place they
please;
only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but
3 magistrats
in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or sum-
mons, from
any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall
force with ye
3. mentioned in both the clauses of this arti-
cle, till
ther be an increase of majestrats ther.
6.
It is also agreed yt, for ye managing &
concluding of
all affairs
propper, & concerning the whole confederation,
tow
comissioners shall be chosen by & out of each of these
4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for ye
Massachusets, 2. for Plim-
oth, 2. for
Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all
in church
fellowship with us, which shall bring full power
from their severall
Generall Courts respectively to hear, ex-
amene,
waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace,
leagues,
aids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divis-
sions of
spoyles, & whatsoever is gotten by conquest; re-
ceiving of
more confederats, or plantations into combination
with any of
ye confederates, and all things of like nature,
which are ye
proper concomitants or consequences of such
a
confederation, for amitie, offence, & defence; not inter-
medling with
ye govermente of any of ye jurisdictions,
which by ye
3. article is preserved entirely to them selves.
But if these
8. comissioners when they meete shall not all
agree, yet
it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing
shall have
power to setle & determine ye bussines in ques-
tion. But if 6. doe not agree, that then such
propositions,
with their
reasons, so farr as they have been debated, be
sente, and
referred to ye 4. Generall
Courts, viz. ye Massa-
chusets,
Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at
all ye
said Generall Courts ye bussines so referred be con-
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 501
cluded, then
to be prosecuted by ye confederats, and all
their
members. It was further agreed that
these 8. comis-
sioners
shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie
meetings,
(according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate,
&
conclude of all affaires belonging to this confederation,
which
meeting shall ever be ye first Thursday in September.
And yt the next meeting after the date of these presents,
which shall
be accounted ye second meeting, shall be at
Boston in ye
Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at
New-Haven,
the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course succes-
sively, if
in ye meane time some midle place be not found
out and
agreed on, which may be comodious for all ye
jurisdictions.
7.
It is further agreed, yt at
each meeting of these 8.
comissioners,
whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all
6. of them
agreeing as before, may chuse a presidente out
of them
selves, whose office & work shall be to take care
and directe
for order, and a comly carrying on of all pro-
ceedings in
ye present meeting; but he shall be invested
with no such
power or respecte, as by which he shall hin-
der ye
propounding or progrese of any bussines, or any
way cast ye
scailes otherwise then in ye precedente article
is agreed.
[259]
8. It is also agreed, yt the comissioners for this
confederation
hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary
or
extraordinarie, as they may have comission or oppor-
tunitie, doe
incleaover to frame and establish agreements
& orders
in generall cases of a civill nature, wherin all
ye
plantations are interessed, for ye
preserving of peace
amongst them
selves, and preventing as much as may be
all
occasions of warr or difference with others; as aboute
ye
free & speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction,
to all ye
confederats equally as to their owne; not receiving
those yt remove from one plantation to another without due
502 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
certificate;
how all ye jurisdictions may carry towards ye
Indeans,
that they neither growe insolente, nor be injured
without due
satisfaction, least warr breake in upon the con-
federats
through such miscarriages. It is also
agreed, yt
if any servante
rune away from his maister into another
of these
confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon
ye
certificate of one magistrate in ye jurisdiction out of
which ye
said servante fledd, or upon other due proofe, the
said
servante shall be delivered, either to his maister, or
any other yt pursues & brings such certificate or proofe.
And yt upon ye escape of any Prisoner whatsoever, or fugi-
tive for any
criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or
getting from
ye officer, or otherwise escaping, upon ye cer-
tificate of
2. magistrats of ye jurisdiction out of which ye
escape is
made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender
at ye
time of ye escape, they magistrats, or sume of them of
yt jurisdiction wher for ye presente the said prisoner or
fugi-
tive
abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as ye
case will
beare, for ye apprehending of any such person, &
ye
delivering of him into ye hands of ye officer, or other
person who
pursues him. And if ther be help
required, for
ye
safe returning of any such offender, then it shall be
granted to
him yt craves ye same, he paying the
charges
therof.
9.
And for yt the justest warrs may be of dangerous
consequence,
espetially to ye smaler plantations in these
United
Collonies, it is agreed yt neither ye Massachusets,
Plimoth,
Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member of
any of them,
shall at any time hear after begine, under-
take, or
ingage them selves, or this confederation, or any
parte
therof, in any warr whatsoever, (sudden* exegents,
with ye
necessary consequents therof excepted, which are
also to be
moderated as much as ye case will permitte,)
* Substituted for sundry on the authority of the original
MS. Records.
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
503
without ye
consente and agreemente of ye forementioned 8.
comissioners,
or at ye least 6. of them, as in ye sixt article
is
provided. And yt no charge be required of any of they
confederats,
in case of a defensive warr, till ye said comis-
sioners have
mett, and approved ye justice of ye warr, and
have agreed
upon ye sume of money to be levied, which
sume is then
to be paid by the severall confederats in pro-
portion
according to ye fourth article.
10.
That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are
summoned by
three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as
in ye
5. article, if any of ye comissioners come not, due
warning
being given or sente, it is agreed yt 4.
of the
comissioners
shall have power to directe a warr which can-
not be
delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out
of each
jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett;
but not less
then 6. shall determine the justice of ye warr,
or alow ye
demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies
to be made
for ye same.
11. It is further agreed, yt if any of ye confederats shall
hereafter
breake any of these presente articles, or be any
other ways
injurious to anyone of ye other jurisdictions,
such breach
of agreemente or injurie shall be duly consid-
ered and ordered
by ye comissioners for ye other jurisdic-
tion; that
both peace and this presente confederation may
be intirly
preserved without violation.
12.
Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and ye severall
articles
therof being read, and seriously considered, both by
ye
Generall Courte for ye Massachusets, and by ye comis-
sioners for
Plimoth, Conigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully
alowed &
confirmed by 3. of ye forenamed confederats,
namly, ye
Massachusets, Conightecutt: and New-Haven;
only ye
comissioners for Plimoth haveing no comission to
conclude,
desired respite till they might advise with their
Generall
Courte; wher upon it was agreed and concluded
504 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
by ye
said Courte of ye Massachusets, and the comissioners
for ye
other tow confederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then
the whole
treaty as it stands in these present articls is, and
shall
continue, firme & stable without alteration. But if
Plimoth come
not in, yet ye other three confederats doe by
these presents
[260] confeirme ye whole confederation, and
ye
articles therof; only in September nexte, when ye second
meeting of ye
co missioners is to be at Boston, new consid-
eration may
be taken of ye 6. article, which concerns num-
ber of
comissioners for meeting & concluding the affaires
of this
confederation, to ye satisfaction of ye Courte of ye
Massachusets,
and ye comissioners for ye other 2. confed-
erats, but ye
rest to stand unquestioned. In ye
testimonie
wherof, ye
Generall Courte of ye Massachusets, by ther
Secretary,
and ye comissioners for Conightecutt and New-
Haven, have
subscribed these presente articles this 19. of
ye
third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643.
At a meeting of ye
comissioners for ye confederation held
at Boston ye
7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte
of
New-Plimoth, and ye severall towneshipes therof, have
read &
considered & approved these articles of confederation,
as appeareth
by comission from their Generall Courte bearing
date ye 29. of August, 1643. to Mr.
Edward Winslow and Mr.
William
Collier, to ratifie and confirme ye same on their
behalfes. We, therfore, ye Comissioners for
ye Massachusets,
Conightecutt,
& New Haven, doe also, for our severall gover-
ments,
subscribe unto them.
JOHN WINTHROP, Govr. of ye Massachusest.
THO: DUDLEY. THEOPH:
EATON.
GEO: FENWICK. EDWA:
HOPKINS.
THOMAS GREGSON.
These were ye articles of
agreemente in ye union and
confederation
which they now first entered into; and in
1643.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 505
this their
first meeting, held at Boston ye day & year
abovesaid,
amongst other things they had this matter II
of great
consequence to considere on: the Narigansets,
after ye
subduing of ye Pequents, thought to have ruled
over all ye
Indeans aboute them; but ye English, espe-
tially those
of Conightecutt holding correspondencie &
frenship
with Uncass, sachem of ye Monhigg Indeans
which lived
nere them, (as ye Massachusets had done
with ye
Narigansets,) and he had been faithfull to them
in ye
Pequente warr, they were ingaged to supporte
him in his
just liberties, and were contented yt such of
ye
surviving Pequents as had submited to him should
remaine with
him and quietly under his protection.
This did
much increase his power and augmente his
greatnes,
which ye Narigansets could not indure to see.
But
Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an ambitious
&
politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery ,
(according
to ye lndean maner) to make him away,
by hiring
some to kill him. Sometime they assayed
to
poyson him;
that not takeing, then in ye night time to
knock him on
ye head in his house, or secretly to shoot
him, and
such like attempts. But none of these
taking
effecte, he
made open warr upon him (though it was
against ye
covenants both betweene ye English & them,
as also
betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of ye
same). He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000.
men (never
denouncing any warr before). Ye
others
power at yt
presente was not above halfe so many;
506 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
but it
pleased God to give Uncas ye victory, and he
slew many of
his men, and wounded many more; but
ye
cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner.
And seeing
he was a greate man, and ye Narigansets
a potente
people & would seeke revenge, he would doe
nothing in ye
case without ye advise of ye English;
so he (by ye
help & direction of those of Conightecutt)
kept him
prisoner till this meeting of ye comissioners.
The
comissioners weighed ye cause and passages, as
they were
clearly represented & sufficently evidenced
betwixte
Uncass and Myantinomo; and the things being
duly
considered, the comissioners apparently saw yt
Uncass could
not be safe whilst Miantynomo lived, but,
either by
secrete trechery or open force, his life would
still be in
danger. Wherfore they thought he might
justly put
such a false & bloud-thirstie enimie to death;
but in his
owne jurisdiction, not in ye English plan-
tations. And they advised, in ye maner of
his death
all mercy
and moderation should be showed, contrary
to ye
practise of ye lndeans, who exercise torturs and
cruelty. And, [261] Uncass having hitherto shewed
him selfe a
freind to ye English, and in this craving
their
advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others shall
unjustly
assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice
and request,
ye English promise to assiste and protecte
him as farr
as they may agaiste such violence.
This was ye issue of this
bussines. The reasons and
passages
hereof are more at large to be seene in ye acts
1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 507
&
records of this meeting of ye comissioners. And
Uncass
follewd this advise, and accordingly executed
him, in a
very faire maner, acording as they advised,
with due
respecte to his honour & greatnes.
But what
followed on
ye Narigansets parte will appear hear after.
Anno Dom: 1644.
MR. EDWARD WINSLOW was chosen
Govr this year.
Many having left this place (as is before
noted) by
reason of ye
straightnes & barrennes of ye same, and
their
finding of better accommodations elsewher, more
sutable to
their ends & minds; and sundrie others
still upon
every occasion desiring their dismissions,
the church
begane seriously to thinke whether it were
not better
joyntly to remove to some other place, then
to be thus
weakened, and as it were insensibly dis-
solved. Many meetings and much consultation was held
hearaboute,
and diverse were mens minds and opinions.
Some were
still for staying togeather in this place,
aledging men
might hear live, if they would be con-
tente with
their condition; and yt it was not for wante
or
necessitie so much yt they removed, as for ye enrich-
ing of them
selves. Others were resolute upon
removall,
and so
signified yt hear yey could not stay; but if ye
church did
not remove, they must; insomuch as many
were swayed,
rather then ther should be a dissolution,
to
condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could
be found,
that might more conveniently and comforta-
508 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
blie receive
ye whole, with such accession of others
as might
come to them, for their better strength &
subsistence;
and some such like cautions and limita-
tions. So as, with ye afforesaide
provissos, ye greater
parte
consented to a removall to a place called Nawsett,
which had
been superficially veiwed and ye good will
of ye
purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with
some
addition thertoo from ye Courte.
But now they
begane to
see their errour, that they had given away
already the
best & most comodious places to others,
and now
wanted them selves; for this place was about
50. myles
from hence, and at an outside of ye countrie,
remote from
all society; also, that it would prove so
straite, as
it would not be competente to receive
ye
whole body, much less be capable of any addition
or increase;
so as (at least in a shorte time) they
should be
worse ther then they are now hear. The
which, with
sundery other like considerations and in-
conveniences,
made them chaing their resolutions; but
such as were
before resolved upon removall tooke advan-
tage of this
agreemente, & wente on notwithstanding,
neither
could ye rest hinder them, they haveing made
some
begining. And thus was this poore church
left,
like an
anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of
her
children, (though not in their affections,) yett in
regarde of
their bodily presence and personall help-
fullness. Her anciente members being most of them
worne away
by death; and these of later time being
1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 509
like
children translated into other families, and she like
a widow left
only to trust in God. Thus she that had
made many
rich became her selfe poore.
[262] handled, and pacified by ye
comissioner
this year.
Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow
of ye jurisdic-
tions in ye
westerne parts, viz. Conightecutt & New-haven,
have beene
latly exercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages
from ye
Indeans; as, first, an Englishman, runing from his
mr.
out of ye Massachusets, was murdered in ye woods, in or
nere ye
limites of Conightecute jurisdiction; and aboute 6.
weeks after,
upon discovery by an Indean, ye Indean saga-
more in
these parts promised to deliver the murderer to ye
English,
bound; and having accordingly brought him within
ye
sight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is
informed, he
was ther unbound, and left to shifte for him
selfe;
wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to ye place,
being sente
by Mr. Ludlow, at ye lndeans desire, to receive
ye
murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of 8. of ye
Indeans ther
presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore
or 2. and
kept them in hold 2. days, till 4. sagamors ingaged
themselves
within one month to deliver ye prisoner. And
about a weeke
after this agreemente, an Indean came pre-
sumtuously
and with guile, in ye day time, and murtherously
assalted an
English woman in her house at Stamford, and
by 3.
wounds, supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he
had robbed ye
house. By which passages ye
English were
provoked,
& called to a due consideration of their owne
saftie; and
ye Indeans generally in those parts arose in an
hostile
maner, refused to come to ye English to carry
on treaties
of peace, departed from their wigwames, left
their corne
unweeded, and shewed them selves tumultuously
510 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
about some
of ye English plantations, & shott of peeces
within
hearing of ye towne; and some Indeans came to ye :
English
& tould them ye Indeans would fall upon them.
So yt most of ye English thought it unsafe to travel in
those
parts by
land, and some of ye plantations were put upon
strong
watchs and ward, night & day, & could not attend
their
private occasions, and yet distrusted their owne strength
for their
defence. Wherupon Hartford &
New-Haven were
sent unto
for aide, and saw cause both to send into ye weaker
parts of
their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New-
Haven, for
conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway,
though
belonging to Conightecutt. Of all which
passages
they
presently acquainted ye comissioners in ye Bay, & had
ye
allowance & approbation from ye Generall Courte ther,
with
directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such inso-
lencies too
longe. Which courses, though chargable
to them
selves, yet
through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, & will
be, sweete
and wholsome to all ye collonies; the murderers
are since
delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved for
ye
presente, & probabillitie it may be better secured for ye
future.
Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and ye
fear of
a warr
hereby diverted. But now an other broyle
was
begune by ye
Narigansets; though they unjustly had
made warr
upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and
had, ye
winter before this, ernestly presed ye Gover
of ye
Massachusets that they might still make warr
upon them to
revenge ye death of their sagamore, wch,
being taken
prisoner, was by them put to death, (as
before was
noted,) pretending that they had first received
and accepted
his ransome, and then put him to death.
1644.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 511
But ye
Gover refused their presents, and tould them
yt
it was them selves had done ye wronge, & broaken
ye
conditions of peace; and he nor ye English neither
could nor
would allow them to make any further warr
upon him,
but if they did, must assiste him, & oppose
them; but if
it did appeare, upon good proofe, that
he had
received a ransome for his life, before he put
him to
death, when ye comissioners mett, they should
have a fair
hearing, and they would cause Uncass
to returne ye
same. But notwithstanding, at ye
spring
of ye
year they gathered a great power, and fell upon
Uncass, and
slue sundrie of his men, and wounded;
more, and
also had some loss them selves. Uncass
cald for
aide from ye English; they tould him what
ye
Narigansets objected, he deney the same; they tould
him it must
come to triall, and if he was inocente, if
ye
Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide &
assiste
him. So at this meeting they [263] sent
both
to Uncass
& ye Narrigansets, and required their saga-
mors to come
or send to ye comissioners now mete
at Hartford,
and they should have a faire & inpartiall
hearing in
all their greevances, and would endeavor
yt
all wrongs should be rectified wher they should be
found; and
they promised that they should safly come
and returne
without any danger or molestation; and.
sundry ye
like things, as appears more at large in
ye
messengers instructions. Upon wch
the Narigansets
sent one sagamore
and some other deputies, with full
512 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
power to doe
in ye case as should be meete. Uncass
came in
person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute
him. After the agitation of ye
bussines, ye issue was
this. The comissioners declared to ye
Narigansett depu-
ties as
followeth.
1.
That they did not find any proofe of any ransome
agreed on.
2.
It appeared not yt any wampam had been paied as a
ransome, or
any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life.
3.
That if they had in any measure proved their charge
against
Uncass, the comissioners would have required him
to have made
answerable satisfaction.
4.
That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, ye Eng-
lish will
consider ye same, & proceed accordingly.
5.
The comissioners did require yt neither them selves nor
ye
Nyanticks make any warr or injulious assaulte upon
Unquass or
any of his company untill they make profe
of ye
ransume charged, and yt due satisfaction be deneyed,
unless he
first assaulte them.
6.
That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged
to assist
him.
Hearupon ye Narigansette
sachim, advising with ye other
deputies,
ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of ye Nariganset
&
Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon
Uncass, or
any of his, untill after ye next planting of corne;
and yt
after that, before they begine any warr, they will give
30. days
wflrning to ye Gover of
the Massachusets or Con-
ightecutt. The comissioners approving of this offer, and
taking their
ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass,
as he
expected ye continuance of ye favour of the English,
to observe
the same termes of peace with ye Narigansets
and theirs.
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 513
These foregoing conclusions were
subscribed by ye comis-
sioners, for
ye severall jurisdictions, ye 19. of Sept: 1644.
EDWA: HOPKINS, Presidente.
SIMON BRADSTREETE.
WILLM.
HATHORNE.
EDW: WINSLOW.
JOHN BROWNE.
GEOR: FENWICK.
THEOPH: EATON.
THO: GREGSON.
The forenamed Narigansets deputies did
further promise, that
if, contrary
to this agreemente, any of ye Nyantick Pequents
should make
any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they
would
deliver them up to ye English, to be punished accord-
ing to their
demerits; and that they would not use any means
to procure
the Mowacks to come against Uncass during this
truce.
These were their names subscribed with
their marks.
WEETOWISH. CHINNOUGH.
PAMPIAMETT. PUMMUNISH.
[264] Anno Dom: 1645.
THE comissioners this year were caled to
meete to-
gither at
Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in
regard of
some differances falen betweene ye French and
ye
govermente of ye Massachusets, about their aiding
of Munseire
Latore against Munsseire de Aulney, and
partly
aboute ye Indeans, who had broaken ye former
agreements
aboute the peace concluded ye last year.
This meeting
was held at Boston, ye 28. of July.
514 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Besids some underhand assualts made on
both sids,
the
Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon
Uncass, and
slew many of his men, and wounded
more, by
reason yt they farr exseeded him in number,
and had gott
store of peeces, with which they did him
most
hurte. And as they did this withoute ye
knowl-
edg and
consente of ye English, (contrary to former
agree
mente,) so they were resolved to prosecute ye same,
notwithstanding
any thing ye English said or should doe
against
them. So, being incouraged by ther late
vic-
torie, and
promise of assistance from ye Mowaks, (being
a strong,
warlike, and desperate people,) they had all-
ready
devoured Uncass & his, in their hops; and surly
they had
done it in deed, if the English had not timly
sett in for
his aide. For those of Conightecute sent
him 40. men,
who were a garison to him, till ye comis-
sioners
could meete and take further order.
Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3.
messengers,
viz. Sargent
John Davis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis
Smith, with
full & ample instructions, both to ye Nari-
gansets and
Uncass; to require them yt they should
either come
in person or send sufficiente men fully
instructed
to deale in ye bussines; and if the) refused
or delayed,
to let them know (according to former
agreements)
yt the English are engaged to assiste
against
these hostile invasions, and yt they have sente
their men to
defend Uncass, and to know of ye Nari-
gansets
whether they will stand to ye former peace,
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 515
or they will
assaulte ye English also, that they may
provid
accordingly.
But ye messengers returned, not
only with a sleight-
ing, but a
threatening answer from the Narigansets
(as will
more appear hereafter). Also they
brought
a letter from
Mr. Roger Williams, wherin he assures
them that ye
warr would presenly breake forth, & ye
whole
country would be all of a flame. And yt
the
sachems of ye
Narigansets had concluded a newtrality
with ye
English of Providence and those of Aquidnett
Iland. Wherupon ye comissioners,
considering ye great
danger & provocations offered, and ye
necessitie we
should be put unto of making warr with ye
Narigan-
setts, and
being also carfull, in a matter of so great
waight &
generall concernmente, to see ye way cleared,
and to give
satisfaction to all ye colonies, did thinke
fitte to
advise with such of ye magistrats & elders of
ye
Massaechusets as were then at hand, and also with
some of ye
cheefe millitary comanders ther; who being
assembled,
it was then agreed, --
First, yt our ingagmente bound us
to aide &, defend
Uncass. 2.
That this ayde could not be intended only
to defend
him & his forte, or habitation, but (according
to ye
comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingag-
ments,
considered with ye grounds or occasion therof)
so to ayde
him as he might be preserved in his liberty
and
estate. 3ly. That this ayde [265] must be speedy,
least he
might be swalowed up in ye mean time, and
516 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
so come to
late. 41y. The justice of this warr being
cleared to
our selves and ye rest then presente, it was
thought
meete yt the case should be stated, and ye
reasons
& grounds of ye warr declared and published.
51y. That a day of humilliation should be
apoynted,
which was ye
5. day of ye weeke following.
61y. It was
then allso
agreed by ye comissioners that ye whole num~
ber of men
to be raised in all ye colonies should be 300.
Wherof from
ye Massachusets a 190.
Plimoth, 40.
Conightecute,
40. New-Haven, 30. And considering
yt
Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this num-
ber were
forthwith sente from ye Massachusets for his
sucoure; and
it was but neede, for ye other 40. from
Conightecutt
had order to stay but a month, & their
time being
out, they returned; and ye Narigansets, hear-
ing therof,
tooke the advantage, and came suddanly
upon him,
and gave him another blow, to his further
loss, and
were ready to doe ye like againe; but these
40. men
being arrived, they returned, and did nothing.
The declaration which they sett forth I
shall not
transcribe,
it being very larg, and put forth in printe,
to which I
referr those yt would see ye same, in which
all passages
are layed open from ye first.
I shall only
note their
prowd carriage, and answers to ye 3. mes-
sengers sent
from ye comissioners. They
received them
with scorne
& contempte, and tould them they resolved
to have no
peace without Uncass his head; also they
gave them
this further answer: that it mattered
not
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 517
who begane ye
warr, they were resolved to follow it,
and that ye
English should withdraw their garison from
Uncass, or
they would procure ye Mowakes against
them; and
withall gave them this threatening answer:
that they
would lay ye English catle on heaps, as high
as their
houses, and yt no English-man should sturr out
of his dore
to pisse, but he should be kild. And
wheras they
required guids to pass throw their countrie,
to deliver
their message to Uncass from ye comissioners,
they deneyed
them, but at length (in way of scorne)
offered them
an old Pequente woman. Besids allso
they
conceived them selves in danger, for whilst ye in-
terpretour
was speakeing with them about ye answer
he should
returne, 3. men came & stood behind him
with ther
hatchets, according to their murderous maner;
but one of
his fellows gave him notice of it, so they
broak of
& came away; with sundry such like affrontes,
which made
those Indeans they carryed with them to
rune away
for fear, and leave them to goe home as
they could.
Thus whilst ye comissioners in
care of ye publick
peace sought
to quench ye fire kindled amongst ye
Indeans,
these children of strife breath out threatenings,
provocations,
and warr against ye English them selves.
So that,
unless they should dishonour & provoak God,
by violating
a just ingagmente, and expose ye colonies to
contempte
& danger from ye barbarians, they cannot but
exerciese
force, when no other means will prevaile to
518 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
reduse ye
Narigansets & their confederats to a more
just &
sober temper.
So as here upon they went on to hasten ye
prep-
rations,
according to ye former agreemente, and sent to
Plimoth to
send forth their 40. men with all speed,
to lye at
Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle
it, before ye
rest were ready, it lying next ye enemie,
and ther to
stay till ye Massachusetts should joyne with
them. Allso Conigtecute & Newhaven forces were
to
joyne
togeather, and march with all speed, and ye
Indean
confederats of those parts with them.
All which
was done
accordingly; and the souldiers of this place
were at
Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or
10. days
before ye rest were ready; they were well
armed all
with snaphance peeces, and wente under
ye
camand of Captain [266] Standish. Those
from
other places
were led likwise by able comanders, * as
Captaine
Mason for Conigtecute, &c.; and Majore
Gibons was
made generall over ye whole, with such
comissions
& instructions as was meete.
Upon ye suden dispatch of these
souldiears, (the
present
necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of ye
Massachusetts
Courte (being now assembled imediatly
after ye
setting forth of their 40. men) made a ques-
tion whether
it was legally done, without their comis-
sion. It was answered, that howsoever it did
properly
belong to ye
authority of ye severall jurisdictions (after
* Comander in the MS.
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 519
ye
warr was agreed upon by ye comissioners, & the
number of men)
to provid ye men & means to carry
on ye
warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding
of ye
comissioners and ye comission given was as suffi-
ciente as if
it had been done by ye Generall Courte.
First, it
was a case of such presente & urgente necessitie,
as could not
stay ye calling of ye Courte or Counsell. 21y.
In ye
Articles of Confederation, power is given to ye comis-
sioners to
consult, order, & determine all affaires of warr,
&c. And ye word determine
comprehends all acts of author-
ity
belonging therunto.
31y. The comissioners are ye judges of
ye necessitie of the
expedition.
41y. The Generall Courte have made their owne
comis-
sioners
their sole counsell for these affires.
51y. These counsels could not have had their due
effecte
excepte they
had power to proceede in this case, as they
have done;
which were to make ye comissioners power, and
ye
maine end of ye confederation, to be frustrate, and that
mearly for
observing a ceremony.
61y. The comissioners haveing sole power to manage
ye
warr for
number of men, for time, place, &c., they only
know their
owne counsells, & determinations, and therfore
none can
grante comission to acte according to these but
them selves.
All things being thus in readines, and
some of ye
souldiers
gone forth, and the rest ready to march,
the
comissioners thought it meete before any hostile
acte was
performed, to cause a presente to be re-
turned,
which had been sente to ye Gover of the Mas-
sachusetts
from ye Narigansett sachems, but not by
520 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
him
received, but layed up to be accepted or refused
as they
should carry them selves, and observe ye cove-
nants. Therfore they violating the same, &
standing
out thus to
a warr, it was againe returned, by 2. mes-
sengers
& an interpretour. And further to
let know
that their
men already sent to Uncass (& other wher
sent forth)
have hitherto had express order only to
stand upon
his & their owne defence, and not to
attempte any
invasion of ye Narigansetts country; and
yet if they
may have due reperation for what is past,
and good
securitie for ye future, it shall appear they
are as
desirous of peace, and shall be as tender of ye
Narigansets
blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss,
Innemo, with
other sachemes, will (without further
delay) come
along with you to Boston, the comis-
sioners doe
promise & assure them, they shall have
free liberty
to come, and retourne without molesta-
tion or any
just greevance from ye English.
But
deputies
will not now serve, nor may the prepara-
tions in
hand be now stayed, or ye directions given
recalled,
till ye forementioned sagamors come, and
some further
order be taken. But if they will have
nothing but
warr, the English are providing, and will
proceede
accordingly.
Pessecouss, Mixano, & Witowash, 3.
principall sa-
chems of ye
Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, dep-
utie for ye
Nyanticks, with a large traine of men,
within a few
days after came to Boston.
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 521
And to omitte all other circomstances and
debats yt
past
betweene them and the comissioners, they came
to this
conclusion following.
[267] 1.
It was agreed betwixte ye comissioners of ye
United
Collonies, and ye fore mentioned sagamores, & Nian-
tick
deputie, that ye said Narigansets & Niantick, sagamores
should pay
or cause to be payed at Boston, to ye Massa-
chusets
comissioners, ye full sume of 2000. fathome of good
white
wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage,
in 4.
payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days,
500. fathome
within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before
next
planting time, and 500. fathome within 2. years next
after ye
date of these presents; which 2000. fathome ye
comissioners
accepte for satisfaction of former charges ex-
pended.
2.
The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on ye behalfe of ye
Narigansett
& Niantick Indeans) hereby promise & cove-
nante that
they upon demand and profe satisfie & re-
store unto
Uncass, ye Mohigan sagamore, all such cap-
tives,
whether men, or women, or children, and all such
canowes, as
they or any of their men have taken, or as
many of
their owne canowes in ye roome of them, full as
good as they
were, with full satisfaction for all such corne
as they or
any of theire men have spoyled or destroyed, of
his or his
mens, since last planting time; and ye English
comissioners
hereby promise yt Uncass shall doe ye like.
3.
Wheras ther are sundry differences & greevances be-
twixte
Narigansett & Niantick Indeans, and Uncass & his
men, (which
in Uncass his absence cannot now be detir-
mined,) it
is hearby agreed yt Nariganset & Niantick saga-
mores either
come them selves, or send their deputies to ye
next meeting
of ye comissioners for ye
collonies, either at
New-Haven in
Sept 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente warn-
522 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ing, if ye
said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed
to declare
& make due proofe of their injuries, and to sub-
mite to ye
judgmente of ye comissioners, in giving or receiv-
ing
satisfaction; and ye said comissioners (not doubting but
Uncass will
either come him selfe, or send his deputies,
in like
maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing
to both
parties with equall justice, without any partiall
respects,
according to their allegations and profs.
4.
The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamors& deputies
doe hearby
promise & covenante to keep and maintaine a
firme &
perpetuall peace, both with all ye English United
Colonies
& their successors, and with Uncass, ye Monhegen
sachem,
& his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke,
Cutsharuakin,
Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean
sagamors,
and their companies, who are in freindship with
or subjecte
to any of ye English; hearby ingaging them
selves, that
they will not at any time hearafter disturbe ye
peace of ye
cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, inva-
sions, or
other injuries, to any of ye Unnited Collonies, or
their
successors; or to ye afforesaid Indeans; either in their
persons,
buildings, catle, or goods, directly or indirectly; nor
will they
confederate with any other against them; & if
they know of
any Indeans or others yt conspire or intend
hurt against
ye said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in
freindship
with them, they will without delay acquainte & give
notice
therof to ye English cofiiissioners, or some of them.
Or if any questions or differences shall
at any time here-
after arise
or grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans
before
mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments
(which they
hearby confirme & ratifie) first acquainte ye
English, and
crave their judgments & advice therin; and
will not
attempte or begine any warr, or hostille invasion,
till they
have liberty and alowance from ye comissioners of
ye
United Collonies so to doe.
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 523
5.
The said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores & depu-
ties doe
hearby promise yt they will forthwth deliver & re-
store all
such Indean fugitives, or captives which have at
any time
fled from any of ye English, and are now living
or abiding
amongst them, or give due satisfaction for them
to ye
comissioners for ye Massachusets; and further, that
they will
(without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed,
a yearly
tribute, a month before harvest, every year after
this, at
Boston, to ye English Colonies, for all such Pequents
as live
amongst them, according to ye former treaty &
agreemente,
made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome
of white
wampam for every Pequente man, & halfe a
fathume for
each Pequente youth, and one hand length
for each
mal-child. And if Weequashcooke refuse
to pay
this tlibute
for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts
sagamores
promise to assiste ye English againt him. And
they further
covenante yt they will resigne & yeeld up the
whole
Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of it, to ye Eng-
lish
collonies, as due to them by conquest.
6.
The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamores & deputie
doe hereby
promise & covenante yt within 14. days they will
bring &
deliver to ye Massachusetts comissioners on ye be-
halfe of ye
collonies, [268] foure of their children, viz.
Pessecous
his eldest son, the sone Tassaquanawite, brother
to
Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a
Niantick, to
be kepte (as hostages & pledges) by ye English,
till both ye
forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed
at ye
times appoynted, and ye differences betweexte themselves
& Uncass
be heard & ordered, and till these artickles be
under writen
at Boston, by Jenemo & Wipetock. And
fur-
ther they
hereby promise & covenante, yt if at any time
hearafter
any of ye said children shall make escape, or be
conveyed
away from ye English, before ye premisses be fully
accomplished,
they will either bring back & deliver to ye
524 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Massachusett
comissioners ye same children, or, if they be not
to be
founde, such & so many other children, to be chosen
by ye
comissioners for ye United Collonies, or their assignes,
and yt
within 20. days after demand, and in ye mean time,
untill ye
said 4. children be delivered as hostages, ye Nari-
gansett
& Niantick sagamors & deputy doe, freely & of their
owne
accorde, leave with ye Massachusett comissioners, as
pledges for
presente securitie, 4. Indeans, namely, Witowash,
Pumanise,
Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso freely con-
sente, and
offer them selves to stay as pledges, till ye said
children be
brought & delivered as abovesaid.
7.
The comissioners for ye United Collonies doe hereby
promise
& agree that, at ye charge of ye United Collonies,
ye
4. Indeans now left as pledges shall be
provided for, and yt
the 4.
children to be brought & delivered as hostages shall
be kepte
& maintained at ye same charge; that they will
require
Uncass & his men, with all other Indean sagamors
before
named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste ye Nari-
gansetts and
Niantick Indeans for ye future.
And further,
all ye
promises being duly observed & kept by ye Narigansett
&
Niantick Indians and their company, they will at ye end
of 2. years
restore ye said children delivered as hostiages,
and retaine
a firme peace with ye Narigansets & Nianticke
Indeans aud
their successours.
8.
It is fully agreed by & betwixte ye said parties, yt
if
any hostile
attempte be made while this treaty is in hand,
or before
notice of this agreemente (to stay further prepara-
tions &
directions) can be given, such attempts & ye conse-
quencts
therof shall on neither parte be accounted a violation
of this
treaty, nor a breach of ye peace hear made & con-
cluded.
9.
The Narigansets & Niantick sagamors & deputie hereby
agree &
covenante to & with ye comissioners of ye United
Collonies, yt
henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell,
or in any
maner alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor
1645.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 525
any parcell
of land therin, either to any of ye English or
others,
without consente or allowance of ye comissioners.
10.
Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be
found &
discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace
murdered any
of ye English, he or they shall be delivered to
just
punishmente.
In witness wherof ye parties
above named have inter-
chaingablie
subscribed these presents, the day & year above
writen.
JOHN WINTHROP, President.
HERBERT PELHAM.
THO: PRENCE.
JOHN BROWNE.
GEO: FENWICK.
EDW A: HOPKINS.
THEOPH: EATON.
STEVEN GOODYEARE.
PESSECOUSS his mark
MEEKESANO his mark
WITOWASH his mark
AUMSEQUEN his mark the Niantick
ABDAS his mark
PUMMASH his mark
CUTCHAMAKIN his mark
This treaty and agreemente betwixte the
comissioners of ye
United
Collonies and ye sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets
and Niantick
Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte
Arnold being
interpretour upon his oath; Sergante Callicate
& an
Indean, his man, being presente, and Josias & Cut-
shamakin,
tow Indeans aquainted with ye English language,
assisting
therin; who opened & cleared the whole treaty, &
every
article, to ye sagamores and deputie there presente.
And thus was ye warr at this
time stayed and pre-
vented.
526 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
[269] Anno Dom: 1646.
ABOUT ye midle of May, this
year, came in 3. ships
into this
harbor, in warrlike order; they were found to
be men of
warr. The captains name was Crumwell,
who had
taken sundrie prizes from ye Spaniards in ye
West
Indies. He had a comission from ye
Earle of
Warwick. He had abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie
men, (but
very unruly,) who, after they came ashore,
did so
distemper them selves with drinke as they be-
came like
madd-men; and though some of them were
punished
& imprisoned, yet could they hardly be re-
strained;
yet in ye ende they became more moderate
&
orderly. They continued here aboute a
month or
6. weeks,
and then went to ye Massachusets; ill which
time they
spente and scattered a great deale of money
among ye
people, and yet more sine (I fear) then
money,
notwithstanding all ye care & watchfullnes that
was used
towards them, to prevente what might be.
In which time one sadd accidente fell
out. A des-
perate
fellow of ye company fell a quarling with some
of his
company. His captine comanded him to be
quiet
& surcease
his quarelling; but he would not, but
reviled his
captaine with base language, & in ye end
halfe drew
his rapier, & intended to rune at his captien;
but he
closed with him, and wrasted his rapier from
him, and
gave him a boxe on ye earr; but he would
not give
over, but still assaulted his captaine.
Wher-
1646.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 527
upon he
tooke ye same rapier: as it was in ye scaberd,
and gave him
a blow with ye hilts; but it light on his
head, &
ye smal end of ye bar of ye rapier hilts
peirct
his scull,
& he dyed a few days after. But ye
captaine
was cleared
by a counsell of warr. This fellow was
so desperate
a quareller as ye captaine was faine many
times to
chaine him under hatches from hurting his
fellows, as
ye company did testifie; and this was his
end.
This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth
another
vioage to
the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massa-
chusets,
well maned & victuled; and was out 3. years,
and tooke
sundry prises, and returned rich unto the
Massachusets,
and ther dyed the same somere, having
gott a fall
from his horse, in which fall he fell on his
rapeir
hilts, and so brused his body as he shortly after
dyed therof,
with some other distempers, which brought
him into a
feavor. Some observed that ther might be
somthing of
the hand of God herein; that as the fore-
named man
dyed of ye blow he gave him with ye rapeir
hilts, so
his owne death was occationed by a like means.
This year Mr. Edward Winslow
went into England,
upon this
occation: some discontented persons under
ye
govermente of the Massachusets sought to trouble
their peace,
and disturbe, if not innovate, their gover-
mente, by
laying many [270] scandals upon them;
and intended
to prosecute against them in England, by
petitioning
& complaining to the Parlemente.
Allso
528 HISTORY
OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.[BOOK II.
Samuell
Gorton & his company made complaints against
them; so as
they made choyse of Mr. Winslow to be
their
agente, to make their defence, and gave him
comission
& instructions for that end; in which he so
carried him
selfe as did well answer their ends, and
cleared them
from any blame or dishonour, to the
shame of
their adversaries. But by reason of the
great
alterations
in the State, he was detained longer then
was
expected; and afterwards fell into other imploy-
ments their,
so as he hath now bene absente this
4. years,
which hath been much to the weakning of
this
govermente, without whose consente he tooke these
imployments
upon him.
Anno 1647. And Anno 1648.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
[Passengers of the Mayflower.]
The names of
those which came over first, in ye year 1620.
and were by t!1e blessing of God the first
beginers and
(in a sort) the foundation of all the
Plantations and
Colonies in New-England; and their
families.
Mr. John Carver; Kathrine,
his wife; Desire Minter;
& 2. man-servants, John Howland,
Roger Wilder; Wil-
8. liam Latham, a boy; & a maid servant,
& a child yt
was put to him, called Jasper More.
Mr. William Brewster;
Mary, his wife; with 2. sons,
whose names were Love & Wrasling;
and a boy was.
6.
put to him called Richard More; and another of his
brothers. The rest of his children were left behind,
&
came over afterwards.
Mr. Edward Winslow;
Elizabeth, his wife; & 2. men
servants, caled Georg Sowle and Elias
Story; also a litle
5. girle was put to him, caled Ellen, the
sister of Richard
More.
William Bradford, and Dorothy,
his wife; having but
2. one child, a sone, left behind, who came
afterward.
Mr. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife; with 3. chil-
6.
dren, Bartholmew, Remember, & Mary; and a servant
boy, John Hooke..
532 APPENDIX.
Mr. Samuell Fuller, and
a servant, caled William But-
2.
ten. His wife was behind, & a
child, which came after-
wards.
2. John Crakston, and his sone, John
Crakston.
2. Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his
wife.
Mr. Christopher Martin,
and his wife, and 2. servants,
4. Salamon Prower and John Langemore.
Mr. William Mullines,
and his wife, and 2. children,
5. Joseph & Priscila; and a servant,
Robart Carter.
Mr. William White,
and Susana, his wife, and one
sone, caled Resolved, and one borne a
ship-bord, caled
6. Peregriene; & 2. servants, named
William Holbeck &
Edward Thomson.
Mr. Steven Hopkins,
& Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. chil-
dren, caled Giles, and Constanta, a
doughter, both by
8. a former wife; and 2. more by this
wife, caled Damaris
& Oceanus; the last was borne at
sea; and 2. servants,
called Edward Doty and Edward
Litster.
Mr. Richard Warren;
but his wife and children were
1. lefte behind, and came afterwards.
John Billinton, and Elen, his
wife; and 2. sones, John
4. & Francis.
Edward Tillie, and Ann, his
wife; and 2. children that
4. were their cossens, Henery Samson and
Humillity Coper.
John Tillie, and his wife;
and Eelizabeth, their
3. doughter.
Francis Cooke, and his sone
John. But his wife &
2. other children came afterwards.
APPENDIX. 533
Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone.
His other chil-
2. dren came afterwards.
3.* Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone.
2. John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife.
James Chilton, and his wife, and
Mary, their dougter.
3. They had an other doughter, yt
was maried, came after-
ward.
3. Edward Fuller, and his wife, and
Samuell, their sonne.
John Turner, and 2. sones. He had a doughter came
3. some years after to Salem, wher she is now
living.
Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his
wife, and Samuell, their
3. sone, a yong child.
Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman,
Thomas Williams,
Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson,
Peter Browne, Richard
10. Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard
Gardenar, Gilbart
Winslow.
John Alden was hired for a cooper, at
South-Hampton,
wher the ship victuled; and being a
hopfull yong man,
1. was much desired, but left to his owne
liking to go or
stay when he came here; but he
stayed, and maryed here.
John Allerton and Thomas Enlish
were both hired, the
later to goe mr of a shalop here, and ye other was reputed
2. as one of ye company, but
was to go back (being a sea-
man) for the help of others behind. But they both dyed
here, before the shipe returned.
* Written 2 in MS.
534 APPENDIX.
There were allso other 2. seamen
hired to stay a year
2. here in the country, Willaim Trevore, and
one Ely. But
when their time was out, they both
returned.
These, bening aboute a hundred
sowls, came over in
this first ship; and began this worke,
which God of his
goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let his
holy name have
ye praise.
And seeing
it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years
compleated since these beginings; and
that the great
works of his providence are to be
observed, I have
thought it not unworthy my paines to take
a veiw of the
decreasings & increasings of these
persons, and such
changs as hath pased over them &
theirs, in this thirty
years.
It may be of some use to such as come after;
but, however, I shall rest in my owne
benefite.
I will
therfore take them in order as they lye.
Mr. Carver and his wife
dyed the first year; he in ye
spring, she in ye somer; also,
his man Roger and ye litle
boy Jasper dyed before either of them, of
ye commone in-
fection.
Desire Minter returned to her freinds, & proved
not very well, and dyed in England. His servant boy
Latham, after more then 20. years stay in
the country,
went into England, and from thence to the
Bahamy Ilands
in ye West Indies, and ther,
with some others, was starved
for want of food. His maid servant maried, & dyed
a year or tow after, here in this place.
His servant, John Howland, maried the
doughter of
John Tillie, Elizabeth, and they are both
now living,
and have 10. children, now all living;
and their eldest
15. daughter
hath 4. children. And ther 2. daughter,
1. all
living; and other of their children
mariagable. So 15.
are come of them.
APPENDIX. 535
Mr. Brewster lived to very
old age; about 80. years he
was when he dyed, having lived some 23.
or 24. years
here in ye countrie; &
though his wife dyed long before,
yet she dyed aged. His sone Wrastle dyed a yonge man
4. unmaried; his sone Love lived till this year
1650. and
dyed, & left 4. children, now
living. His doughters
which came over after him are dead, but
have left sundry
children alive; his eldst sone is still
liveing, and hath 9.
2. or 10 children; one maried, who hath a child
or 2.
Richard More his brother dyed the
first winter; but he
4. is maried, and hath 4. or 5. children, all
living.
Mr. Ed: Winslow his wife
dyed the first winter; and he
2. maried with the widow of Mr.
White, and hath 2. children
living by her marigable, besids sundry
that are dead.
One of his servants dyed, as also
the litle girle, soone
8. after the ships arivall. But his man, Georg Sowle, is still
living, and hath 8. childre.
William Bradford his wife dyed soone
after their arivall;
4. and he maried againe; and hath 4.
children, 3. wherof are
maried.
Mr. Allerton his wife
dyed with the first, and his ser-
vant, John Hooke. His sone Bartle is maned in England,
but I know not how many children he
hath. His doughter
Remember is maried at Salem, &
hath 3. or 4. children
living. And his doughter Mary is maried here, &
hath 4.
8. children.
Him selfe maried againe with ye doughter of
Mr. Brewster, & hath
one sane living by her, but she
is long since dead. And he is maried againe, and hath
left this place long agoe. So I account his increase to
be 8. besids his sons in England.
Mr. Fuller his selovant
dyed at sea; and after his wife
2. came over, he had tow children by her,
which are living
and growne up to years; but he dyed
some 15. years agoe.
536 APPENDIX.
John Crakston dyed in the first
mortality; and about
some 5. or 6. years after, his sone
dyed; having lost him
selie in ye wodes, his feet
became frosen, which put him
into a feavor, of which he dyed.
*Captain Standish his wife dyed in
the first sicknes,
4. and he maried againe, and hath 4. sones
liveing, and
some are dead.
Mr. Martin, he & all
his, dyed in the first infection
not long after the arivall.
Mr. Molines, and his
wife, his sone, and his servant,
dyed the first winter. Only his dougter Priscila survied,
15. and maried with John Alden, who are both
living, and
have 11. children. And their eldest daughter is maried,
& hath five children.
Mr. White and his 2.
servants dyed soone after ther
landing. His wife maried with Mr. Winslow
(as is be-
7. fore noted). His 2. sons are maried, and Resolved hath
5. children, Perigrine tow, all
living. So their increase
are 7.
Mr. Hopkins and his
wife are now both dead, but they
lived above 20. years in this place,
and had one sone and
5. 4. doughters borne here. Ther sone became a seaman, &
dyed at Barbadoes; one daughter dyed
here, and 2. are
maried; one of them hath 2. children;
& one is yet to
mary.
So their increase which still survive are 5. But
4. his sone Giles is maried, and hath 4.
children.
His doughter Constanta is also
maried, and hath 12.
12. children, all of them living, an one of
them maried.
* Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1655.
APPENDIX. 537
Mr. Richard Warren lived
some 4. or 5. years, and had
his wife come over to him, by whom he had
2. sons
before dyed; and one of them is maryed,
and hath 2.
4. children.
So his increase is 4. But he had
5. doughters
more came over with his wife, who are all
maried, &
living, & have many children.
John Billinton, after he had bene
here 10. yers,
was executed for killing a man; and his
eldest sone dyed
8. before him; but his 2. sone is alive, and
maried, & hath
8. children.
Edward Tillie and his wife both
dyed soon after their
7. arivall; and the girle Humility, their
cousen, was sent for;
into England, and dyed ther. But the youth Henery
Samson is still liveing, and is maned,
& hath 7. children.
John Tillie and his wife both
dyed a litle after they
came ashore; and their daughter
Elizabeth maried with
John Howland, and hath issue as is
before noted.
Francis Cooke is still living, a
very olde man, and hath
seene his childrens children have
children; after his wife
8. came over, (with other of his children,)
he hath 3. still
living by her, all maried, and have
5. children; so their
encrease is 8. And his sone John, which came over with
4. him, is maried, and hath 4. chilldren
living.
Thomas Rogers dyed in the first
sicknes, but his
sone Joseph is still living, and is
maried, and hath 6.
6. children. The rest of Thomas Rogers [children] came
over, & are maried, & have many
children.
Thomas Tinker and his wife and
sone all dyed in the
first sicknes.
And so did John Rigdale and
his wife.
538 APPENDIX.
James Chilton and his wife also dyed
in the first infec-
tion.
But their daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9.
10. children; and one daughter is maried, &
hath a child; so
their increase is 10.
Edward Fuller and his wife dyed
soon after they came
4. ashore; but their sone Samuell is living,
& maried, and
hath 4. children or more.
John Turner and his 2. sones all
dyed in the first
siknes.
But he hath a daugter still living at Salem, well
maried, and approved of.
Francis Eaton his first wife dyed
in the generall
sicknes; and he maried againe, &
his 2. wife dyed, &
4. he maried the 3. and had by her 3.
children. One of
them is maried, & hath a child; the
other are living,
but one of them is an ideote. He dyed about 16. years
agoe.
His sone Samuell, who came over a sucking child,
1. is
allso maried, & hath a child.
Moyses Fletcher, Thomas
Williams, Digerie Preist,
John Goodman, Edmond Margeson, Richard
Britteridge,
Richard Clarke. All these dyed sone after their arivall,
in the generall sicknes that
befell. But Digerie Preist
had his wife & children sent hither
afterwards, she being
Mr. Allertons sister. But the rest left no posteritie here.
Richard Gardinar became a
seaman, and died in Eng-
land, or at sea.
Gilbert Winslow, aftei' diverse
years aboad here, re-
turned into England, and dyed ther.
Peter Browne maried twise. By his first wife he had
2. children, who are living, &
both of them maried, and
6. the one of them hath 2. children; by his
second wife he
had 2. more. He dyed about 16. years since.
APPENDIX. 539
Thomas English and John Allerton
dyed in the generall
siknes.
John Alden maried with Priscila, Mr.
Mollines his
doughter, and had issue by her as is
before related.
Edward Doty & Edward Litster,
the servants of Mr.
Hopkins. Litster, after he was at
liberty, went to Vir-
ginia, & ther dyed. But Edward Doty by a second wife
hath 7. children, and both he and they
are living.
Of these 100. persons which came
first over in this
first ship together, the greater halfe
dyed in the generall
mortality; and most of them in 2. or
three monthes time.
And for those which survied, though
some were ancient
& past procreation, & others
left ye place and cuntrie,
yet of those few remaining are sprunge
up above 160.
persons, in this 30. years, and are
now living in this
presente year, 1650. besids many of
their children which
are dead, and come not within this
account.
And of the old stock (of one
& other) ther are yet
living this present year, 1650. nere
30. persons. Let the
Lord have ye praise, who is
the High Preserver of men.
* Twelfe persons liveing of the old
stock this present
yeare, 1679.
Two persons liveing that came over
in the first shipe
1620, this present yeare, 1690. Resolved White and Mary
Chusman,! the daughter of Mr.
Allerton.
And John Cooke, the son of
Frances Cooke, that came
in the first ship, is still liveing
this present yeare, 1694;
& Mary Cushman is still living,
this present year, 1698.
* The following memoranda are in a
later hand.
! Obviously intended for Cushman.
540 APPENDIX.
No. II.
[Commission for Regulating Plantations.]
Charles by ye
grace of God king of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, Defender of ye
Faith, &c.*
To the most
Reved father in Christ, our well beloved &
faith-
full counsellour, William, by devine
providence Archbishop
of Counterbery, of all England Primate
& Metropolitan;
Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our Great
Seale of
England; the most Reverente father in
Christ our wellbe-
loved and most faithful Counselour,
Richard, by devine
providence Archbishop of Yorke, Primate
& Metropolitan;
our wellbeloved and most faithfull
coussens & Coullselours,
Richard, Earle of Portland, our High
Treasurer of Eng-
land; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper
of our Privie
Seale; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle &
Surry, Earle Mar-
shall of England; Edward, Earle of
Dorsett, Chamberline
of our most dear consorte, the Queene; and
our beloved &
faithfull Counselours, Francis Lord
Cottington, Counseler,
and Undertreasurour of our Eschequour; Sr: Thomas Ed-
monds, knight, Treasourer of our
houshould; Sr: Henery
Vane, Knight, controuler of ye
same houshould; Sr: John
Cooke, Knight, one of our Privie
Secretaries; and Francis
Windebanck, Knight, another of our Privie
Secretaries,
Wheras very many of our subjects, &
of our late fathers
of beloved
memory, our sovereigne lord James, late king
of England,
by means of licence royall, not only with
* See page
381. This document was written on the
reverse of folio 201
et seq. of
the original manuscript, and for the sake of convenience is trans-
ferred to
this place.
APPENDIX. 541
desire of
inlarging ye teritories of our empire, but cheefly
out of a
pious & religious affection, & desire of propagat-
ing ye gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie
&
expences have caused to be planted large Collonies of
ye English nation, in diverse parts of ye world alltogether
unmanured,
and voyd of inhabitants, or occupied of ye
bar-
barous
people that have no knowledg of divine worship.
We being
willing to provid a remedy for ye
tranquillity &
quietnes of
those people, and being very confidente of your
faith &
wisdom, justice & providente circomspection, have
constituted
you ye aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie,
Lord Keeper
of ye Great Seale of England, ye Archbishop
of Yorke,
&c. and any 5. or more, of you, our Comission-
ers; and to
you, and any 5. or more of you, we doe give
and comite
power for ye govermente & saftie of ye said
collonies,
drawen, or which, out of ye English nation into
those parts
hereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, con-
stitutions,
& ordinances, pertaining ether to ye
publick state
of these
collonies, or ye private profite of them; and con-
cerning ye lands, goods, debts, & succession in those parts,
and how they
shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne
princes, and
their people, or how they shall bear them
selves
towards us, and our subjects, as well in any foraine
parts
whatsoever, or on ye seas in those parts, or in their
returne
sayling home; or which may pertaine to ye
clergie
govermente,
or to ye cure of soules, among ye people ther
living, and
exercising trad in those parts; by designing out
congruente
porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other
things ther,
according to your sound discretions, in politi-
call &
civill causes; and by haveing ye
advise of 2. or 3.
bishops, for
ye setling, making, & ordering of ye bussines,
for ye designeing of necessary ecclesiasticall, and clargie
porcions,
which you shall cause to be called, and taken to
you. And to make provission against ye violation of those
542 APPENDIX.
laws,
constitutions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties
&
mulcts, imprisonmente if ther be cause, and yt ye quality
of ye
offence doe require it, by deprivation of member, or
life, to be
inflicted. With power allso (our assente
being
had) to remove,
& displace ye governours or rulers of those
collonies,
for causes which to you shall seeme lawfull, and
others in
their stead to constitute; and require an accounte
of their
rule & govermente, and whom you shall finde cul-
pable,
either by deprivation from their place, or by imposi-
tion of a
mulcte upon ye goods of them in those parts to
be levied,
or banishmente from those provinces in wch they
have been
gover or otherwise to cashier according to ye
quantity of
ye offence. And to constitute
judges, & magis-
trats
politicall & civill, for civill causes and under ye power
and forme,
which to you 5. or more of you shall seeme ex-
pediente. And judges & magistrats & dignities,
to causes
Ecclesiasticall,
and under ye power & forme which to you
5. or more
of you, with the bishops vicegerents (provided
by ye
Archbishop of Counterbure for ye time being), shall
seeme
expediente; and to ordaine courts, pretoriane and
tribunall,
as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of judgmentes;
to detirmine
of ye formes and maner of procceedings in
ye
same; and of appealing from them in matters & causes
as well
criminall, as civill, personall, reale, and mixte, and
to their
seats of justice, what may be equall & well ordered,
and what
crimes, faults, or exessess, of contracts or injuries
ought to
belonge to ye Ecclesiasticall courte, and what to ye
civill
courte, and seate of justice.
Provided never ye less, yt the laws, ordinances, & consti-
tutions of
this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before
our assent
be had therunto in writing under our signet,
signed at
least, and this assente being had, and ye same
publikly
proclaimed in ye provinces in which they are to
be executed,
we will & comand yt those lawes, ordinances,
and
constitutions more fully to obtaine strength and be ob-
APPENDIX. 543
served *
shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall con- cerne.
Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or
any 5. or more of
you, (as is
afforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitu-
tions, and
ordinances shalbe proclaimed with our royall
assente, to
chainge, revocke, & abrogate them, and other
new ones, in
forme afforsaid, from time to time frame and
make as
afforesaid; and to new evills arissing, or new
dangers, to
apply new remedyes as is fitting, so often
as to you it
shall seeme expediente. Furthermore you
shall
understand
that we have constituted you, and every 5. or
more of you,
the afforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie,
Thomas Lord
Coventrie, Keeper of ye Great Seale of Eng-
land,
Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland,
Henery,
Earle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale
& Surry,
Edward, Earell of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottin-
ton, Sr Thomas Edmonds, ! knighte, Sr
Henry Vane, knight,
Sr Francis Windebanke, knight, our comissioners to hear,
&
determine, according to your sound discretions, all maner
of
complaints either against those collonies, or their rulers,
or
govenours, at ye instance of ye parties greeved, or at
their
accusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or
from thence,
betweene them, & their members to be moved,
and to call
ye parties before you; and to the parties or to
their
procurators, from hence, or from thence being heard
ye
full complemente of justice to be exhibted.
Giving unto
you, or any
5. or more of you power, yt if you shall find
any of ye
collonies afforesaid, or any of ye cheefe rulers
upon ye
jurisdictions of others by unjust possession, or
usurpation,
or one against another making greevance, or
in rebelion
against us, or withdrawing from our alegance,
or our
comandments, not obeying, consultation first with us
in yt case had, to cause those colonies, or ye rulers of
them,
* A superfluous and comes after
"observed" in the manuscript.
! Edwards
in the mannscript.
544 APPENDIX.
for ye
causes afforesaid, or for other just causes, either
to returne
to England, or to comand them to other places
designed,
even as according to your sounde discretions it
shall seeme
to stand with equitie, & justice, or necessitie.
Moreover, we
doe give unto you, & any 5. or more of you,
power &
spetiall comand over all ye charters, leters patents,
and
rescripts royall, of ye regions, provinces, ilands, or
lands in
foraigne parts, granted for raising colonies, to
cause them
to be brought before you, & ye same being
received, if
any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been
obtained, or
yt by the same priviledges, liberties, &
preroga-
tives
hurtfull to us, or to our crowne, or to foraigne princes,
have been
prejudicially suffered, or granted; the same being
better made
knowne unto you 5. or more of you, to comand
them
according to ye laws and customs of England to be
revoked, and
to doe such other things, which to ye profite
&
safgard of ye afforesaid collonies, and of our subjects
residente in
ye same, shall be necessary.
And therfore
we doe
comand you that aboute ye premisses at days &
times, which
for these things you shall make provission,
that you be
diligente in attendance, as it becometh you;
giving in
precepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give
comand to
all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into
which ye
colonies afforesald have been drawne, or shall
be drawne,
& concerning ye colonies themselves, & concern-
ing others,
yt have been interest therein, yt they give atend-
ance upon
you, and be observante and obediente unto your
warrants in
those affaires, as often as, and even as in our
name they
shall be required, at their perill. In
testimoney
wherof, we
have caused these our letters to be made pat-
tente: Wittnes our selfe at Westminster the 28. day
of
Aprill, in ye
tenth year of our Raigne.
By write from ye privie seale,
WILLIES.
Anno Dom:
1634.
INDEX.
INDEX.
Abdas, an Indian, 525. Aquidnett
Island, 434,461,515.
Accord Pond, 442. Argoll,
Captain, 47,48.
Acoughcouss, 445. Arminians,
27, 28.
Adventurers. See Merchant Adventur- Arnold, Benedict, 514, 525.
ers. Ashley,
Edward, 307. His patent and
Alden, John, arrested in Massachusetts, business, 308 et seq. Sends beaver
379. Party to contract,
452,458. Set- home, 318,326. Trades with Indians,
tlement with, 478, 481.
Family, 533, 327.
Referred to, 333, 335, 337, 339,
536, 539.
346, 349.
His death, 328.
Alden, Robert, 256. Assistants
at Plymouth, 121, 187.
Allerton, Bartholomew, 531, 535. Atwood,
John, agent for Sherley, 449
Allerton, Isaac,62. Assistant, 121, 242. et seq. Sherley's letter to, 478.
Goes to England, 252,
267, 274, 313, Aulney, Monsieur d.', captures Penob-
328. Agreement with,
254 et seq., 271, scot, 395, 513.
272. Brings over Mr.
Rogers, 292. Aurelius,
Marcus, 24.
Marries Elder
Brewster's daughter, Awasequin,
chief, 518,.525. 305.
Discharged,
329,333,358. Dis- Awasbawe,
Indian, 523.
ciplined by church,
349. Disregards Babb,
Mr., 412.
his bond, 357, 362.
Referred to, 276, Baker,
master of the Cbarity, 202.
278-280, 294, 296,
297, 300-303, 305- Baptism,
differences respecting, 457,
312, 318-327. 335,
336, 340-350, 357- 461.
359, 361, 363-369,
375, 394, 432, 436, Barnstable,
441
452. Family, 531. Bass,
Edward, 255, 256.
Allerton, John, 533, 539. Beastliness,
459 et seq.
Allerton, Mary, 531,535. Beauchamp,
John, 133, 141, 255, 256,
Allerton, Remember, 531, 535. 275, 276, 296. Patent in his name,
Alltham, Emanuel, 256. 307.
Referred to, 333, 342, 343, 368,
Amsterdam, 23, 66, 70, 73. 394,412,414,431, 435, 439, 451. Set-
Anabaptistry, 461. tlement with, 452.
Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 256. Bellingham, Richard, deputy governor
Undertaker, 275, 279,
296, 307, 333, of
Massachusetts,399. Letters from,
342, 343, 394. Beaver
sent to, 431, 400,461.
435. Takes land at
Scituate, 439. Billirike
(Billerica) Pilgrims came from,
Settlement with,
452. Letter to Free- 69
man, 482. Referred
to, 410, 412, 414, Billington,
Elen, 532.
436,447. Billington,
Francis, 532.
Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 256. Billington,
John, 218. Loses himself,
Ann See Cape Ann. 123. Tried for murder and executed,
Anne, ship, 168, 171, 177, 215 329 Family, 532. 537.
Anthony, Lawrence, 256. Billington,
John, Jr., 532.
548 INDEX.
Blackwell, Sir Francis, 47-50,54. Carver,
John, agent to England, 40.
Block Island, 418, 421. Deacon, 40. Letter from Staresmore,
Blossom, Thomas, 374. 50; from Robinson, 58; from So F.
Boston in England, 16. et al., 61; from Cnshman, 69; from
Boston in New England, 342, 354,383, Robinson, 77; from Weston, 128, 137
417, 501, 518. 140. Keeps letter, 66. Chosen gov-
Bound Broolt, 442. ernor, 109. Mentioned, 50, 54, 58, 61
Bradford, Dorothy, 531, 535. 63,67-70, 76, 131. At Sonthampton,
Bradford, Wm., begins writing, 9. W. 74. Dies, 121. Family, 531, 534.
B., 62. Chosen governor,
121. Ill- Carver,
Kathrine, 531, 534.
ness, 111, 121. Letter
to Weston, 131. Cattle, first arrival of, 189.
Letter from Weston, 142.
Letter from Cawsumsett
Neck, 445.
Pickering and Greene,
144, 272. With Charity,
ship, 190, 207.
others appoints Sherley
and Beau- Charles
I., commission by, for regulat-
champ agents, 278.
Patent at Ken- ing plantations, 249, 540.
nebec, 376. Surrenders
patent, 444. Charles
River, 440.
Letter from, 462.
Family, 531, 535. Charlestown,
441.
Bradstreet, Simon, 399, 513. Charlton,
116.
Brewer, Thomas, 60, 256. Chauncey,
Charles, invited to Plymouth,
Brewster, Jonathan, letter from, 403. 456, 558. Letter from, 467.
Brewster, Love, 531, 535. Chilton,
James, 533, 538.
Brewster, Mary, 531. Chilton,
Mary, 533, 538.
Brewster, Wm., Elder, 14. Goes to Chinnongh,
an Indian, 513.
Holland, 22. Assistant
to Robinson, Christmas
at Plymonth, 134.
24. Correspondence with
Sandys and Church
covenant, 331.
Worstenholme, 40-45. As
to going to Clapham,
411, 451.
America, 53. Labors for
sick, 111. Clarlte,
pilot of the Mayflower, 67.
Letters from Pickering,
Greene and Clarke,
Richard, 533, 538.
Weston,l44-146. Letter
from Robin- Clifton,
Rev. Richard, 14.
son, 198. Letter from
Roger White, Cobiseconte,
376.
248. Referred to, 153,
205, 208, 278, Coddington,
Wm., 332, 399.
380, 452. Dies, 487.
Character, 488 Cohasset,
442.
et seq. Family, 531,
535. Collier,
Wm., 256, 340, 367. Sherley's
Brewster, Wrestling, 531, 535. agent, 449.
Bristol, England, 320, 333, 338, 340, 347, Colonies of New England, confederation
359. of, 496.
Britteridge, Richard, 535, 538. Commissioners
for the plantation, 540.
Brook, Lord, 378. Winslow petitions the, 390.
Brown; John, 513, 525. Compact
of the Pilgrims, 109.
Brown, Peter, 533, 538. Connecticut371,
386, 387, 391, 402, 405
Browning, Henry, 256. 415, 419, 424, 425, 430, 506, 509.
Brownists, 238. Cooke,
Francis, 532, 537, 539.
Butten, Wm., dies, 93. Family, 532. Cooke, John, 532, 537, 539.
Callicote, Sergeant, 525. Cooke,
Lord, 50;
Calvin, John, 7. Cooper,
Humility, 532, 537.
Capawack, 117, 125, 148. Coppin,
Robert, Mayflower pilot, de-
Cape Ann, patent for, 192.
Mentioned, ceived,l04
202, 204, 237,265. Corbitant
takes Squanto, 124, 136.
Cape Cod, 90. Arrive at, 93. Explore Corn. See Indian Corn.
bay of, 101. French
ship lost on, 118. Cotton,
Rev. John, 332.
Mentioned, 97, 123,
127, 132, 148, 153, Coventry,
Thomas, 256.
154,186,231,261,266. Crabe,
Rev. Mr., 71.
Carter, Robert, 532. Crackston,
John, family, 532, 536.
INDEX. 549
Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his Fitcher, Lieutenant, at Merry-Mount
crew, 526, 527. 284, 285.
Crose, Daniel, murderer, escapes, 432. Fleet Prison, 328, 393, 447.
Cushman, Mary, 539. Fletcher,
Moses, 533, 538.
Cushman, Robert, agent to England, Fletcher, Thomas, 256. 40.
Letters from, 46-49.
Letter from Florida,
37.
S. F. et al., 61, 62.
Letters to SF. Fogg,
339.
et al., 63-68; to John
Carver, 69; to Fort
Orange, now Albany, 282.
Ed. S., 86-90. Comes
in the Fortune, Fortune,
arrival of the, 126. Departs,
126. Condemns Weston's
colonists, 133,142.
147. Letters from,
172, 191. Men- France,
147, 148, 448.
tioned, 49, 50, 54,
58, 60, 69, 74-76, 85, Freeman,
Edmund, 451, 456.
137. His death, 249. French
robbery at Penobscot, 350.
Cutshamakin, 522, 525. French
ship lost on Cape Cod, 118, 137.
Damariscove Islands, 137, 187, 228, 251. Friendship, ship, 320, 328, 329, 333, 336,
Dartmouth, England, 83, 86, 90. 338, 342, 343, 346, 347, 358, 360, 413,
Davenport, Lieutenant, 428. 455.
Davidson, Wm., 488. Fuller,
Edward, and family, 533,538.
Davis, John, Sergeant, 514. Fuller,
Samuel, letter from, 61. Letters
Delft-Haven, 72. from Cushman, 63-68. Meutioned,93,
Dennison, Wm, 343. 220, 315.
His death, 374. Family,
Dermer, Captain, 115, 118. 532,535.
Dorchester, 402, 406. Furnival's
Inn, 284.
Doty, Edward, 532, 539. Galopp,
John, 429.
Dudley, Thomas, 232, 342. Letter from, Gardenar, Richard, 533, 538.
379. Mentioned, 384,
399, 504. Gardiner, Sir
Christopher, 352 et seq.
Dumer, Richard, 399. Gibbons
commands, 518.
Dutch, 54, 196. Send letters, 281. Men- Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 275.
tioned, 370, 372-374,
388. Girling,
expedition of, to recover Penob-
Dutch letter, 268. scot, 396.
Dutchman at Hull, 17, 18,409. Glover,
Rev. Mr., 408.
Duxbury, 362, 444, 457, 458, 474. Goffe,
Thomas, 256, 275.
Earthquake in 1638, 437. Goodman,
John, 533, 538.
Eaton, Francis, 533, 538. Goodyeare,
Stephen, 525.
Eaton, Samuel, 533, 538. Gorges,
Sir Ferdinand, 115,180,300,329,
Eaton, Sarah, 533, 538. 355, 391.
Eaton, Theoph., 504,513,525. Gorges,
Robert, grant to, 178. Meets
Elizabeth, Queen, 7. Mr. Weston, 179. Arrests him, 183.
Ely, seaman of Mayflower, 533. Returns to England, 184.
Endicott, John, arrival of, with patent Gorton, Samuel, 528.
for Massachusetts,
286:314. Letter to Gosnold,
Captain, names Cape Cod,
Governor Bradford, 315,
442. 94.
English, Thomas, seaman on the May- Gott, Charles, 316.
flower, 533, 539. Granger,
Thomas, 474.
Episcopius,28. Graves,
Mr., 412.
Ewangsos, an Indian, 523. Greene,
Wm., 143, 144.
Exeter jail, 303. Green's harbor,
362.
Falcon ship 410. Gregson,
Thomas, 504, 513.
Familism 461. Greville,
Sir Fulke, 46.
Farrar, Sir George, 63. Griffin,
Mr., 412.
Fast, in Holland, 52; in Plymouth, 170. Grimsbe and Hull, 18.
Fells, Mr., 264, 265. Gudburn, Peter,
256.
Fenwick, George, 504, 513, 525. Guiana,
36, 55.
550 INDEX.
Hall, Mr., 410. Hurricane
at Plymouth, 401.
Hampton, 332. Indian
corn, 100. Pilgrims take, and
Hanson, Captain, 183. later pay for, 100, 123. Squanto
Hartford, 501, 510. teaches how to plant, 120. Indians
Hatherly, Timothy, 256, 296, 307, 309. raise more, 122. Pilgrims do not yet
Arrives in
Massachusetts Bay, 319- know how to raise, 152. Several hogs.
329, 334, 335, 340.
Affirms by oath, heads secured, 155. Each man to plant
342,343,345. At
Bristol, 347. Again for himself, 162. Women and children
comes to America, 360,
439. set, 162. Fear about supply, 176.
Hathorne, Wm., 513. Indians,
expected danger from, 34, 95.
Haynes, John, governor of Massachu. First seen, 98. Their corn found, 99.
setts, 399. About a grampus, 101. First alarm of,
Heath, Thomas, 256. 102-104, 106. Skulking, 113. Men-
Hedgehog, fable of the, 211. tioned, 119, 123, 127, 134, 136, 156, 157
Hendrick, Prince, 249. Resolve to destroy western people, 158.
Hibbins, Wm., 479. Mentioned, 232, 253, 262. Value of
Higginson, Francis, 317. wampum, 282. Taught by Morton,
Hingham, 439. Boundaries of, 440, 442. 286.
Hobbamok, an Indian, 123-125, 135- -- Long Island, sachems of, 428.
137. --
Mohawks, 427. Kill Sassacus, 430.
Hobson, Wm., 256. Mentioned, 514.
Hocking, killed at the Kennebec, 377- -- Monhiggs beat the Narragansetts,
384. 430.
Holbeck, Wm., 532. --
Narragansetts, 123, 133,135,136,148,
Holland, 15, 22, 30, 34, 42, 69, 71, 374, 152, 186, 282, 416, 423, 424, 426, 430,
393, 490. 433,496, 505. Agreement with, 521.
Holland, Robert, 243, 256. --
Neepnetts, 429.
Hooke, John, 531,535. --
Nyanticks, 512, 518. Agreement
Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 234. with,521.
Hopkins, Constanta, 532, 536. --
Pequots, 232, 282, 371, 415, 416, 418.
Hopkins, Damaris, 532. Attack English, 419,420, 423-426,430,
Hopkins, Edward, 504, 513, 525. 496, 505.
Hopkins, Elizabeth, 532, 536. Innemo,
Indian chief, 518.
Hopkins, Giles, 536. Irish
servants, 264.
Hopkins, Oceanus, born at sea, 532. Isle of Shoals, 291.
Hopkins, Stephen, 122. Visits Massa- Jackson, Thomas, executed, 432.
soit, 122. Family, 532,
536. James,
a physician, 434.
Houghe, Atherton, 399. James
I., 13. Dies, 249. Named, 356.
Howland, Elizabeth, 534. James,
ship, 192.
Howland, John, falls overboard, 92, Jeffrey, Sergeant, 328.
452. Family, 531, 534. Jenemo
and Wipelock..523.
Hubbard, Wm., historian, 329. Johnson,
Rev. Francis, 48, 49.
Huddleston, John, letter from, 150, Johnson, Mr., 330, 332.
151. Johnsone,
alderman, 47.
Hudson, Thomas, 256. Jonas,
525.
Hudson's Bay, 199. Jones,
captain of the Discovery, 153.
Hudson's River, 13. Jones,
captain of the Mayflower, 83.
Hull, 17, 18. Kean,
Robert, 255,256.
Humber River, 441. Kennebec,
load of corn sent np the, 246.
Humfray, John, 399. Mentioned, 267, 280, 282, 293,300, 311,
Hunt, Thomas, Captain, captor of 326,348, 379,407,421,437. Patent at,
Squanto, 115, 116. 376.
Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 151, 197. Kent,
70.
INDEX. 551
King, Wm., 89. Mary
and Anne, 435.
Knight, Eliza, 256. Mason,
Captain, with Gorges, 355, 391,
Knight, John, 256. 392.
Knowles, Myles, 256. Mason,
John, Captain, and the Pequots,
Land's End, 84. 428, 518.
Langemore, John, 532. Massachusetts,
location of, 117. Bay,
Langrume, master of a ship, 410, 412. 149, 232, 265, 295. Gorges arrives in
Latham, Wm., 531,534. Bay, 178,181. Arrival of Ra1fe Smith
LaTour, French governor, 513. 314. Mr. Pierce and Mr. Hatherley
Laud, Wm., archbishop, 391, 392. come, 319, 320, 330, 342. Gardiner
Lee, Lord, 430. in, 352, 361. Roger Williams comes,
Levett, Christopher, 179. 369. Mentioned, 371,372,382,383,403,
Leyden, 23, 54, 56, 66, 70. Departure 416, 419, 433. Boundaries between
thence, 71. Mentioned,
85, 96, 130, Massachusetts
and Plymouth, 447.
143, 148, 189, 216,
249, 271, 293, 314. Massasoit
visits Plymouth, 114. Treaty
Lincoln, Countess of, 51. with, 114. Embassy to, 122. Sends
Lincolnshire, 13, 16. word concerning Billington, 123-125,
Ling, John, 256. 134, 136. Seeks Squanto's life, 137.
Lister, Edward, 532, 539. Is sick, 158.
London, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 115, 195, 244. Masterson, Richard, 50, 374.
Plague in, 246, 357,
410. Manrice,
Grave, dies, 249.
London bridge, fire on, 367. Mayflower,
296.
Low countries, 22, 26, 121, 296, 448, May-pole at Merry-Monnt, 285, 286.
489. Meekesano,
525.
Ludlow, Mr., 428,509. Merchant
adventurers, agreement with,
Lyford, John, arrives, 204. Letters in- 70, 76. Weston and the, 138, 143.
tercepted, 207, 208.
Sets up a public As to Lyford, 234. Broken up, 237.
meeting, 209. Cited
before the court, Names of, 256.
210. Mentioned,
213,215,219,238,292. Merrimac
River, 160.
His acknowledgment, 220. Writes to Merry-Mouut, 284.
adventurers, 221. Their
opinion of Miantonimo,
505, 512.
him, 223 et seq, 227,
229, 230. Cen- Milford-Haven,
348.
sured, 232. Facts
concerning, 232 et Millsop,
Thomas, 256.
seq. Goes to Nantasket, 236. Dies, Minter, Desire,
531, 534.
237. Mixano,
518.
Lyon, ship, 363. Monhegan,
148, 185, 251.
Maggner, Mr., 47. Mononotto,
an Indian, and his wife, 429,
Mahue, Mr., 360. 430.
Malabar, Cape, 94. More,
Ellen, 531.
Manamoick (Chatham), 117, 125, 155, More, Jasper, 531, 534.
262. More,
Richard, 531, 533.
Manoanscnssett, 281,415. Morrell,
Wm., Rev.,, comes with Robert
Manomet (Sandwich), 123. Pinace built Gorges, 185.
at, 266. Mentioned,
281, 402. Morton,
George, 59.
Margeson, Edmond, 533, 538. Morton,
Thomas, at Monnt Wollaston,
Marriage first at Plymouth 121. By 284 et seq.Arrested, 291, 302. Im-
magistrates,393. prisoned in Boston, 303, 392.
Marshfield, 444, 458. Mott,
Thomas, 256.
Martin, Christopher, 69, 70, 76, 87, 88, Monnt Wollaston, 284 et seq.
532, 536. Mullines,
Joseph, 532, 536.
Martyr, Peter, 164. Mullines,
Priscila, 532, 536, 539.
Mary, Qneen, 7, 352. Mullines,
Wm., 76. Family, 532, 536.
Mary, Queen of Scots, 489. Nacata,
445.
552 INDEX.
Naemscbatet, 445. Peirce,
Wm., master of Paragon, 169.
Namasket, 116. Master of the Anne, 171,186,202,207,
Namassakett, 124. 216. Comes from England, 230, 232,
Namskeket Creek, 263. 234, 308, 319, 333, 361, 363. Letter
Nantasket, 236, 289. from Virginia, 365-367,412,414. Car-
Narragansetts. See Indians. ries Indians to West Indies, 429.
Nash, Mr., 61, 62. Pelham,
Herbert, 525.
Natawanute,373. Pemaquid,
401.
Naumkeag (Salem), 235, 316. Pemberton,
Jobn, 208.
Naunton, Sir Robert, 38. Pennington,
Wm., 256.
Nauset (Eastham), 116, 123, 444. Penobscot,
116, 309, 326, 333, 349, 350,
Nequamkecl. falls of, 376. 382, 395, 400.
Newbald, Fria, 256. Pequots.
See Indians.
New-comin, Jobn, killed by Billington, Perkins, Mr., 9.
330. Perrin,
Wm., 256.
New England, 108, 115. Grant from Pessecuss,
an Indian, 520, 524, 525.
council of, 167,169,
178,245. Confed- Peters,
Hugb, 479 et seq.
eration of plantations
of, 496. Pickering,
Edward, 58,60, 138,140, 143.
Newfoundland, 115. Letter to Bradford and Brewster, 144,
New Haven, 458, 500-502, 509, 521. 145.
Newtown, 399, 407. Pierce,
Jobn, 76, 143. Likes not Wes-
Norton, Captain, 386. ton's company, 148. Sends the Para-
Norton, Rev. Jobn, 408. gon,166 etseq. Charter taken in name
Norway, 19. of, 167.
Nottinghamsbire, 13. Pilgrims
resolve to go to the low coun-
Novatians, 9. tries, 14. Fate of families left behind,
Nowell, Increase, 399. 20. Remove to Leyden, 23. Obtain
Nyanticks. See Indians. patent from Virginia company, 50,51.
Old-comers, 444. Agreement with Weston and merchant
Oldham, Jobn, 206, 208. Resists Captain adventurers, 56,70. Their vessels, 71,
Standisb,209. Cited
before the court, 72. Choose governor and assistants,
210. Named, 216, 218, 219. Comes 83. Sail, 83. Put bacl.:, 83. Dismiss
again, 229. Sent
away, 230. Con- the Speedwell, 84. List of the, in the
fesses,231. Killed,
232. Mentioned, Mayflower, 531 et seq. Descry Cape
237,417, 418. Cod, 93. Give thanks, 94. First see
Oporto, 327, 343. Indians, 98. Find kettle and Indian
Orania (Orange) fort, 282. com, 99. First encounter with In-
Ossamequine, 522. dians, 102. Layout house lots, 107.
Ouse River, 441. Their compact, 109. Choose Jobn Car-
Paddy, Wm., 456. ver governor,109. Visited by Samo-
Pampiamett,513. set, 113; by Squanto and Massasoit,
Paragon, ship, sent out by John Peirce, 114. Treaty with Massasoit, 114.
166-168. Harvest, 1622, 152. Their meeting
Partridge, Ralpb, discusses baptism with house, 152.
Chauncey, 457. Letter
from, 466. Pincbon, 399,
404.
Passaconaway,522. Piscataqua
River, 160, 251, 267, 377,
Passengers in the Mayflower, 531 et 383.
seq. Plague
in London, 246, 357.
Patrick, Captain, 328. Plantations,
commission for regulating, ..
Patucket River, 445. 249, 540.
Patuxet {Plymouth),116. Pliny,
201.
Peach, Artbur, executed for murder, Plymouth, Eng., Pilgrims put into,
84,
432. 244.
INDEX. 553
Plymouth, N. E., I, 90, 116, 117, 127, Salt-making, 191, 192, 203.
160, 251, 314, 332,
349, 363, 380. Saly
(Saller), 245.
Bounds between, and
Massachusetts, Samoset
visits Plymouth, 113.
442. Samson,
Henry, 532, 537.
Pocock, John, 256. Sanders,
John, chief of Weston's men
Point Care, 94. 155.
Point Peril, 445. Sandwich,
444.
Pokanokets, 116. Sandys,
Sir Edwin, letter from, 40-43,
Poliander, John, 28. 46. Governor of Virginia company,
Portsmouth, 169, 244, 246. 41.
Pory, John, secretary; 153. Sassacus,
sachem, 427. Killed, 430.
Powows, 118. Satucket,
116.
Poynton, Daniel,256. Say,
Lord, 378,384.
Preist, Digerie, 533, 538. Scituate,
440-444, 458.
Prince, Thos., chosen governor, 375,432. Scotland, 448.
Mentioued, 380, 381,
452, 525. Scott,
false, 351.
Prices of live stock, 436. Scurvy,
Pilgrims suffer from, 110.
Providence, 515. Seekonk,
434, 444, 518.
Prower, Salamon, 532. Seneca,
94, 200.
Punham, 522. Sharpe,
Samuel, 256.
Pummunish, 513, 525. Sheriver,
Mr., 50.
Puritans, name, 8. Sherley,
James, letters to Pilgrims, 189
Quarles, Wm., 256. et aeq., 193, 300, 302, 304, 321, 333.
Rasdell, Mr., at Mt. Wollaston, 284. Letters to Governor Bradford, 275 et
Rasieres, Isaac de, 269. Reply to his seq., 295. Letters from, 335 et seq.,
letter, 270, 281. 346,359,367 et seq., 381, 394, 410,412,
Rayner, John, Rev., 419, 457. Letter 450.
Settlement with, 452. Letters to
from, 464. Atwood, 478; to partners, 478, 485.
Rehoboth, 444. His release, 480. Mentioned., 249, 255,
Revell, John, 256. 256, 278, 279, 293, 304, 306, 307, 309,
Reynolds, 67. Captain of the Speed- 313, 318, 340, 342, 344, 347-350, 357,
well, 83. Puts back
twice, 83, 84. 360, 363, 375, 414, 415, 431, 435, 439,
Referred to, 147, 208. 446.
Rigdale, Alice, 533, 537. Shoanan,
sachem, 522.
Rigdale, John, 533, 537. Sibsie,
Mr., 220.
Riggs, Sergeant, 328. Skelton,
Samuel, 317.
Robinson, John, Rev., 14. Goes to Small-pox
among Indians on the Con-
Holland, 22-24, 27.
Disputes with necticut, 388.
Arminius, 28.
Correspondence with Smith,
Francis, 514.
Sir Edwin Sandys,
40-43; with Sir Smith,
John, 23, 94. His map, 441.
John Worstenholm,
43-46, 48, 54. Smith,
John, Rev., 14, 23.
Letters to John
Carver, 58;.61, 77, Smith,
Ralph, Rev., 314. Resigns his
78; to Pilgrims, 78
-82, 88, 130, 153. ministry, 418.
Letter to Governor
Bradford, 197; to Smith,
Sir Thomas, 47.
Wm. Brewster, 198,
216, 238. Dead, Sodomy,
459 et seq.
247 et aeq. Sokanoke,
522.
Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 292. Southampton,
67. Arrive at, 71. Men-
Rogers, Joseph, 533, 537. tioned, 73, 87, 88, 533.
Rogers, Thomas, 533, 537. Souther,
Nathaniel, 456.
Rome, 25, 66. Southworth,
Edward, letter from Robt.
Rookes, Newman, 256. Cushman, 86-90.
Sagadahoc, wreck at, 251. Sowams,
115.
Salem, 235, 295, 316, 317,330,370,383. Sowansett River, 445.
554 INDEX.
Sowle, George, 531, 535. Trent,
River, 441.
Spain, 115,358. Trevore
Wm 148, 533
Sparrow, ship, 145. Trumball,
Wm., 357.
Speedwell, ship, 71, 72, 84. Tucker's
Terror, 94.
Squanto, history of, 113-117. Teaches Turkeys, wild, 126.
corn planting, 120.
With embassy Turner,
John, 66, 67, 533, 538
to Massasoit, 122.
Mentioned, 124, Uncas,
Monhigg chief, 430, 505, 510 et
125, 130, 135, 148.
Seeks his own seq., 514, 521, 523.
ends, 136, 137. Dies,
155. Uncaway,
509.
Stamford, 509. Union
of the New England colonies, 496
Standish, Myles, leads a party up Cape Vane, Sir Harry, 419, 430.
Cod, 98. Labors for
sick, 111. Goes Vines,
Richard, 338.
with party about Cape Cod, 155. Res- Virginia, 36, 37, 41, 49,
55, 67, 86, 108,
cues some of Weston's
people, 159. 117,127,138,149,150,152,153, 170
Lyford's
opinionof,217. Sent to Eng- 181. Ship bound for 261 2135 266
land, 245. Comes home, 247,252,272, Mentioned, 364, 385, 414.
278. Arrests Morton,
291, 379-381. Virginia
company, 38, 39, 46,47, 54,
Goes to the
Penobscot, 397. Men- 108.
tioned, 446, 452,
458, 518, 532, 536. Virginia
court and council, 46.
Standish, Rose, 532, 536. Walloons,
27.
Stanton, Thomas, interpreter, 428. Wampum, value of, 282.
Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 46. Letter Ward, Thomas, 256.
to Carver, 56, 51. Warren,
Richard, 532, 537.
Stinnings, Richard, executed for mur- Warwick, Earl of, 300, 526.
der,432. Water,
first drink of, in New England,
Stone, Captain, influences governor of 99.
Dutch plantation,
385. Killed, 386. Waughwamino,
524.
Mentioned, 416, 418. Weequashcooke,
523.
Story, Elias, 531. Weesagascussett,
289.
Stoughton, Israel, commissioner, 442. Weetowish, 513, 518, 525.
Stoughton, Mr., 429. Weld,
Thomas, 479 et seq.
Straton,339. West,
Francis, admiral for New Eng-
Sturgs, Thomas, 481. land, 169, 178.
Taborites, 25. Weston,
Andrew, 144.
Talbut, ship, 296. Weston,
Thos., 52, 54-56, 59, 60, 62, 63,
Tarantines, 125. 67,69,74, 88. Writes Governor Car-
Tassaquanawite,523. ver,
128, 129. Sends fishing vessel,
Taunton, 444. 137. Letters to Mr. Carver, 137-140.
Thanksgiving, first, 126. Letter to Governor Bradford, 142-144.
Thomas, Wm., 565. Remarks in letter of Pickering and
Thompson, David, at the mouth of the Greene, 145. Mentioned, 141, 146,
Piscataqua, 185, 251,
252. 149, 1.50, 166, 178, 186, 189. His
Thompson, Edward, 532. people in trouble, 154 et Beg. Comes
Thorned, Thomas, 256. in disguise, 160. His ingratitude, 161.
Thornhill, Matthew, 256. Arrives with small ship, 179. Cited
Tilden, Joseph, 256. before Robert Gorges, 179 et Beg. Ar-
Tillie, Ann, 532, 537. rested, 183. Dies, 184.
Tillie, Edward, 532,537. Westminster,
411.
Tillie, Elizabeth, 532, 534, 537. Weymouth,442.
Tillie, John, 532, 534, 537. White,
Mr., counsellor, 234.
Tinker, Thomas, 533, 537. White,
John, Rev., 256.
Tirrey, Arthur, 481. White,
Peregrine, 532, 536.
Trask, Captain, 328. White,
Resolved, 532, 536, 539.
INDEX. 555
White, Roger, letter from, 248. Mentioned, 134, 177, 191, 208,216,234,
White, Snsannah, 532, 535. 242, 244, 251, 278, 300, 312, 319, 329,
White, Wm., 532, 535, 536. 333, 336, 337, 344, 346, 350, 357, 380,
White Angel, ship, 320, 321, 326, 328, 384, 392-394, 408, 442, 446, 452, 513,
329, 333-335, 337, 338,
343, 344, 346, 527. Chosen governor, 366, 409, 507.
350, 361, 364, 390,
394, 395. 413, 455. In England, 389. Petition of, 390.
Wilder, Roger, 531, 534. Family, 531, 535.
Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon, Winslow, Elizabeth, 531.
410,412. Winslow,
Gilbert, 533, 538.
Willett, Thomas, agent at Penobscot, Winslow, Josias, 452.
395. Winthrop,
John, 330-332, 342. Letters
Williams, Roger, 369 et seq. Pacifies from, 354, 417, 420, 427. Mentioned,
Indians, 434, 515. 382-384, 399, 446, 504, 525.
Williams, Thomas, 533, 538. Wollaston,
Captain, 283. His ventnres-,
Willson, Mr., surgeon, 430. 284.
Wilson, John, 332. Worstenholme,
Sir John, 43, 45, 47.
Wincot, Jacob, 51. Wraight,
Henry, 256.
Winnisimmet,289. Yarmonth,
444, 445.
Winslow, Edward, 62. Visits Massa- Yeardley,
Sir Geo., 47.
soit,122. Visits
Captain Huddleston, Yonge,
Joseph, 435. 151.
Brings cattle, 189
Comes from Yorkshire,
13.
England, 230. Calls
Lyford a knave, Zealand.
17.
236. Goes np the
Kennebec, 247. Ziska,
25.