BRADFORD'S HISTORY

 

                          "OF PLIMOTH PLANTATION."

 

 

 

 

 

                                           FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT.

 

 

 

          WITH A REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS INCIDENT TO THE RETURN OF THE

                                           MANUSCRIPT TO MASSACHUSETTS.

 

 

 

 

                                              PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE SECRETARY OF THE

                                                                               COMMONWEALTH,

                                                                    BY ORDER OF THE GENERAL COURT.

 

                                                     Electronic Version Prepared by

                                                            Dr. Ted Hildebrandt

                                              Gordon College, Wenham, MA  01984

                                                                March 1, 2002

 

 

                                                                   BOSTON:

                           WRIGHT & POTTER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS,

                                                       18 POST OFFICE SQUARE.

                                                                       1898.



 

 

 

                                 INTRODUCTION.

 

    To many people the return of the Bradford Manu-

script is a fresh discovery of colonial history.  By very

many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the

"Mayflower."  Indeed, that is the title by which it is

described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of

London.  The fact is, however, that Governor Brad-

ford undertook its preparation long after the arrival

of the Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly considered

as in any sense a log or daily journal of the voyage

of the" Mayflower ." It is, in point of fact, a history

of the Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of annals,

extending from the inception of the colony down to

the year 1647.  The matter has been in print since

1856, put forth through the public spirit of the Mas-

sachusetts Historical Society, which secured a tran-

script of the document from London, and printed it

in the society's proceedings of the above-named year.

As thus presented, it had copious notes, prepared with

great care by the late Charles Deane; but these are

not given in the present volume, wherein only such

comments as seem indispensable to a proper under-

standing of the story have been made, leaving what-


iv                PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

ever elaboration may seem desirable to some future

private enterprise.

     It is a matter of regret that no picture of Governor

Bradford exists.  Only Edward Winslow of the May-

flower Company left an authenticated portrait of him-

self, and that, painted in England, is reproduced in

this volume.  In those early days Plymouth would

have been a poor field for portrait painters.  The

people were struggling for their daily bread rather

than for to-morrow's fame through the transmission

of their features to posterity.

    The volume of the original manuscript, as it was

presented to the Governor of the Commonwealth and

is now deposited in the State Library, is a folio

measuring eleven and one-half inches in length, seven

and seven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half

inches in thickness.  It is bound in parchment, once

white, but now grimy and much the worse for wear,

being somewhat cracked and considerably scaled.  Much

scribbling, evidently by the Bradford family, is to be seen

upon its surface, and out of the confusion may

be read the name of Mercy Bradford, a daughter of the

governor.  On the inside of the front cover is

pasted a sheet of manilla paper, on which is written

the following: --

" Consistory Court of the Diocese of London

     In the matter of the application of The Honorable

Thomas Francis Bayard, Ambassador Extraordinary

and Plenipotentiary

 


INTRODUCTION.                                   v

 

in London of the United States of America, for the delivery to

him, on behalf of the President and Citizens of the said States,

of the original manuscript book entitled and known as The Log

of the Mayflower.

    Produced in Court this 25th day of March, 1897, and marked

with the letter A.

 

                                                              HARRY W. LEE

   Registrar.

1 Deans Court

Doctors Commons"

    Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides of

which is written the decree of the Consistorial Court.

These leaves and the manilla sheet pasted on the in-

side of the front cover were evidently inserted after

the decree was passed.

    Next comes a leaf (apparently the original first leaf

of the book), and on it are verses, signed "A. M."

on the death of Mrs. Bradford.  The next is evidently

one of the leaves of the original book.  At the top

of the page is written the following: --

 

 

     This book was rit by govener William bradford and given

to his son mager William Bradford and by him to his son mager

John Bradford.   rit by me Samuel brad ford mach 20, 1705

     At the bottom of the same page the name John

Bradford appears in different handwriting, evidently

written with the book turned wrong side up.


vi                          PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

The next is a leaf bearing the following, in the

handwriting of Thomas Prince: --

TUESDAY, June 4--1728

    Calling at Major John Bradford's at Kingston near Plimouth,

son of Major Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov'r of Plimouth

Colony, who was eldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd

Gov'r, & author of this History; ye sd Major John Bradford

gave me several manuscript octavoes wh he assured me were

written with his said Grandfather Gov'r Bradford's own hand.

He also gave me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew lead

Pencil by his sd Father ye Dep Gov'r.  And He also told me

yt He had lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov'r Brad-

ford's History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also,

to judg Sewall; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out,

& take out of it what I thought proper for my New-England

Chronology: wh I accordingly obtained, and This is ye sd His-

tory: wh I found wrote in ye same Handwriting as ye Octavo

manuscripts above sd.

THOMAS PRINCE.

    N. B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of lodging this History

in ye New England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been

then collecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness -only

yt He might have ye Perusal of it while He lived.

T. PRINCE.

Following this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince's

printed book-mark, as follows: --

This Book belongs to

The New-England-Library,

Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince, upon

his entring Harvard-College, July 6

1703; and was given by

 

INTRODUCTION.                                   vii

 

On the lower part of a blank space which follows

the word "by" is written: --

 

      It now belongs to the Bishop of London's Library at Fulham.

There are evidences that this leaf did not belong to

the original book, but was inserted by Mr. Prince.

     At the top of the first page of the next leaf, which

was evidently one of the original leaves of the book,

is written in Samuel Bradford's hand, "march 20

Samuel Bradford;" and just below there appears, in

Thomas Prince's handwriting, the following: --

 

   But major Bradford tells me & assures me that He only lent

this Book of his Grandfather's to Mr. Sewall & that it being of

his Grandfather's own hand writing He had so high a value of

it that he would never Part with ye Property, but would lend

it to me & desired me to get it, which I did, & write down this

that sd Major Bradford and his Heirs may be known to be the

right owners.

 

     Below this, also in Thomas Prince's handwriting,

appears this line: --

 

"Page 243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at 1st."

 

Just above the inscription by Prince there is a line

or two of writing, marked over in ink so carefully as

to be wholly undecipherable.  On the reverse page of 

this leaf and on the first page of the next are written

Hebrew words, with definitions. These are all in Gov-


viii                       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

ernor Bradford's handwriting.  On the next page ap-

pears the following:-- 

Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a long-

ing desire, to see with my own eyes, something of

that most ancient language, and holy tongue,

in which the Law, and oracles of God were

write; and in which God, and angels, spake to

the holy patriarks, of old time; and what

names were given to things, from the

creation.  And though I canot attaine

to much herein, yet I am refreshed,

to have seen some glimpse here-

of; (as Moses saw the Land

of canan afarr of) my aime

and desire is, to see how

the words, and phrases

lye in the holy texte;

and to dicerne some-

what of the same

for my owne

contente.

J

     Then begins the history proper, the first page of

which is produced in facsimile in this volume, slightly

reduced.  The ruled margins end with page thirteen.

From that page to the end of the book the writing

varies considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and

in other places very fine, some pages containing nearly

a thousand words each.  As a rule, the writing is

upon one side of the sheet only, but in entering notes

and subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used.

The last page number is 270, as appears from the

facsimile reproduction in this volume of that page.

Page 270 is followed by two blank leaves; then on


INTRODUCTION.                                   ix

 

the second page of the next leaf appears the list of

names of those who came over in the "Mayflower,"

covering four pages and one column on the fifth page.

The arrangement of this matter is shown by the fac-

simile reproduction in this volume of the first page

of these names.  Last of all there is a leaf of heavy

double paper, like the one in the front of the book

containing the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford,

and on this last leaf is written an index to a few por-

tions of the history.

     For copy, there was used the edition printed in

1856 by the Massachusetts Historical Society.  The

proof was carefully compared, word for word, with

the photographic facsimile issued in 1896 in both

London and Boston.  The value of this comparison is

evident in that a total of sixteen lines of the original,

omitted in the original first copy, is supplied in this

edition.  As the work of the Historical Society could

not be compared, easily, with the original manu-

script in London, these omissions, with sundry minor

errors in word and numeral, are not unreasonable. 

The curious will be pleased to learn that the sup-

plied lines are from the following pages of the man-

uscript, viz.: page 122, eight lines; page 129, two

lines; the obverse of page 201, found on the last

page of Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two

 


 

x                           PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

lines; pages 239 and 258, one line each.  The pages

of the manuscript are indicated in these printed pages

by numerals in parentheses.

      There are several errors in the paging of the origi-

nal manuscript.  Pages 105 and 106 are marked 145

and 146, and pages 219 and 220 are marked 119 and

120, respectively.  Page 243 is missing.

     Such as it is, the book is put forth that the public

may know what manner of men the Pilgrims were,

through what perils and vicissitudes they passed, and

how much we of to-day owe to their devotion and

determination.

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PROCEEDINGS

 

 

OF THE

 

 

LEGISLATURE.

 

 

xi

 


 

JOURNAL  OF  THE  SENATE.

 

MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897.

 

The following message from His Excellency the Gov-

ernor came up from the House, to wit: --

 

 BOSTON, May 22, 1897.

To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives.

I have the honor to call to your attention the fact that

Wednesday, May 26, at 11 A.M., has been fixed as the date of

the formal presentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth

of the Bradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree

of the Consistory Court of .the Diocese of London to be returned

to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by the hands of the

Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court

of St. James; and to suggest for the favorable consideration

of your honorable bodies that the exercises of presentation be

held in the House of Representatives on the day and hour above

given, in the presence of a joint convention of the two bodies

and of invited guests and the public.

ROGER WOLCOTT.

 

     Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe, --

       Ordered, That, in accordance with the suggestion of

His Excellency the Governor, a joint convention of

the two branches be held in the chamber of the House

xiii

 


xiv                        PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

of Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty-

sixth, at eleven o'clock A.M., for the purpose of wit-

nessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to

the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford

Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of

the Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be

returned to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by

the hands of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately

Ambassador at the Court of St. James; and further

      Ordered, That the clerks of the two branches give

notice to His Excellency the Governor of the adop-

tion of this order.

      Sent down for concurrence.  (It was concurred with

same date.)

 

 

 


PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE.   xv

 

 

 

 

 

JOURNAL  OF  THE  SENATE.

 

 

WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1891.

 

 

Joint Convention.

 

    At eleven o'clock A.M., pursuant to assignment, the

two branches met in

 

CONVENTION

 

in the chamber of the House of Representatives. 

     On motion of Mr. Roe, --

     Ordered, That a committee, to consist of three mem-

bers of the Senate and eight members of the House

of Representatives, be appointed, to wait upon His

Excellency the Governor and inform him that the two

branches are now in convention for the purpose of

witnessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to

the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford

Manuscript History.

    Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the Senate,

and Messrs. Pierce of Milton, Bailey of Plymouth,

Brown of Gloucester, Fairbank of Warren, Bailey of

Newbury, Sanderson of Lynn, Whittlesey of Pittsfield


xvi              PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

and Bartlett of Boston, of the House, were appointed

the committee:

    Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards reported

that they had attended to the duty assigned them, and

that His Excellency the Governor had been pleased

to say that he received the message and should be

pleased to wait upon the Convention forthwith for the

purpose named.

    His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by His

Honor the Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable

Council, and by the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard,

lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court

of St. James's, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Sena-

tor from Massachusetts in the Congress of the United

States, and other invited guests, entered the chamber.

    The decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court

of London, authorizing the return of the manuscript

and its delivery to the Governor, was read.

    The President then presented the Honorable George

F. Hoar, who gave an account of the manuscript and

of the many efforts that had been made to secure its

return.

    The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then intro-

duced by the President, and he formally presented

the manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who

accepted it in behalf of the Commonwealth.

     On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following order

was adopted: --

 

 


PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE.         xvii

 

     Whereas, In the presence of the Senate and of the

House of Representatives in joint convention assembled,

and in accordance with a decree of the Consistorial and

Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript of Brad-

ford's "History of the Plimouth Plantation" has this

day been delivered to His Excellency the Governor

of the Commonwealth by the Honorable Thomas F.

Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the

Court of St. James's; and

     Whereas, His Excellency the Governor has accepted

the said manuscript in behalf of the Commonwealth;

therefore, be it

     Ordered, That the Senate and the House of Repre-

sentatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts place

on record their high appreciation of the generous and

gracious courtesy that prompted this act of inter-

national good-will, and express their grateful thanks

to all concerned therein, and especially to the Lord

Bishop of London, for the return to the Common-

wealth of this precious relic; and be it further

     Ordered, That His Excellency the Governor be re-

quested to transmit an engrossed and duly authenti-

cated copy of this order with its preamble to the

Lord Bishop of London. 

     His Excellency, accompanied by the other dignita-

ries, then withdrew, the Convention was dissolved,

and the Senate returned to its chamber.

     Subsequently a resolve was passed (approved June


xviii                      PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

10, 1897) providing for the publication of the history

from the original manuscript, together with a report

of the proceedings of the joint convention, such report

to be prepared by a committee consisting of one mem-

ber of the Senate and two members of the House of

Representatives, and to include, so far as practicable,

portraits of His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott,

William Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the

Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Can-

terbury and the Lord Bishop of London; facsimiles

of pages from the manuscript history, and a picture

of the book itself; copies of the decree of the Con-

sistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the receipt

of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard for the manu-

script, and the receipt sent by His Excellency the

Governor to the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an

account of the legislative action taken with reference

to the presentation and reception of the manuscript;

the addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the

Honorable Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency

Governor Roger Wolcott; and such other papers and

illustrations as the committee might deem advisable; the

whole to be printed under the direction of the Secre-

tary of the Commonwealth, and the book distributed by

him according to directions contained in the resolve.

     Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and Represent-

atives Francis C. Lowell of Boston and Walter L.

Bouve of Hingham were appointed as the committee.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

DECREE

 

OF THE

 

CONSISTORIAL AND EPISCOPAL

 

COURT OF LONDON.

 

xix

 

 


 

DECREE.

 

        MANDELL by Divine Permission

                           LORD BISHOP OF LONDON --To

                           The Honorable THOMAS FRANCIS BAY-

                           ARD Ambassador Extraordinary and

                           Plenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious

Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's

in London and To The Governor and Commonwealth

of Massachusetts in the United States of America

Greeting -- WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in

the Registry of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court

of London by you the said Honorable Thomas Francis

Bayard as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-

tiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria

at the Court of Saint James's in London on behalf

of the President and Citizens of the United States of

America wherein you have alleged that there is in

Our Custody as Lord Bishop of London a certain

Manuscript Book known as and entitled "The Log

of the Mayflower" containing an account as narrated

by Captain William Bradford who was one of the

Company of Englishmen who left England in April

1620 in the ship known as "The Mayflower" of

the circumstances leading to the prior Settlement of

xxi

 


xxii             PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

that Company at Leyden in Holland their return to

England and subsequent departure for New England

their landing at Cape Cod in December 1620 their

Settlement at New Plymouth and their later history

for several years they being the Company whose Set-

tlement in America is regarded as the first real Colo-

nisation of the New England States and wherein you

have also alleged that the said Manuscript Book had

been for many years past and was then deposited in

the Library attached to Our Episcopal Palace at Ful-

ham in the County of Middlesex and is of the great-

est interest importance and value to the Citizens of

the United States of America inasmuch as it is one

of the earliest records of their national History and

contains much valuable information in regard to the

original Settlers in the States their family history and

antecedents and that therefore you earnestly desired

to acquire possession of the same for and on behalf

of the President and Citizens of the said United States

of America AND WHEREIN you have also alleged

that you are informed that We as Lord Bishop of

London had fully recognised the value and interest

of the said Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the

United States of America and the claims which they

have to its possession and that We were desirous of

transferring it to the said President and Citizens

AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are

advised and believe that the Custody of documents in


                   CONSISTORIAL DECREE.          xxiii

 

the nature of public or ecclesiastical records belong-

ing to the See of London is vested in the Consis-

torial Court of the said See and that any disposal

thereof must be authorised by an Order issued by the

Judge of that Honorable Court And that you there-

fore humbly prayed that the said Honorable Court

would deliver to you the said Manuscript Book on

your undertaking to use every means in your power

for the safe transmission of the said Book to the

United States of America and its secure deposit and

custody in the Pilgrim Hall at New Plymouth or in

such other place as may be selected by the President

and Senate of the said United States and upon such

conditions as to security and access by and on behalf

of the English Nation as that Honorable Court might

determine AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set

down for hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary

Term to Wit Thursday the Twenty fifth day of March

One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven in Our

Consistorial Court in the Cathedral Church of Saint

Paul in London before The Right Worshipful Thomas

Hutchinson Tristram Doctor of Laws and one of Her

Majesty's Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar Gen-

eral and Official Principal the Judge of the said Court

and you at the sitting of the said Court appeared by

Counsel in support of the Prayer of the said Petition

and during the hearing thereof the said Manuscript

Book was produced in the said Court by Our legal


xxiv            PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

Secretary and was then inspected and examined by

the aid Judge and evidence was also given before

the Court by which it appeared that the Registry at

Fulham Palace was a Public Registry for Historical

and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese

of London and to the Colonial and other possessions

of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same

remained by custom within the said Diocese AND

WHEREAS it appeared on the face of the said Man-

uscript Book that the whole of the body thereof with

the exception of part of the last page thereof was in

the handwriting of the said William Bradford who

was elected Governor of New Plymouth in April

1621 and continued Governor thereof from that date

excepting between the years 1635 and 1637 up to

1650 and that the last five pages of the said Manu-

script which is in the hand writing of the said Wil-

liam Bradford contain what in Law is an authentic

Register between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the

Marriages of the Founders of the Colony of New

England with the names of their respective wives

and the names of their Children the lawful issue of

such Marriages and of the fact of the Marriages of 

many of their Children and Grandchildren and of the

names of the issue of such marriages and of the

deaths of many of the persons named therein And

after hearing Counsel in support of the said applica-

tion the Judge being of opinion that the said Manu-


CONSISTORIAL DECREE.                    xxv

 

script Book had been upon the evidence before the

Court presumably deposited at Fulham Palace some-

time between the year 1729 and the year 1785 during

which time the said Colony was by custom within the

Diocese of London for purposes Ecclesiastical and the

Registry of the said Consistorial Court was a legiti-

mate Registry for the Custody of Registers of Mar-

riages Births and Deaths within the said Colony and

that the Registry at Fulham Palace was a Registry

for Historical and other Documents connected with

the Colonies and possessions of Great Britain beyond

the Seas so long as the same remained by custom

within the Diocese of London and that on the Dec-

laration of the Independence of the United States of

America in 1776 the said Colony had ceased to be

within the Diocese of London and the Registry of the

Court had ceased to be a public registry for the said

Colony and having maturely deliberated on the Cases

precedents and practice of the Ecclesiastical Court

bearing on the application before him and having

regard to the Special Circumstances of the Case De-

creed as follows -- (1) That a Photographic facsimile

reproduction of the said Manuscript Book verified by

affidavit as being a true and correct Photographic re-

production of the said Manuscript Book be deposited

in the Registry of Our said Court by or on behalf

of the Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner

of the said original Manuscript Book as hereinafter


xxvi            PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

ordered -- (2) That the said Manuscript Book be

delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis

Bayard by the Lord Bishop of London or in his

Lordship's absence by the Registrar of the said Court

on his giving his undertaking in writing that he will

with all due care and diligence on his arrival from

England in the United States convey and deliver in

person the said Manuscript Book to the Governor

of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United

States of America at his Official Office in the State

House in the City of Boston and that from the time

of the delivery of the said Book to him by the said

Lord Bishop of London or by the said Registrar until

he shall have delivered the same to the Governor of

Massachusetts he will retain the same in his own Per-

sonal custody -- (3) That the said Book be deposited

by the Petitioner with the Governor of Massachusetts

for the purpose of the same being with all convenient

speed finally deposited either in the State Archives of

the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the City of

Boston or in the Library of the Historical Society

of the said Commonwealth in the City of Boston as

the Governor shall determine -- ( 4) That the Gov-

ernors of the said Commonwealth for all time to

come be officially responsible for the safe custody

of the said Manuscript Book whether the same be

deposited in the State Archives at Boston or in the

Historical Library in Boston aforesaid as well as for


CONSISTORIAL DECREE.                    xxvii

 

the performance of the following conditions subject to

a compliance wherewith the said Manuscript Book is

hereby decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the

aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massa-

chusetts and his Successors to wit: -- (a) That all

persons have such access to the said Manuscript Book

as to the Governor of the said Commonwealth for the

time being shall appear to be reasonable and with such

safeguard as he shall order -- (b) That all persons

desirous of searching the said Manuscript Book for

the bona fide purpose of establishing or tracing a

Pedigree through persons named in the last five pages

thereof or in any other part thereof shall be per-

mitted to search the same under such safeguards as

the Governor for the time being shall determine on

payment of a fee to be fixed by the Governor --

( c) That any person applying to the Official having

the immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book

for a Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof of

Marriage Birth or Death of persons named therein

or of any other matter of like purport for the pur-

pose of tracing descents shall be furnished with such

certificate on the payment of a sum not exceeding one

Dollar -- (d) That with all convenient speed after

the delivery of the said Manuscript Book to the Gov-

ernor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the Gov-

ernor shall transmit to the Registrar of the Court a

Certificate of the delivery of the same to him by


xxviii           PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

the Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of

the same subject to the terms and conditions herein

named AND the Judge lastly decreed that the Peti-

tioner on delivering the said Manuscript Book to the

Governor aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to

him this Our Decree Sealed with the Seal of the

Court WHEREFORE WE the Bishop of London

aforesaid well weighing and considering the premises

DO by virtue of Our Authority Ordinary and Epis-

copal and as far as in Us lies and by Law We may

or can ratify and confirm such Decree of Our Vicar

General and Official Principal of Our Consistorial and

Episcopal Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof

We have caused the Seal of Our said Vicar General

and Official Principal of the Consistorial and Episco-

pal Court of London which We use in this behalf to

be affixed to these Presents DATED AT LONDON

this Twelfth day of April One thousand eight hun-

dred and ninety seven and in the first year of Our

Translation.

HARRY W. LEE

Exd. H.E.T.                                                Registrar

(L. S.)


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RECEIPT

 

OF

 

 

AMBASSADOR  BAYARD.

 

xxix


 

 

RECEIPT OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.

 

 

 

In the Consistory Court of London ;

 

IN THE MATTER OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT

OF THE BOOK ENTITLED AND KNOWN AS "THE

LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER."

 

 

   I THE HONOURABLE THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD

lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary

of the United States of America at the Court of

Saint James's London Do hereby undertake, in com-

pliance with the Order of this Honourable Court

dated the twelfth day of April 1897 and made on

my Petition filed in the said Honourable Court, that

I will with all due care and diligence on my arrival

from England in the United States of America safely

convey over the Original Manuscript Book Known

as and entitled" The Log of the Mayflower" which

has been this twenty ninth day of April 1897 deliv-

ered over to me by the Lord Bishop of London, to

the City of Boston in the United States of America

and on my arrival in the said City deliver the same

over in person to the Governor of the Common-

wealth of Massachusetts at his Official Office in the

State House in the said City of Boston AND I fur-

ther hereby undertake from the time of the said

xxxi


xxxii           PLUMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

delivery of the said Book to me by the said Lord

Bishop of London until I shall have delivered the

same to the Governor of Massachusetts, to retain

the same in my own personal custody.

 

(Signed)     T. F. BAYARD

29 April 1897

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RECEIPT

 

OF

 

HIS  EXCELLENCY  ROGER  WOLCOTT.

 

 

xxxiii


RECEIPT  OF  GOVERNOR  WOLCOTT.

 

 

His Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT, Governor of the Commonwealth

of Massachusetts, in the United States of America.

 

To the Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London.

 

     Whereas, The said Honorable Court, by its decree

dated the twelfth day of April, 1897, and made on

the petition of the Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard,

lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary

of the United States of America at the Court of

Saint James in London, did order that a certain

original manuscript book then in the custody of the

Lord Bishop of London, known as and entitled

"The Log of the Mayflower," and more specifically

described in said decree, should be delivered over to

the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the

Lord Bishop of London, on certain conditions spec-

ified in said decree, to be delivered by the said

Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the

Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

thereafter to be kept in the custody of the aforesaid

Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and

his successors, subject to a compliance with certain

conditions, as set forth in said decree;

     And Whereas, The said Honorable Court by its

decree aforesaid did further order that, with all con-

venient speed after the delivery of the said manuscript

book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massa-

xxxv

 

 


xxxvi          PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.

 

chusetts, the Governor should transmit to the Regis-

trar of the said Honorable Court a certificate of the

delivery of the same to him by the said Honorable

Thomas Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the

custody of the same, subject to the terms and con-

ditions named in the decree aforesaid;

     Now, Therefore, In compliance with the decree

aforesaid I do hereby certify that on the twenty-sixth

day of May, 1897, the said Honorable Thomas Francis

Bayard delivered in person to me, at my official

office in the State House in the city of Boston, in

the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in the United

States of America, a certain manuscript book which

the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and

there declared to be the original manuscript book

known as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower,"

which is more specifically described in the decree

aforesaid; and I do further certify that I hereby

accept the custody of the same, subject to the terms

and conditions named in the decree aforesaid.

     In witness whereof, I have hereunto signed my

name and caused the seal of the Commonwealth to

be affixed, at the Capitol in Boston, this twelfth day

of July in the year of our Lord one thousand eight

hundred and ninety-seven.

 

ROGER WOLCOTT.

By His Excellency the Governor,

 

WM. M. OLIN,

Secretary of the Commonwealth.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ADDRESS

 

OF THE

 

 

HON. GEORGE F. HOAR.

 

xxxvii



ADDRESS  OF  SENATOR  HOAR.

 

The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at

the end of his official service, comes to Massachusetts

on an interesting errand.  He comes to deliver to the

lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the presence

of the representatives and rulers of the body politic

formed by the compact on board the "Mayflower,"

Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic history of the

founding of their Commonwealth; the only authentic

history of what we have a right to consider the most

important political transaction that has ever taken

place on the face of the earth.

     Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother

country, not so much the diplomacy as the good-will

of the American people.  If in this anybody be

tempted to judge him severely, let us remember

what his great predecessor, John Adams, the first

minister at the same court, representing more than

any other man, embodying more than any other man,

the spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on

the first day of June, 1785, after the close of our

long and bitter struggle for independence:  "I shall

esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be instru-

xxxix


xl                PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

mental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and

affection, or, in better words, the old good-nature

and the old good-humor between people who, though

separated by an ocean and under different govern-

ments, have the same language a similar religion

and kindred blood."

     And let us remember, too, the answer of the old

monarch, who, with all his faults, must have had

something of a noble and royal nature stirring in his

bosom, when he replied: "Let the circumstances of

language, religion and blood have their natural and

full effect."

     It has long been well known that Governor Brad-

ford wrote and left behind him a history of the

settlement of Plymouth.  It was quoted by early

chroniclers.  There are extracts from it in the rec-

ords at Plymouth.  Thomas Prince used it when he

compiled his annals.  Hubbard depended on it when

he wrote his "History of New England."  Cotton

Mather had read it, or a copy of a portion of it;

when he wrote his "Magnalia."  Governor Hutchin-

son had it when he published the second volume of

his history in 1767.  From that time it disappeared

from the knowledge of everybody on this side of the

water.  All our historians speak of it as lost, and can

only guess what had been its fate.  Some persons sus-

pected that it was destroyed when Governor Hutchin-

son's house was sacked in 1765, others that it was


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  xli

 

carried off by some officer or soldier when Boston

was evacuated by the British army in 1776.

     In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford,

afterward Bishop of Winchester, one of the brightest

of men, published one of the dullest and stupidest of

books.  It is entitled "The History of the Protestant

Episcopal Church in America."  It contained extracts

from manuscripts which he said he had discovered in

the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham.  The

book attracted no attention here until, about twelve

years later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom

many of us remember as an accomplished antiquary

and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick up a

copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book

store.  He read the bishop's quotations, and carried

the book to his office, where he left it for his friend,

Mr. Barry, who was then writing his  "History of

Massachusetts," with passages marked, and with a

note which is not preserved, but which, according

to his memory, suggested that the passages must have

come from Bradford's long-lost history.  That is the

claim for Mr. Thornton.  On the other hand, it is

claimed by Mr. Barry that there was nothing of that

kind expressed in Mr. Thornton's note, but in read-

ing the book when he got it an hour or so later,

the thought struck him for the first time that the

clew had been found to the precious book which

had been lost so long.  He at once repaired to Charles


xlii              PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as

President Eliot felicitously styled him, "the master of

historical investigators in this "country."  Mr. Deane

saw the importance of the discovery.  He communi-

cated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English

scholar.  Hunter was high authority on all matters

connected with the settlement of New England. He

visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond

question the identity of the manuscript with Governor

Bradford's history, an original letter of Governor Brad-

ford having been sent over for comparison of hand-

writing.

     How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows.

Whether it was carried over by Governor Hutchin-

son in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from the

tower of the Old South Church in 1775; whether,

with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the

time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in

America, just before the revolution, to establish an

episcopate here, -- nobody knows.  It would seem

that Hutchinson would have sent it to the colonial

office; that an officer would naturally have sent it to

the war office; and a private would have sent it to

the war office, unless he had carried it off as mere

private booty and plunder, -- in which case it would

have been unlikely that it would have reached a pub-

lic place of custody.  But we find it in the posses-

sion of the church and of the church official having,


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  xliii

 

until independence was declared, special jurisdiction

over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts and Plym-

outh.  This may seem to point to a transfer for some

ecclesiastical purpose.

     The bishop's chancellor conjectures that it was sent

to Fulham because of the record annexed to it of

the early births, marriages and deaths, such records

being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. 

But this is merely conjecture.

     I know of no incident like this in history, unless

it be the discovery in a chest in the castle of

Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one hun-

dred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scot-

land, -- the crown of Bruce, the sceptre and sword

of state.  The lovers of Walter Scott, who was one

of the commissioners who made the search, remem-

ber his intense emotion, as described by his daughter,

when the lid was removed.  Her feelings were worked

up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and drew

back from the circle.

     As she was retiring she was startled by his voice

exclaiming, in a tone of the deepest emotion, "some-

thing between anger and despair," as she expressed

it:  "By God, no!"  One of the commissioners, not

quite entering into the solemnity with which Scott

regarded this business, had, it seems, made a sort

of motion as if he meant to put the crown on the

head of one of the young ladies near him, but the


xliv             PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

voice and the aspect of the poet were more than

sufficient to make this worthy gentleman understand

his error; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which

he had not been taught to sympathize, he laid down

the ancient diadem with an air of painful embar-

rassment.  Scott whispered, "Pray forgive me," and

turning round at the moment observed his daughter

deadly pale and leaning by the door.  He immedi-

ately drew her out of the room, and when she had

somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with

her across Mound to Castle Street.  "He never

spoke all the way home," she says, "but every

now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that

time I fancied he began to treat me more like a

woman than a child.  I thought he liked me better,

too, than he had ever done before."

     There have been several attempts to procure the

return of the manuscript to this country.  Mr. Win-

throp, in 1860, through the venerable John Sinclair,

archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it

up, and proposed that the Prince of Wales, then just

coming to this country, should take it across the

Atlantic and present it to the people of Massachu-

setts.  The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, ap-

proved the plan, and said it would be an exceptional

act of grace, a most interesting action, and that he

heartily wished the success of the application. But

the bishop refused.  Again, in 1869, John Lothrop


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  xlv

Motley, then minister to England, who had a great

and deserved influence there, repeated the proposi-

tion, at the suggestion of that most accomplished

scholar, Justin Winsor.  But his appeal had the same

fate.  The bishop gave no encouragement, and said,

as had been said nine years before, that the prop-

erty could not be alienated without an act of Par-

liament.  Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt

on his visit to England in 1877.  When he was at

Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was obliged

to come home without seeing him in person.

     In 1881, at the time of the death of President

Garfield, Benjamin Scott, chamberlain of London, pro-

posed again in the newspapers that the restitution

should be made.  But nothing came or it.

     Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth,

on the occasion of the two hundred and seventy-fifth

anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims upon the

rock.  In preparing for that duty, I read again, with

renewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touch-

ing story, as told by Governor Bradford.  I felt that

his precious history of the Pilgrims ought to be in

no other custody than that of their children.  But

the case seemed hopeless.  I found myself compelled

by a serious physical infirmity to take a vacation,

and to get a rest from public cares and duties, which

was impossible while I stayed at home.  When I

went abroad I determined to visit the locality, on the


xlvi             PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

borders of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from which

Bradford and Brewster and Robinson, the three lead-

ers of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church

was formed, and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden

where the emigrants spent thirteen years.  But I

longed especially to see the manuscript of Bradford

at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now

seems to me, the most precious manuscript on earth,

unless we could recover one of the four gospels

as it came in the beginning from the pen of the

Evangelist.

     The desire to get it back grew and grew dur-

ing the voyage across the Atlantic.  I did not know

how such a proposition would be received in Eng-

land.  A few days after I landed I made a call upon

John Morley.  I asked him whether he thought the

thing could be done.  He inquired carefully into the

story, took down from his shelf the excellent though

brief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's "Bio-

graphical Dictionary," and told me he thought the

book ought to come back to us, and that he should

be glad to do anything in his power to help.  It

was my fortune, a week or two after, to sit next

to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr. Collins by

the American consuls in Great Britain.  I took occa-

sion to tell him the story, and he gave me the

assurance, which he has since so abundantly and

successfully fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  xlvii

 

compelled, by the health of one of the party with

whom I was travelling, to go to the continent almost

immediately, and was disappointed in the hope of an

early return to England.  So the matter was delayed

until about a week before I sailed for home, when

I went to Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing

the manuscript.  I had supposed that it was a quasi-

public library, open to general visitors.  But I found

the bishop was absent.  I asked for the librarian,

but there was no such officer, and I was told very

politely that the library was not open to the public,

and was treated in all respects as that of a private

gentleman.  So I gave up any hope of doing any-

thing in person.  But I happened, the Friday before

I sailed for home, to dine with an English friend

who had been exceedingly kind to me.  As he took

leave of me, about eleven o'clock in the evening,

he asked me if there was anything more he could

do for me.  I said, "No, unless you happen to know

the Lord Bishop of London.  I should like to get

a sight at the manuscript of Bradford's history before

I go home."  He said, "I do not know the bishop

myself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent

a few days in the early summer, married the bishop's

niece, and will gladly give you an introduction to his

uncle.  He is in Scotland.  But I will write to him

before I go to bed."

     Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter from


xlviii                    PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

Mr. Grenfell, introducing me to the bishop. I wrote

a note to his lordship, saying I should be glad to

have an opportunity to see Bradford's history; that

I was to sail for the United States the next Wednes-

day, but would be pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday,

if that were agreeable to him.

      I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would

call on Tuesday he would be happy to show me "The

Log of the Mayflower," which is the title the English,

without the slightest reason in the world, give the

manuscript.  I kept the appointment, and found the

bishop with the book in his hand.  He received me

with great courtesy, showed me the palace, and said

that that spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace

for more than a thousand years.

      After looking at the volume and reading the records

on the flyleaf, I said: "My lord, I am going to say

something which you may think rather audacious.  I

think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts.

Nobody knows how it got over here.  Some people

think it was carried off by Governor Hutchinson, the

Tory governor; other people think it was carried off

by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but

in either case the property would not have changed.

Or, if you treat it as a booty, in which last case,

I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary property

does change, no civilized nation in modern times


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  xlix

 

applies that principle to the property of libraries and

institutions of learning."

     "Well," said the bishop, "I did not know you

I cared anything about it."

     "Why,"  said I, "if there were in existence in

England a history of King Alfred's reign for thirty

years, written by his own hand, it would not be more

precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manu-

script is to us."

     "Well," said he, "I think myself it ought to go

back, and if it had depended on me it would have gone

back before this.  But the Americans who have been

here many of them have been commercial people --

did not seem to care much about it except as a curi-

osity.  I suppose I ought not to give it up on my

own authority.  It belongs to me in my official

capacity, and not as private or personal property.

I think I ought to consult the Archbishop of Can-

terbury.  And, indeed," he added, "I think I ought

to speak to the Queen about it.  We should not do

such a thing behind Her Majesty's back,"

     I said: "Very well.  When I go home I will have

a proper application made from some of our literary

societies, and ask you to give it consideration."

     I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story.

He was at the train when I left London for the

steamer at Southampton.  He entered with great in-


1                 PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

terest into the matter, and told me again he would

gladly do anything in his power to forward it.

      When I got home I communicated with Secretary

Olney about it, who took a kindly interest in the

matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the adminis-

tration desired he should do everything in his power

to promote the application.  The matter was then

brought to the attention of the council of the Ameri-

can Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts Historical

Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the

New England Society of New York.  These bodies

appointed committees to unite in the application.

Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his

hearty approbation to the movement, and a letter was

dispatched through Mr. Bayard.

     Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my

conversation, had himself become Archbishop of Can-

terbury, and in that capacity Primate of all England.

His successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the

delegate of John Harvard's College to the great cele-

bration at Harvard University on the two hundred

and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. 

He had received the degree, of doctor of laws from

the university, had been a guest of President Eliot,

and had received President Eliot as his guest in

England.

     He is an accomplished historical scholar, and very

friendly in sentiment to the people of the United

 


          ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  li

 

States.  So, by great fortune, the two eminent eccle-

siastical personages who were to have a powerful

influence in the matter were likely to be exceed-

ingly well disposed.  Dr. Benjamin A. Gould, the

famous mathematician, was appointed one of the com-

mittee of the American Antiquarian Society.  He died

suddenly, just after a letter to the Bishop of London

was prepared and about to be sent to him for sign-

-ing.  He took a very zealous interest in the matter.

The letter formally asked for the return of the manu-

script, and was signed by the following-named gentle-

men: George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward

Everett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American

Antiquarian Society; Charles Francis Adams, William

Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the Massachusetts

Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts,

William T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plym-

outh; Charles C. Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pier-

pont Morgan, for the New England Society of New

York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.

     The rarest good fortune seems to have attended

every step in this transaction.

     I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of

Mr. Grenfell, which secured to me so cordial a

reception from the Bishop of London.

     It was fortunate that the Bishop of London was

Dr. Temple, an eminent scholar, kindly disposed

toward the people of the United States, and a man


lii                PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting

the deep and holy sentiment which a compliance

with our desire would gratify.

    It was fortunate, too, that Bishop Temple, who

thought he must have the approbation of the arch-

bishop before his action, when the time came had

himself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate

of all England.

     It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded

to the see of London.  He is, himself, as I have

just said, an eminent historical scholar.  He has

many friends in America.  He was the delegate of

Emmanuel, John Harvard's College, at the great Har-

vard centennial celebration in 1886.  He received the

degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a mem-

ber of the Massachusetts Historical Society.  He had,

as I have said, entertained President Eliot as his

guest in England.

     It was fortunate, too, that the application came in

a time of cordial good-will between the two coun-

tries, when the desire of John Adams and the long-

ing of George III. have their ample and complete

fulfilment.  This token of the good-will of England

reached Boston on the eve of the birthday of the

illustrious sovereign, who is not more venerated and

beloved by her own subjects than by the kindred

people across the sea.

     It comes to us at the time of the rejoicing of the


 

 

 

 

 

 

         THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  liii

 

English people at the sixtieth anniversary of a reign

more crowded with benefit to humanity than any

other known in the annals of the race.  Upon the

power of England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion,

the army and the fleet, the monster ships of war,

the all-shattering guns, the American people are

strong enough now to look with an entire indiffer-

ence.  We encounter her commerce and her manu-

facture in the spirit of a generous emulation.  The

inheritance from which England has gained these

things is ours also.  We, too, are of the Saxon

strain.

In our halls is hung       

Armory of the invincible knights of old.

 

     Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are

upon both the seas.  Our fathers knew the secret to

lay, in Christian liberty and law, the foundations of

empire.  Our young men are not ashamed, if need

be, to speak with the enemy in the gate.

     But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest woman-

hood, model of mother and wife and friend, who came

at eighteen to the throne of George IV. and William;

of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden

presence before which everything unholy shrank; the

sovereign who, during her long reign, "ever knew

the people that she ruled;" the royal nature that

disdained to strike at her kingdom's rival in the

hour of our sorest need; the heart which even in


liv               PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy for the

cause of constitutional liberty; who, herself not un-

acquainted with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead

Garfield the wreath fragrant with a sister's sympa-

thy, -- to her our republican manhood does not dis-

dain to bend.

 

The eagle, lord of land and sea,

Will stoop to pay her fealty.

 

     But I am afraid this application might have had

the fate of its predecessors but for our special good

fortune in the fact that Mr. Bayard was our ambas-

sador at the Court of St. James.  He had been, as

I said in the beginning, the ambassador not so much

of the diplomacy as of the good-will of the American

people.  Before his powerful influence every obstacle

gave way.  It was almost impossible for Englishmen

to refuse a request like this, made by him, and

in which his own sympathies were so profoundly

enlisted.  You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massa-

chusetts, to the gratitude of every lover of Massa-

chusetts and of every lover of the country.  You

have succeeded where so many others have failed,

and where so many others would have been likely

to fail.  You may be sure that our debt to you is

fully understood and will not be forgotten.

     The question of the permanent abiding-place of this


ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR.                  lv

 

manuscript will be settled after it has reached the

hands of His Excellency.  Wherever it shall go it

will be an object of reverent care.  I do not think

many Americans will gaze upon it without a little

trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist

in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering,

of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty

triumph which that book tells, -- which the hand of

the great leader and founder of America has traced

on those pages.

      There is nothing like it in human annals since the

story of Bethlehem.  These Englishmen and English

women going out from their homes in beautiful Lin-

coln and York, wife separated from husband and

mother from child in that hurried embarkation for

Holland, pursued to the beach by English horsemen;

the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam

"in alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at

Leyden; the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell

of Robinson; the terrible voyage across the Atlantic;

the compact in the harbor; the landing on the rock;

the dreadful first winter; the death roll of more than

half the number; the days of suffering and of famine;

the wakeful night, listening for the yell of wild

beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the build-

ing of the State on those sure foundations which

no wave or tempest has ever shaken; the breaking

of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the


lvi               PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace

with liberty, -of all these things this is the origi-

nal record by the hand of our beloved father and

founder.  Massachusetts will preserve it until the

time shall come that her children are unworthy of

it; and that time shall come, -- never.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ADDRESS

 

OF  THE

 

HON.  THOMAS  F.  BAYARD.

 

lvii



 

 

 

 

ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.

 

     Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two Houses of

the Legislature of Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentle-

men, Fellow Countrymen: The honorable and most

gratifying duty with which I am charged is about

to receive its final act of execution, for I have the

book here, as it was placed in my hands by the

Lord Bishop of London on April 29, intact then and

now; and I am about to deliver it according to the

provisions of the decree of the Chancellor of Lon-

don, which has been read in your presence, and the

receipt signed by me and registered in his court that

I would obey the provisions of that decree.

     I have kept my trust; I have kept the book as

I received it; I shall deliver it into the hands of

the representative of the people who are entitled

to its custody.

     And now, gentlemen, it would be superfluous for

me to dwell upon the historical features of this

remarkable occasion, for it has been done, as we

all knew it would be done, with ability, learning,

eloquence and impressiveness, by the distinguished

Senator who represents you so well in the Con-

gress of the United States.


lx                PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

     For all that related to myself, and for every

gracious word of recognition and commendation that

fell from his lips in relation to the part that I have

taken in the act of restoration, I am profoundly

grateful.  It is an additional reward, but not the

reward which induced my action.

    To have served your State, to have been instru-

mental in such an act as this, was of itself a high

privilege to me.  The Bradford manuscript was in the

library of Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I

could have become possessed of the volume, and have

brought it here and quietly deposited it, I should

have gone to my home with the great satisfaction of

knowing that I had performed an act of justice, an

act of right between two countries.  Therefore the

praise, however grateful, is additional, and I am very

thankful for it.

    It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing to you

should I state in a very simple manner the history

of my relation to the return of this book, for it all

has occurred within the last twelve months.

     I knew of the existence of this manuscript, and

had seen the reproduction in facsimile.  I knew that

attempts had been made, unsuccessfully, to obtain the

original book.

     At that time Senator Hoar made a short visit to

England, and in passing through London I was

informed by him of the great interest that he, in


AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS.                 lxi

 

common with the people of this State, had in the

restoration of this manuscript to the custody of the

State.

     We discussed the methods by which it might be

accomplished, and after two or three concurrent sug-

gestions he returned to the United States, and pres-

ently I received, under cover from the Secretary of

State, -- a distinguished citizen of your own State,

Mr. Olney, -- a formal note, suggesting rather than

instructing that in an informal manner I should en-

deavor to have carried out the wishes of the various

societies that had addressed themselves to the Bishop

of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in

order to obtain the return of this manuscript.

     It necessarily had to be done informally.  The strict

regulations of the office I then occupied forbade my

correspondence with any member of the British gov-

ernment except through the foreign office, unless it

were informal.  An old saying describes the entire

case, that "When there's a will there's a way."  There

certainly was the will to get the book, and there cer-

tainly was also a will and a way to give the book,

and that way was discovered by the legal custodians

of the book itself. 

      At first there were suggestions of difficulty, some

technical questions; and following a very safe rule,

the first thought was, What is the law? and the case

was submitted to the law officers of the Crown.


lxii              PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

Then there arose the necessity of a formal act of

permission.

     There could be entertained no question as to the

title to the manuscript in the possession of the British

government.  There was no authority to grant a claim,

founded on adverse title, and the question arose as

to the requisite form of law of a permissive rather

than of a mandatory nature, in order to be authorita-

tive with those who had charge of the document.

     But, as I have said, when there was a will there

was found a way.  By personal correspondence and

interviews with the Bishop of London, I soon discov-

ered that he was as anxious to find the way as I was

that he should find it.  In March last it was finally

agreed that I should employ legal counsel to present

a formal petition in the Episcopal Consistorial Court

of London, and there before the Chancellor to repre-

sent the strong desire of Massachusetts and her people

for the return of the record of her early Governor.

     Accordingly, the petition was prepared, and by my

authority signed as for me by an eminent member

of the bar, and it was also signed by the Bishop of

London, so that there was a complete consensus.  The

decree was ordered, as is published in the London

"Times" on March 25 last, and nothing after that

remained but formalities, in which, as you are well

aware, the English law is not lacking, especially in

the ecclesiastical tribunals.


AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS.                 lxiii

These formalities were carried out during my ab-

sence from London on a short visit to the Conti-

nent, and the decree which you have just heard read

was duly entered on April 12 last, consigning the

document to my personal custody, to be delivered

by me in this city to the high official therein named,

subject to those conditions which you have also heard.

      Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I was sum-

moned to the court, and there, having signed the re-

ceipt, this decree was read in my presence.  Then the

Bishop of London arose, and, taking the book in

his hands, delivered it with a few gracious words

into my custody, and here it is to-day.

      The records of those proceedings will no doubt be

preserved here as accompanying this book, as they

are in the Episcopal Consistorial Court in London,

and they tell the entire story.

      But that is but part.  The thing that I wish to

impress upon you, and upon my fellow countrymen

throughout the United States, is that this is an act

of courtesy and friendship by another government --

the government of what we once called our "mother

country" -- to the entire people of the United States.

     You cannot limit it to the Governor of this Com-

monwealth; nor to the Legislature; nor even to the

citizens of this Commonwealth.  It extends in its

courtesy, its kindness and comity to the entire people

of the United States.  From first to last there was


lxiv             PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

the ready response of courtesy and kindness to the

request for the restoration of this manuscript record.

     I may say to you that there has been nothing that

I have sought more earnestly than to place the affairs

of these two great nations in the atmosphere of

mutual confidence and respect and good-will.  If it

be a sin to long for the honor of one's country,

for the safety and strength of one's country, then

I have been a great sinner, for I have striven to

advance the honor and the safety and the welfare

of my country, and believed it was best accom-

plished by treating all with justice and courtesy, and

doing those things to others which we would ask to

have done to ourselves.

     When the Chancellor pronounced his decree in March

last, he cited certain precedents to justify him in re-

storing this volume to Massachusetts.  One precedent

which powerfully controlled his decision, and which

in the closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes,

was an act of generous liberality upon the part of

the American Library Society in Philadelphia in vol-

untarily returning to the British government some

volumes of original manuscript of the period of James

the First, which by some means not very clearly

explained had found their way among the books of

that institution.

      Those books were received by a distinguished man,

Lord Romilly, Master of the Rolls, who took occasion


AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS.                 lxv

to speak of the liberality and kindness which dictated

the action of the Philadelphia library.  Gentlemen, I

am one of those who believe that a generous and

kindly act is never unwise between individuals or

nations.

     The return of this book to you is an echo of the

kindly act of your countrymen in the city of Phila-

delphia in 1866.

     It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any influence

or special effort of mine; but it is international good

feeling and comity which brought about to you the

pleasure and the joy of having this manuscript re-

turned, and so it will ever be.  A generous act will

beget a generous act; trust and confidence will beget

trust and confidence; and so it will be while the world

shall last, and well will it be for the man or for the

people who shall recognize this truth and act upon it.

     Now, gentlemen, there is another coincidence that

I may venture to point out.  It is history repeating

itself.  More than three hundred years ago the ances-

tors from whom my father drew his name and blood

were French Protestants, who had been compelled to

flee from the religious persecutions of that day, and

for the sake of conscience to find an asylum in Hol-

land.  Fifty years after they had fled and found safety

in Holland, the little congregation of Independents

from the English village of Scrooby, under the pas-

torate of John Robinson, was forced to fly, and with


lxvi             PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

difficulty found its way into the same country of the

Netherlands, seeking an asylum for consciences' sake.

    Time passed on.  The little English colony re-

moved, as this manuscript of William Bradford will

tell you, across the Atlantic, and soon after the

Huguenot family from whom I drew my name found

their first settlement in what was then the New

Netherlands, now New York.  Both came from the

same cause; both came with the same object, the

same purpose, -- "soul freedom," as Roger Williams

well called it.  Both came to found homes where

they could worship God according to their own con-

science and live as free men.  They came to these

shores, and they have found the asylum, and they

have strengthened it, and it is what we see to-day, --

a country of absolute religious and civil freedom, --

of equal rights and toleration.

     And is it not fitting that I, who have in my veins

the blood of the Huguenots, should present to you and

your Governor the log of the English emigrants, who

left their country for the sake of religious freedom?

      They are blended here, -- their names, their inter-

ests.  No man asks and no man has a right to ask

or have ascertained by any method authorized by law

what is the conscientious religious tenet or opinion

of any man, of any citizen, as a prerequisite for

holding an office of trust or power in the United

States.


AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS.                 lxvii

I think it well on this occasion to make, as I am

sure you are making, acknowledgment to that heroic

little country, the Low lands as they call it, the Neth-

erlands, -- the country without one single feature of

military defence except the brave hearts of the men

who live in it and defend it.

     Holland was the anvil upon which religious and

civil liberty was beaten out in Europe at a time

when the clang was scarcely heard anywhere else.

We can never forget our historical debt to that

country and to those people.  Puritan, Independent,

Huguenot, whoever he may be, forced to flee for

conscience's sake, will not forget that in the Nether-

lands there was found in his time of need the

asylum where conscience, property and person might

be secure.

     And now my task is done.  I am deeply grateful

for the part that I have been enabled to take in this

act of just and natural restitution.  In Massachusetts

or out of Massachusetts there is no one more will-

ing than I to assist this work; and here, sir [address-

ing Governor Wolcott], I fulfil my trust in placing in

your hands the manuscript.

     To you, as the honored representative of the people

of this Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pur-

suance of my obligations, gladly undertaken under

the decree of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of

London.


 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ADDRESS

 

OF

 

HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.

 

lxix

 

 

 

 


          ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.

 

On receiving the volume, Governor Wolcott, ad-

dressing Mr. Bayard, spoke as follows:  I thank you,

sir, for the diligent and faithful manner in which

you have executed the honorable trust imposed upon

you by the decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal

Court of London, a copy of which you have now

placed in my hands.  It was fitting that one of your

high distinction should be selected to perform so

dignified an office.

     The gracious act of international courtesy which is

now completed will not fail of grateful appreciation

by the people of this Commonwealth and of the

nation.  It is honorable alike to those who hesitated

not to prefer the request and to those whose generous

liberality has prompted compliance with it.  It may

be that the story of the departure of this precious

relic from our shores may never in its every detail

be revealed; but the story of its return will be read

of all men, and will become a part of the history

of the Commonwealth.  There are places and objects

so intimately associated with the world's greatest men

or with mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes

upon them is lost in a sense of reverent awe, as it


lxxii            PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.

 

listens to the voice that speaks from the past, in

words like those which came from the burning bush,

"Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place

whereon thou standest is holy ground."

    On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that bathes

its feet in the waters of the Atlantic, such a voice

is breathed by the brooding genius of the place, and

the ear must be dull that fails to catch the whispered

words.  For here not alone did godly men and women

suffer greatly for a great cause, but their noble pur-

pose was not doomed to defeat, but was carried to

perfect victory.  They stablished what they planned.

Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of re-

ligious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth.

To them a mighty nation owns its debt.  Nay, they

have made the civilized world their debtor.  In the

varied tapestry which pictures our national life, the

richest spots are those where gleam the golden threads

of conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by

that little band.  May God in his mercy grant that

the moral impulse which founded this nation may

never cease to control its destiny; that no act of

any future generation may put in peril the funda-

mental principles on which it is based, -- of equal

rights in a free state, equal privileges in a free

church and equal opportunities in a free school.

     In this precious volume which I bold in my hands

-- the gift of England to the Commonwealth of Mas-


GOVERNOR WOLCOTT'S ADDRESS.         lxxiii

 

sachusetts -- is told the noble, simple story" of Plimoth

Plantation."  In the midst of suffering and

privation and anxiety the pious hand of William

" Bradford here set down in ample detail the history

of the enterprise from its inception to the year 1647.

From him we may learn "that all great and hon-

ourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties,

and must be both enterprised and overcome with

answerable courages."

    The sadness and pathos which some might read into

the narrative are to me lost in victory.  The triumph

of a noble cause even at a great price is theme for

rejoicing, not for sorrow, and the story here told

is one of triumphant achievement, and not of defeat.

    As the official representative of the Commonwealth,

I receive it, sir, at your hands.  I pledge the faith

of the Commonwealth that for all time it shall be

guarded in accordance with the terms of the decree

under which it is delivered into her possession as one

of her chiefest treasures.  I express the thanks of the

Commonwealth for the priceless gift.  And I venture

the prophecy that for countless years to come and

to untold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently

speak of high resolve, great suffering and heroic en-

durance made possible by an absolute faith in the

over-ruling providence of Almighty God.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

 

BY THE

 

BISHOP OF LONDON.

 

lxxv

 

 



 

 

 

(COPY)

 

FULHAM PALACE, S.W.

Oct. 16, 1897.

 

DEAR SIR,

     I would ask you to express to the Convention

of the two branches of the General Court of the

Commonwealth of Massachusetts my grateful thanks

for the copy of their resolution of May 26, which

was presented to me by Mr. Adams.*

     I consider it a great privilege to have been asso-

ciated with an act of courtesy, which was also an

act of justice, in restoring to its proper place a

document which is so important in the records of,

your illustrious Commonwealth.

 

I am

Yours faithfully,

 

M. LONDON.

     H. D. COOLIDGE, Esq.

     Clerk of the Convention.

 

 

*The Hon. Charles Francis Adams.

 

lxxvii


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

OF  PLIMOTH  PLANTATION.

 

 

 

 

 

Of Plimoth Plantation.

 

    AND first of ye occasion and indusments ther unto;

the which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at

ye very roote & rise of ye same.  The which I shall

endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler

regard unto ye simple trueth in all things, at least as

near as my slender judgmente can attaine the same.

 

1. Chapter.

 

     IT is well knowne unto ye godly and judicious, how

ever since ye first breaking out of ye lighte of ye gospell

in our Honourable Nation of England, (which was ye

first of nations whom ye Lord adorned ther with, affter

yt grosse darknes of popery which had covered & over-

spred ye Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions

ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued

against the Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or

other.   Some times by bloody death and cruell tor-

ments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, &

other hard usages; as being loath his kingdom should

goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and ye churches of God

reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their prima-

tive order, libertie, & bewtie.  But when he could not


4                             HISTORY OF            [ CHAP. I.

 

prevaile by these means, against the maine trueths of

ye gospell, but that they began to take rootting in many

places, being watered with ye blooud of ye martires, and

blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; He then

begane to take him to his anciente strategemes, used

of old against the first Christians.  That when by ye

bloody & barbarous persecutions of ye Heathen Em-

perours, he could not stoppe & subuerte the course

of ye gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a

wounderfull celeritie the then best known parts of ye

world, He then begane to sow errours, heresies, and

wounderfull dissentions amongst ye professours them

selves, (working upon their pride & ambition, with

other corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men,

yea to ye saints them selves in some measure,) by

which wofull effects followed; as not only bitter con-

tentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible

confusions, but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby

to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many

unproffitable cannons & decrees, which have since been

as snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this

day.  So as in ye anciente times, the persecutions [2]

by ye heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then

of the Christians one against other; the Arians & other

their complices against ye orthodoxe & true Christians.

As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke.  His words are

these;*  The violence truly (saith he) was no less than

*Lib. 2.  Chap. 22.


CHAP. I.]            PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.                 5

 

that of ould practised towards ye Christians when they

were compelled & drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many

indured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, & dis-

membering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods

some bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this

life under ye hands of ye tormentor; and some died in

banishmete, & never saw ther cuntrie againe, &c.

     The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these

later times, since ye trueth begane to springe & spread

after ye great defection made by Antichrist, yt man of

sine.

     For to let pass ye infinite examples in sundrie na-

tions and severall places of ye world, and instance in

our owne, when as yt old serpente could not prevaile

by those firie flames & other his cruell tragedies, which

he * by his instruments put in ure every wher in ye

days of queene Mary & before, he then begane an

other kind of warre, & went more closly to worke;

not only to oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy

ye kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means,

by kindling ye flames of contention and sowing ye

seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie amongst ye proffes-

sors & seeming reformed them selves.  For when he

could not prevaile by ye former means against ye prin-

cipall doctrins of faith, he bente his force against ye

holy discipline & outward regimente of ye kingdom of

 

   *In the text, parentheses are used frequently, apparently in place of commas. 

For this reason, many are omitted in the reprint.


 

6                           HISTORY  OF                       [CHAP. I.

 

Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be con-

served, & true pietie maintained amongest the saints

& people of God.

    Mr. Foxe recordeth how yt besids those worthy

martires & confessors which were burned in queene

Marys days & otherwise tormented,* many (both stu-

dients re others) fled out of ye land, to ye number of

800.  And became severall congregations.  At Wesell,

Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh,

& Geneva, &c.  Amongst whom (but especialy those

at Frankford) begane yt bitter warr of contention &

persecutio aboute ye ceremonies, & servise-booke, and

other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of

England to this day, which are like ye highplases in

Israell, wch the prophets cried out against, & were

their ruine; [3] which ye better parte sought, accord-

ing to ye puritie of ye gospell, to roote out and

utterly to abandon.  And the other parte (under

veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments,

sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend.  As

appeareth by ye  discourse therof published in printe,

Ano:  1575; a booke yt deserves better to be knowne

and considred.

     The one side laboured to have ye right worship of

God & discipline of Christ established in ye church,

according to ye simplicitie of ye gospell, without the

mixture of mens inventions, and to have & to be

 

*Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi: 2.


CHAP. I. ] PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                7

 

ruled by ye laws of Gods word, dispensed in those

offices, & by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, &

Elders, &c. according to ye Scripturs.  The other par-

tie, though under many colours & pretences, endev-

ored to have ye episcopall dignitie (affter ye popish

maner) with their large power & jurisdiction still re-

tained; with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies,

togeather with all such livings, revenues, & subordi-

nate officers, with other such means as formerly up-

held their antichristian greatnes, and enabled them

with lordly & tyranous power to persecute ye poore

servants of God.  This contention was so great, as

neither ye honour of God, the commone persecution,

nor ye mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of

ye Lord in those places, could prevaile with those

thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all

means to disturbe ye peace of this poor persecuted

church, even so farr as to charge (very unjustly, &

ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe op-

posers, with rebellion & hightreason against ye Em-

perour, & other such crimes.

     And this contetion dyed not with queene Mary, nor

was left beyonde ye seas, but at her death these peo-

ple returning into England under gracious queene

Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bish-

opricks & other promotions, according to their aimes

and desires, that inveterate hatered against ye holy

discipline of Christ in his church hath continued to


8                 HISTORY OF                        [ CHAP. I.

 

this day.  In somuch that for fear [4] it should pre-

veile, all plotts & devices have been used to keepe it

out, incensing ye queene & state against it as dan-

gerous for ye comon wealth; and that it was most

needfull yt ye fundamentall poynts of Religion should

be preached in those ignorante & superstitious times;

and to wine ye weake & ignorante, they might retaine

diverse harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be

wished yt diverse things were reformed, yet this was

not a season for it.  And many the like, to stop ye

mouthes of ye more godly, to bring them over to

yeeld to one ceremoney after another, and one cor-

ruption after another; by these wyles begyleing some

& corrupting others till at length they begane to per-

secute all ye zealous professors in ye land (though

they knew little what this discipline mente) both by

word & deed, if they would not submitte to their

ceremonies, & become slaves to them & their popish

trash, which have no ground in ye word of God, but

are relikes of yt man of sine.  And the more ye light

of ye gospell grew, ye more yey urged their subscrip-

tions to these corruptions.  So as (notwithstanding all

their former pretences & fair colures) they whose

eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see

wherto these things tended.  And to cast contempte

the more upon ye sincere servants of God, they oppro-

briously & most injuriously gave unto, & imposed

upon them, that name of Puritans, which [it] is said


CHAP. I.]            PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                9

 

the Novatians out of prid did assume & take unto

themselves.*  And lamentable it is to see ye effects

which have followed.  Religion hath been disgraced,

the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many

exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones &

otherways.  On the other hand, sin hath been coun-

tenanced, ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased,

& the papists encouraged to hope againe for a day.

     This made that holy man Mr. Perkins! crie out in

his exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2.  Religion

(saith he) hath been amongst us this 35. years; but

the more it is published, the more it is contemned &

reproached of many, &c.  Thus not prophanes nor

wickednes, but Religion it selfe is a byword, a moking-

stock, &:, a matter of reproach; so that in England at

this day the man or woman yt begines to profes Religion,

&:, to serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine

[5] mocks & injueries even as though he lived amongst

ye enimies of Religion.  And this comone experience

hath confirmed & made too apparente.

 

     A late observation, as it were by the way, worthy to be

Noted.!!

Full litle did I thinke, yt the downfall of ye Bishops, with

their courts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare,

when I first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute

ye year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure after-

 

  *Ens: lib: 6. Chap. 42.                                                !Page 421.

   !!A note of the author at this place, written subsequent to this portion of

the narrative, on the reverse pages of his History.


10                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. I.

 

ward), or that I should have lived to have seene or heard

of ye same; but it is ye Lords doing, and ought to be

marvelous in our eyes!  Every plante which mine heavenly

father hath not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted

up.  Mat: 15. 13.*  I have snared the, and thou art taken,

0 Babell (Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art

found, and also caught, because thou hast striven against

the Lord.  Jer. 50. 24.  But will they needs strive against ye

truth, against ye servants of God; what, & against the Lord

him selfe?  Doe they provoke the Lord to anger?  Are they

stronger than he?  1. Cor: 10. 22.  No, no, they have mete

with their match.  Behold, I come unto ye, O proud man,

saith the Lord God of hosts; for thy day is come, even the

time that I will visite the.  Jer: 50. 31.  May not the

people of God now say (and these pore people among ye

rest), The Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come,

let us declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God.  Jer:

51. 10.  Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for he is

raised up out of his holy place. Zach: 2. 13.

     In this case, these poore people may say (among ye

thousands of Israll),  When the Lord brougt againe the cap-

tivite of Zion, we were like them that dreame.  Psa: 126. 1.

The Lord hath done greate things for us, wherof we rejoyce.

v. 3.  They that sow in teares, shall reap in joye.  They

wente weeping, and carried precious seede, but they shall

returne with joye, and bring their sheaves. v. 5, 6.

     Doe you not now see ye fruits of your labours, 0 all yee

servants of ye Lord that have suffered for his truth, and

have been faithfull witneses of ye same, and yee litle hand-

fall amongst ye rest, ye least amongest ye thoasands of Israll?

You have not only had a seede time, but many of you have

seene ye joyefull harvest; shoald you not then rejoyse, yea,

   *All these and subsequent passages are quoted from the Geneva version

of the Bible.

CHAP. I.]            PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                11

 

and againe rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah, salvation, and glorie,

and honour, and power, be to ye Lord our God; for true

and righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2.

     But thou wilte aske what is ye mater?  What is done?

Why, art thou a stranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not

know what is done?  Are not those Jebusites overcome that

have vexed the people of Israll so long, even holding Jeru-

salem till Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so

many ages; and now begane to scorne that any David

should meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower,

as that of the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes

are throwne downe, and their glory laid in ye dust.  The

tiranous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their can-

nons forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies useles

and despised; their plots for popery prevented, and all their

superstitions discarded & returned to Roome from whence

they came, and ye monuments of idolatrie rooted out of ye land.

And the proud and profane suporters, and cruel I defenders of

these (as bloody papists & wicked athists, and their malignante

consorts) marvelously over throwne.  And are not these greate

things? Who can deney it?

     But who hath done it?  Who, even he that siteth on ye white

horse, who is caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and fighteth

righteously, Rev: 19. 11.  whose garments are dipte in blood,

and his name was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall

rule them with a rode of iron; for it is he that treadeth the

winepress of the feircenes and wrath of God almighty.  And

he hath upon his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen,

The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. v. 15, 16.

Hallelu-iah.

Anno Dom:  1646.

     But that I may come more near my intendmente;

when as by the travell & diligence of some godly &

zealous preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as


12                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. I.

 

in other places of ye land, so in ye North parts, many

became inlightened by ye word of God, and had their

ignorance & sins discovered unto them, and begane by

his grace to reforme their lives, and make conscience

of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner mani-

fest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and

scorned by ye prophane multitude, and ye ministers

urged with ye yoak of subscription, or els must be

silenced; and ye poore people were so vexed with

apparators, & pursuants, & ye comissarie courts, as

truly their affliction was not smale; which, notwith-

standing, they bore sundrie years with much patience,

till they were occasioned (by ye continuance & encrease

of these troubls, and other means which ye Lord raised

up in those days) to see further into things by the

light of ye word of God.  How not only these base

and beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that

ye lordly & tiranous power of ye prelats ought not to

be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the free-

dome of the gospell, would load & burden mens con-

sciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane

mixture of persons & things in ye worship of God.  And

that their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were

unlawfull and antichrist!an; being such as have no war-

rante in ye word of God; but the same yt were used in

poperie, & still retained.  Of which a famous author

thus writeth in his Dutch comtaries.  At ye coming of

 

*Em: meter: lib: 25. col. 119.


1602-1606?]      PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                13

 

king James into England; The new king (saith he) found

their established ye reformed religion, according to ye re-

formed religion of king Edward ye 6.  Retaining, or

keeping still ye spirituall state of ye Bishops, &c. after

ye ould maner, much varying re differing from ye reformed

churches in Scotland, France, & ye Neatherlands, Embden,

Geneva, &c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen much

nerer ye first Christian churches, as it was used in ye

Apostles times.*

     [6] SO many therfore of these proffessors as saw ye

evill of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts ye

Lord had touched wth heavenJy zeale for his trueth, they

shooke of this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as

ye Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant

of the Lord) into a church estate, in ye felowship of ye

gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to

be made known unto them, according to their best en-

deavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assist-

ing them.  And that it cost them something this ensewing

historie will declare.

      These people became 2.  distincte bodys or churches,

& in regarde of distance of place did congregate sev-

erally; for they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some

in Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of

Yorkshire, wher they border- nearest togeather.  In one

 

     *The reformed churches shapen much neerer ye primitive patterne then

England, for they cashered ye Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and cere-

moneis, at the first; and left them amongst ye popish tr, .to Ch wch they per-

tained. (The last word in the note is uncertain in the MS.)


14                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. I.

 

of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John

Smith, a man of able gifts,  a good preacher, who

afterwards was chosen their pastor.  But these after-

wards falling into some errours in ye Low Countries,

ther (for ye most part) buried them selves, & their

names.

     But in this other church (wch must be ye subjecte of

our discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard

Clifton, a grave & revered preacher, who by his paines

and dilligens had done much good, and under God had

ben a means of ye conversion of many.  And also that

famous and worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who after-

wards was their pastor for many years, till ye Lord

tooke him away by death.  Also Mr. William Brewster a

reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder

of ye church and lived with them till old age.

     But after these things they could not long continue

in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & perse-

cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were

but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now

came upon them.  For some were taken & clapt up in

prison, others had their houses besett & watcht night

and day, & hardly escaped their hands; and ye most

were faine to flie & leave their howses & habitations,

and the means of their livelehood.  Yet these & many

other sharper things which affterward befell them,

were no other then they looked for, and therfore were ye

better prepared to bear them by ye assistance of Gods


 

 

1608.]            PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                    15

 

grace & spirite.  Yet seeing, them selves thus molested,

[7] and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther,

by a joynte consente they resolved to goe into ye Low-

Countries, wher they heard was freedome of Relioion

for all men; as also how sundrie from London, & other

parts of ye land, had been exiled and persecuted for

ye same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Am-

sterdam, & in other places of ye land.  So affter they

had continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their

meetings every Saboth in one place or other, exercising

the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstand-

ing, all ye dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they

seeing they could no longer continue in yt condition,

they resolved to get over into Hollad as they could;

which was in ye year 1607.  & 1608.; of which more at

large in ye next chap.

 

2. Chap.

Of their departure into Holland and their trouble ther

       aboute, with some of ye many difficulties they found

        and mete withall.

Ano. 1608.

     BEING thus constrained to leave their native soyle

and countries their lands & livings, and all their

freinds & famillier acquaintance, it was much, and

thought marvelous by many.  But to goe into a coun-

trie they knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must

learne a new language, and get their livings they

 


16                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. II.

 

knew not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to

ye misseries of warr, it was by many thought an ad-

venture almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a mis-

serie worse then death.  Espetially seeing they were

not aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which yt

countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a

plaine countrie life, & ye inocente trade of husbandrey.

But these things did not dismay them (though they

did some times trouble them) for their desires were

sett on ye ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances;

but they rested on his providence, & knew whom they

had beleeved.  Yet [8] this was not all, for though

they could not stay, yet were ye not suffered to goe,

but ye ports & havens were shut against them, so as

they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance,

& to bribe & fee ye mariners, & give exterordinarie

rates for their passages.  And yet were they often

times betrayed (many of them), and both they &

their goods intercepted & surprised, and therby put

to great trouble & charge, of which I will give an in-

stance or tow, & omitte the rest.

     Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get

passage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end

had hired a shipe wholy to them selves, & made

agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine

day, and take them and their goods in, at a con-

veniente place, wher they accordingly would all at-

tende in readines.  So after long waiting, & large


1608.]           PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.                   1 7

 

expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he

came at length & tooke them in, in ye night.  But

when he had them & their goods abord, he betrayed

them, haveing before hand complotted with ye serchers

& other officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put

them into open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them,

searching them to their shirts for money, yea even ye

women furder then became modestie; and then caried

them back into ye towne, & made them a spectackle

& wonder to ye multitude, which came flocking on all

sids to behould them.  Being thus first, by the chatch-

poule officers, rifled, & stripte of their money, books,

and much other goods, they were presented to ye

magestrates, and messengers sente to informe ye lords

of ye Counsell of them; and so they were comited to

ward.  Indeed ye magestrats used them courteously,

and shewed them what favour they could; but could

not deliver them, till order came from ye Counsell-

table.  But ye issue was that after a months impris-

onmente, ye greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to

ye places from whence they came; but 7. of ye prin-

cipall were still kept in prison, and bound over to

ye Assises.

   The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte

made by some of these & others, to get over at an

other place.  And it so fell out, that they light of a

Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belong-

ing to Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and


18                        HISTORY OF                                  [CHAP. II.

 

acquainted [9] him with their condition, hoping to

find more faithfullnes in him, then in ye former of

their owne nation.  He bad them not fear, for he

would doe well enough.  He was by appointment to

take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher was a

large comone a good way distante from any towne. 

Now aganst the prefixed time, the women & children,

with ye goods, were sent to ye place in a small barke,

which they had hired for yt end; and ye men were to

meete them by land.  But it so fell out, that they

were ther a day before ye shipe came, & ye sea being

rough, and ye women very sicke, prevailed with ye

seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on

ground at lowwater.  The nexte morning ye shipe

came, but they were fast, & could not stir till aboute

noone.  In ye mean time, ye shipe maister, perceive-

ing how ye matter was, sente his boate to be getting

ye men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute ye

shore.  But after ye first boat full was gott abord, &

she was ready to goe for more, the mr espied a greate

company, both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, &

other weapons; for ye countrie was raised to take

them.  Ye Dutch-man seeing yt, swore his countries

oath, "sacremente," and having ye wind faire, waiged

his Ancor, hoysed sayles, & away.  But ye poore men

which were gott abord, were in great distress for

their wives and children, which they saw thus to be

taken, and were left destitute of their helps; and


1608.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                19

 

them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them

with, more then they had on their baks, & some

scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord

ye barke.  It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing

they had they would have given to have been

a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy,

they must thus sadly part.  And afterward endured

a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more be-

fore yey arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they

neither saw son, moone, nor stars, & were driven

near ye coast of Norway; the mariners them selves

often despairing of life; and once with shriks & cries

gave over all, as if ye ship had been foundred in ye

sea, & they sinking without recoverie.  But when

mans hope & helpe wholy failed, ye Lords power &

mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for ye ship rose

againe, & gave ye mariners courage againe to manage

her.  And if modestie woud suffer me, I might de-

clare with what fervente [10] prayres they cried unto

ye Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of

them,) even without any great distraction, when ye

water rane into their mouthes & ears; & the mariners

cried out, We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not

with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of

devine faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord

thou canst save; with shuch other expressions as I

will forbeare.  Upon which ye ship did not only re-

cover, but shortly after ye violence of ye storme be-


20                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. II.

 

gane to abate, and ye Lord filed their afllicted minds

with shuch comforts as everyone canot understand,

and in ye end brought them to their desired Haven,

wher ye people came flockeing admiring their deliver-

ance, the storme having been so longe & sore, in

which much hurt had been don, as ye masters freinds

related unto him in their congrattulations.

     But to returne to ye others wher we left.  The rest

of ye men yt were in greatest danger, made shift to

escape away before ye troope could surprise them;

those only staying yt best might, to be assistante unto

ye women.  But pitifull it was to see ye heavie case

of these poore women in this distress; what weeping

& crying on every side, some for their husbands, that

were caried away in ye ship as is before related;

others not knowing what should become of them, &

their litle ones; others againe melted in teares, see-

ing their poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying

for feare, and quaking with could.  Being thus apre-

hended, they were hurried from one place to another,

and from one justice to another, till in ye ende they

knew not what to doe with them; for to imprison so

many women & innocent children for no other cause

(many of them) but that they must goe with their hus-

bands, semed to be unreasonable and all would crie

out of them; and to send them home againe was as

difficult, for they aledged, as ye trueth was, they had

no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or other-


1608.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                21

 

wise disposed of their houses & livings. To be shorte,

after they had been thus turmolyed a good while, and

]conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad

to be ridd of them in ye end upon any termes; for all

were wearied & tired with them.  Though in ye mean

time they (poore soules) indured miserie enough; and

thus in ye end necessitie forste a way for them.

    But yt I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte

ye rest, though I might relate many other notable pas-

sages and troubles which they endured & underwente

in these their wanderings & travells both at land & sea;

but I hast to [11] other things.  Yet I may not omitte

ye fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick

troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause became

famouss, & occasioned many to looke into ye same; and

their godly cariage & Christian behaviour was such as

left a deep impression in the minds of many.  And

though some few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp

beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet many more came

on with fresh courage, & greatly animated others.  And

in ye end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossi-

tion, they all gatt over at length, some at one time &

some at an other, and some in one place & some in an

other, and mette togeather againe according to their

desires, with no small rejoycing. .


22                        HISTORY OF              [CHAP. III.

 

The 3. Chap.

Of their setling in Holand, & their maner of living, &

entertainmente ther.

    BEING now come into ye Low Countries, they saw

many goodly & fortified cities, strongly walled and

garded with troopes of armed men.  Also they heard

a strange & uncouth language, and beheld ye differente

maners & customes of ye people, with their strange

fashons and attires; all so farre differing from yt of

their plaine countrie villages (wherin they were bred,

& had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into

a new world.  But these were not ye things they much

looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they

had other work in hand, & an other kind of warr

to wage & maintaine.  For though they saw faire &

bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of

welth & riches, yet it was not longe before they saw

the grime & grisly face of povertie coming upon them

like an armed man, with whom they must bukle &

incounter, and from whom they could not flye; but

they were armed with faith & patience against him, and

all his encounters; and though they were sometimes

foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got

ye victorie.

      Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, & other prin-

cipall members were come over, (for they were of ye


 

1609.]          PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.                    23

 

last, & stayed to help ye weakest over before them,)

such things were [12] thought on as were necessarie

for their setting and best ordering of ye church affairs.

And when they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year,

Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best

discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com-

panie was allready fallen in to contention with ye church

yt was ther before them, & no means they could use

would doe any good to cure ye same, and also that

ye flames of contention were like to breake out in yt

anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably

came to pass); which things they prudently foresee-

ing, thought it was best to remove, before they were

any way engaged with ye same; though they well knew

it would be much to ye prejudice of their outward

estats, both at presente & in licklyhood in ye future;

as indeed it proved to be.

 

Their remoovall to Leyden.

    For these &, some other reasons they removed to Ley-

den, a fair & bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation,

but made more famous by ye universitie wherwith it is

adorned, in which of late had been so many learned

men.  But wanting that traffike by sea which Amster-

dam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward

means of living & estats.  But being now hear pitchet

they fell to such trads & employments as they best

could; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above


24                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. III.

 

any other riches whatsoever.  And at lenght they came

to raise a competente & comforteable living, but with

hard and continuall labor.

     Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they con-

tinued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying

much sweete & delightefull societie & spirituall com-

forte togeather in ye wayes of God, under ye able minis-

trie, and prudente governmente of Mr. John Robinson,

& Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistante unto

him in ye place of an Elder, unto which he was now

called & chosen by the church.  So as they grew in

knowledge & other gifts & graces of ye spirite of God,

& lived togeather in peace, & love, and holines; and

many came unto them from diverse parts of England,

so as they grew a great congregation.  And if at any

time any differences arose, or offences broak [13] out

(as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst

ye best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt

in ye head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as

still love, peace, and communion was continued; or els

ye church purged of those that were incurable & incor-

rigible, when, after much patience used, no other means

would serve, which seldom came to pass.  Yea such

was ye mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this

worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him,

that it might be said of them as it once was of yt

famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,* and ye people of

 

* Goulden booke, &c.


1609-1620.]       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               25

 

Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted

more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing

such a pastor.  His love was greate towards them, and

his care was all ways bente for their best good, both

for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in

devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very

able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee

dangers & inconveniences; by wch means he was very

helpfull to their outward estats, & so was every way

as a commone father unto them.  And none did more

offend him then those that were close and cleaving to

them selves, and retired from ye commoe good; as also

such as would be stiffe & riged in matters of outward

order, and invey against ye evills of others, and yet be

remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express

a vertuous conversation.  They in like maner had ever

a reverente regard unto him, & had him in precious

estimation, as his worth & wisdom did deserve; and

though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived &

laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death,

when they came to feele ye wante of his help, and saw

(by woefull experience) what a treasure they had lost,

to ye greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls;

yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for

it was as hard for them to find such another leader

and feeder in all respects, as for ye Taborits to find

another Ziska.  And though they did not call them-

selves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet


26                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. III.

 

they had cause as much to lamente, in another regard,

their present condition, and. after usage.  But to re-

turne; I know not but it may be spoken to ye honour

of God, & without prejudice [14] to any, that such

was ye true pietie, ye humble zeale, & fervent love, of

this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards

God and his waies, and ye single hartednes & sinceir

affection one towards another, that they came as near

ye primative patterne of ye first churches, as any other

church of these later times have done, according to

their ranke & qualitie.

      But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of ye sev-

erall passages that befell this people whilst they thus

lived in ye Low Countries, (which might worthily re-

quire a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to

shew ye begining of this plantation, which is that I

aime at; yet because some of their adversaries did,

upon ye rumore of their removall, cast out slanders

against them, as if that state had been wearie of them,

& had rather driven them out (as ye heathen histo-

rians did faine of Moyses & ye Isralits when they

went out of Egipte), then yt it was their owne free

choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler

or too to shew ye contrary, and ye good acceptation

they had in ye place wher they lived.  And first

though many of them weer poore, yet ther was none

so poore, but if they were known to be of yt con-

gregation, the Dutch (either bakers or others) would


1609-1620]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                27

 

trust them in any reasonable matter when yey wanted

money.  Because they had found by experience how

carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so

painfull & dilligente in their callings; yea, they would

strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above

others, in their worke, for their honestie & diligence.

    Againe; ye magistrats of ye citie, aboute ye time of

their coming away, or a litle before, in ye publick

place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of

them, in ye reproofe of the Wallons, who were of ye

French church in yt citie.  These English, said they,

have lived amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we

never had any sute or accusation came against any of

them; but your strifs & quarels are continuall, &c.

In these times allso were ye great troubls raised by

ye Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested ye whole

state, so this citie in particuler, in which was ye

cheefe universitie; so as ther were dayly & hote dis-

puts in ye schooles ther aboute; and as ye studients &

other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin,

so were ye 2.  proffessors or devinitie readers them

selves; the one daly teaching for it, ye other against

it.  Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls

of ye one would hear ye other teach.  But Mr. Rob-

inson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, &

write sundrie books, besids his manyfould pains other-

wise, yet he went constantly [15] to hear ther read-

ings, and heard ye one as well as ye other; by which


28                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. III.

 

means he was so well grounded in ye controversie,

and saw ye force of all their arguments, and knew ye

shifts of ye adversarie, and being him selfe very able,

none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as

appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be

terrible to ye Arminians; which made Episcopius (ye

Arminian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and

set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he

would defend against all men.  Now Poliander ye

other proffessor, and ye cheefe preachers of ye citie,

desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him; but he

was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did impor-

tune him, and tould him yt such was ye abilitie and

nimblnes of ye adversarie, that ye truth would suffer

if he did not help them.  So as he condescended, &

prepared him selfe against the time; and when ye day

came, the Lord did so help him to defend ye truth &

foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent

nonplus, in this great & publike audience. And ye

like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions.

The which as it caused many to praise God yt the

trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him

much honour & respecte from those lerned men &

others which loved ye trueth.  Yea, so farr were they

from being weary of him & his people, or desiring

their absence, as it was said by some, of no mean

note, that were it not for giveing offence to ye state

of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                29

 

he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea

when ther was speech of their remoovall into these

parts, sundrie of note & eminencie of yt nation would

have had them come under them, and for yt end made

them large offers.  Now though I might aledg many

other perticulers & examples of ye like kinde, to shew

ye untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these

shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only

raised by ye malice of some, who laboured their

disgrace.

The 4. Chap.

Showing ye reasons & causes of their remoovall.

    AFTER they had lived in this citie about some 11.

or 12. years, (which is ye more observable being ye

whole time of yt famose truce between that state &

ye Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away

by death, & many others begane to be well striken in

years, the grave mistris Experience haveing taught

them many things, [16] those prudent governours with

sundrie of ye sagest members begane both deeply to

apprehend their present dangers, & wisely to foresee

ye future, & thinke of timly remedy.  In ye agitation

of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear

aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclu-

sion, of remoovall to some other place.  Not out of

any newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor,

by which men are oftentimes transported to their

great hurt & danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid


30                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IV.

 

reasons; some of ye cheefe of which I will hear breefly

touch.  And first, they saw & found by experience the

hardnes of ye place & countrie to be such, as few in

comparison would come to them, and fewer that would

bide it out, and continew with them.  For many yt

came to them, and many more yt desired to be with

them, could not endure yt great labor and hard fare,

with other inconveniences which they underwent &

were contented with.  But though they loved their

persons, approved their cause, and honoured their suf-

ferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as

Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those

Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused

& borne with, though they could not all be Catoes.

For many, though they desired to injoye ye ordinances

of God in their puritie, and ye libertie of the gospell

with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with

danger of conscience, rather then to indure these hard-

ships; yea, some preferred & chose ye prisons in Eng-

land, rather then this libertie in Holland, with these

afflictions.  But it was thought that if a better and

easier place of living could be had, it would draw many,

& take away these discouragments.  Yea, their pastor

would often say, that many of those wo both wrate &

preached now against them, if they were in a place

wher they might have libertie and live comfortably,

they would then practise as they did.

    21y.  They saw that though ye people generally bore

 


1620.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                31

 

all these difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute

courage, being in ye best & strength of their years, yet

old age began to steale on many of them, (and their

great & continuall labours, with other crosses and sor-

rows, hastened it before ye time,) so as it was not only

probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a

few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by

necessities pressing them, or sinke under their burdens,

or both.  And therfore according to ye devine proverb,

yt a wise man seeth ye plague when it cometh, & hideth

him selfe, Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten

souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or sur-

rounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be

able to fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to

dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage &

less danger, if any such could be found. [16] Thirdly;

as necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were

forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a

sorte, to their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not

a title wound ye tender harts of many a loving father &

mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowful

effects.  For many of their children, that were of best

dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde

to bear ye yoake in their youth, and willing to bear

parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so

oppressed with their hevie labours, that though their

minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed

under ye weight of ye same, and became decreped in


32                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IV.

 

their early youth; the vigor of nature being consumed

in ye very budd as it were.  But that which was more

lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne,

was that many of their children, by these occasions,

and ye great licentiousnes of youth in yt countrie, and

ye manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away

by evill examples into extravagante & dangerous courses,

getting ye raines off their neks, & departing from their

parents.  Some became souldiers, others tooke upon

them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses,

tending to dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to

ye great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God.

So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger

to degenerate & be corrupted. 

     Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope &

inward zeall they had of laying some good foundation,

or at least to make some way therunto, for ye propagat-

ing & advancing ye gospell of ye kingdom of Christ in

those remote parts of ye world; yea, though they should

be but even as stepping-stones unto others for ye per-

forming of so great a work. 

     These, & some other like reasons, moved them to

undertake this resolution of their removall; the which

they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as

by the sequell will appeare.

     The place they had thoughts on was some of those

vast & unpeopled countries of America, which are frut-

full & fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                33

 

inhabitants, wher ther are only salvage & brutish men,

which range up and downe, litle otherwise then ye wild

beasts of the same.  This proposition being made pub-

like and coming to ye scaning of all, it raised many

variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears

& doubts amongst them selves.  Some, from their

reasons & hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & in-

courage the rest to undertake & prosecute ye same;

others, againe, out of their fears, objected against it,

& sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and

those neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it,

was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable

perills & dangers; as, besids the casulties of ye seas

(which none can be freed from) the length of ye vioage

was such, as ye weake bodys of women and other

persons worne out with age & traville (as many

of them were) could never be able to endure.  And yet

if they should, the miseries of ye land which they

should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be

borne; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to

consume & utterly to ruinate them.  For ther they

should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & ye wante,

in a maner, of all things.  The chang of aire, diate, &

drinking of water, would, infecte their bodies with sore

sickneses, and greevous diseases.  And also those which

should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett

be in continuall danger of ye salvage people, who are

cruell, barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious


34                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IV.

 

in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not

being contente only to kill, & take away life, but delight

to tormente men in ye most bloodie maner that may be ;

fleaing some alive with ye shells of fishes, cutting of ye

members & joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling

on ye coles, eate ye collops of their flesh in their sight

whilst they live; with other cruelties horrible to be

related.  And surely it could not be thought but ye

very hearing of these things could not but move ye

very bowels of men to grate within them, and make ye

weake to quake & tremble.  It was furder objected,

that it would require greater sumes of money to furnish

such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then

their consumed estats would amounte too; and yett

they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies,

as presently to be trasported.  Also many presidents

of ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in

the like designes, were easie to be found, and not for-

gotten to be aledged; besids their owne experience,

in their former troubles & hardships in their removall

into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to

live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour

countrie, & a civill and rich comone wealth.

     It was answered, that all great & honourable actions

are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be

both enterprised and overcome with answerable cour-

ages.  It was granted ye dangers were great, but not

desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible.


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                35

 

For though their were many of them likly, yet they

were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of ye things

feared might never befale; others by providente care

& ye use of good means, might in a great measure

be prevented; and all of them, through ye help of God,

by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or

overcome.  True it was, that such atempts were not

to be made and undertaken without good ground &

reason; not rashly or lightly as many have done for

curiositie or hope of gaine, &c.  But their condition

was not ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable;

their calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might

expecte ye blessing of God in their proceding.  Yea,

though they should loose their lives in this action, yet

might they have comforte in the same, and their en-

deavors would be honourable.  They lived hear but

as men in exile, & in a poore condition; and as great

miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for

ye 12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing

but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the

events wherof are all way uncertaine.   Ye Spaniard

might prove as cruell as [18] the salvages of America,

and ye famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, &

their libertie less to looke out for remedie.  After

many other perticuler things answered & aledged on

both sids, it was fully concluded by ye major parte,

to put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it

by the best means they could.


36                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

The 5. Chap.

Shewing what means they used for preparation to this

waightie vioag.

      AND first after thir humble praiers unto God for his

direction & assistance, & a generall conferrence held

hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to

pitch upon, & prepare for.  Some (& none of ye

meanest) had thoughts & were ernest for Guiana, or

some of those fertill places in those hott climats;

others were for some parts of Virginia, wher ye

English had all ready made enterance, & begining.

Those for Guiana aledged yt the cuntrie was rich,

fruitfull, & blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a

florishing greenes; where vigorous nature brought

forth all things in abundance & plentie without any

great labour or art of man.  So as it must needs

make ye inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of cloth-

ing and other things would serve, then in more coulder

& less frutfull countries must be had.  As also yt the

Spaniards (having much more then they could possess)

had not yet planted there, nor any where very near

ye same.  But to this it was answered, that out of

question ye countrie was both frutfull and pleasante,

and might yeeld riches & maintenance to ye possessors,

more easily then ye other; yet, other things con-

sidered, it would not be so fitt for them.  And first,


1617.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.      37

 

yt such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases,

and many noysome impediments, which other more

temperate places are freer from, and would not so

well agree with our English bodys.  Againe, if they

should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard

would never suffer them long, but would displante

or overthrow them, as he did ye French in Florida,

who were seated furder from his richest countries;

and the sooner because they should have none to

protect them, & their owne strength would be too

smale to resiste so potent an enemie, & so neare a

neighbor.

      On ye other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that

if they lived among ye English wch wear ther planted,

or so near them as to be under their goverment, they

should be in as great danger to be troubled and per-

secuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in

England, and it might be worse.  And if they lived

too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor de-

fence from them.

     But at length ye conclusion was, to live as a dis-

tincte body by them selves, under ye generall Gover-

ment of Virginia; and by their freinds to sue to his

majestie that he would be pleased to grant them free-

dome of Religion; and yt this might be obtained, they

wear putt in good hope by some great persons, of

good ranke & qualitie, that were made their freinds.

Whereupon 2. were chosen [19] & sent in to England


38                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

(at ye charge of ye rest) to sollicite this matter, who

found the Virginia Company very desirous to have

them goe thither, and willing to grante them a patent,

with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant

to any, and to give them the best furderance they

could.  And some of ye cheefe of yt company douted

not to obtaine their suite of ye king for liberty in Re-

ligion, and to have it confirmed under ye kings broad

seale, according to their desires.  But it prooved a

harder peece of worke then they tooke it for; for

though many means were used to bring it aboute, yet

it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of

good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it,

(amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,*)

and some other wrought with ye archbishop to give

way therunto; but it proved all in vaine.  Yet thus

farr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind,

that he would connive at them, & not molest them,

provided they carried them selves peacably.  But to

allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under

his seale, they found it would not be.  And this was

all the cheefe of ye Virginia companie or any other of

their best freinds could doe in ye case.  Yet they per-

swaded them to goe on, for they presumed they

should not be troubled.  And with this answer ye mes-

sengers returned, and signified what diligence had bene

used, and to what issue things were come.

 

* Sr Robert Nanton.


1617.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                39

 

    But this made a dampe in ye busines, and caused

some distraction, for many were afraid that if they

should unsetle them selves, & put of their estates,

and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous,

and but a sandie foundation.  Yea, it was thought

they might better have presumed hear upon without

makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be

thus rejected.  But some of ye cheefest thought other

wise, and yt they might well proceede hereupon, &

that ye kings majestie was willing enough to suffer

them without molestation, though for other reasons he

would not confirme it by any publick acte.  And fur-

dermore, if ther was no securitie in this promise inti-

mated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder

confirmation of ye same; for if after wards ther should

be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they

had a seale as broad as ye house flore, it would not

serve ye turne; for ther would be means enew found

to recall or reverse it.  Seeing therfore the course

was probable, they must rest herein on Gods provi-

dence, as they had done in other things.

     Upon this resolution, other messengers were dis-

patched, to end with ye Virginia Company as well as

they could.  And to procure [20] a patent with as

good and ample conditions as they might by any good

means obtaine.  As also to treate and conclude with

such merchants and other freinds as had manifested

their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this


40                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

vioage. For which end they had instructions given

them upon what conditions they should proceed with

them, or els to conclude nothing without further ad-

vice.  And here it will be requisite to inserte a letter

or too that may give light to these proceedings.

 

A coppie of leter from Sr: Edwin Sands, directed to Mr. John

Robinson &; Mr. William Brewster.

     After my hartie salutations. The agents of your congre-

gation, Robert Cushman & John Carver, have been in

comunication with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties

Counsell for Virginia; and by ye writing of 7.  Articles sub-

scribed with your names, have given them yt good degree of

satisfaction, which hath caried them on with a resolution to

sett forward your desire in ye best sorte yt may be, for your

owne & the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave

to their faith full reporte; having carried them selves heere with

that good discretion, as is both to their owne and their credite

from whence they came. And wheras being to treate for a

multitude of people, they have requested further time to con-

ferr with them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute

ye severall particularities which in ye prosecution therof will

fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too.

And so they doe now returne unto you.  If therfore it may

please God so to directe your desires as that on your parts

ther fall out no just impediments, I trust by ye same direction

it shall likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to

set yon forward shall be found in ye best sorte which with

reason may be expected.  And so I betake you with this

designe (wch I hope verily is ye worke of God), to the gracious

protection and blessing of ye Highest.

London, Novbr: 12.                 Your very loving freind

Ano: 1617.                     EDWIN SANDYS.


1617.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                41

 

Their answer was as foloweth.

 

Righte Worpl:

     Our humble duties remembred, in our owne our messengers,

and our churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente

of your singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so

more spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our

good in this weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which ye less

able we are to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more

bound to comend in our prayers unto God for recompence;

whom, as for ye presente you rightly behould in our indeavors,

so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same God assist-

ing us) to returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto ye

labour of your love bestowed upon us.  We have with ye best

speed and consideration withall that we could, sett downe our

requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, wth the hands of

ye greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente ye same

unto ye Counsell by our agente, & a deacon of our church,

John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman

of our company to adyone him selfe; to the care & discretion

of which two, we doe referr ye prosecuting of ye bussines.

Now we perswade our selves Right Worpp: that we need not

provoke your godly & loving minde to any further or more,

tender care of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us

in your selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things

in the world, we relye upon you, expecting the care of your

love, counsell of your wisdome, & the help & countenance of

your authority.  Notwithstanding, for your encouragmente in

ye worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not for-

beare to mention these instances of indusmente.

     1.  We veryly beleeve & trust ye Lord is with us, unto whom

& whose service we have given our selves in many trialls; and

that he will graciously prosper our indeavours according to ye

simplicitie of our harts therin.

42                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

     21y.  We are well weaned from ye delicate milke of our mother

countrie, and enured to ye difficulties of a strange and hard

land, which yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome.

     31y.  The people are for the body of them, industrious, &

frugall, we thinke we may safly say, as any company of people

in the world.

     41y.  We are knite togeather as a body in a most stricte &

sacred bond and covenante of the Lord, of the violation*

wherof we make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we

doe hould our selves straitly tied to all care of each others

good, and of ye whole by every one and so mutually.

     5.  Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small

things can discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish

them selves at home againe.  We knowe our entertainmente in

England, and in Holand; we shall much prejudice both our

arts & means by removall; who, if we should be driven to

returne, we should not hope to recover our present helps and

comforts, neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine

unto ye like in any other place during our lives, wch are now

drawing towards their periods.

     [22] These motives we have been bould to tender unto you,

 

*NOTE. -- 0 sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and

precious were the fruits that flowed from ye same, but when this fidelity de-

cayed, then their ruine approached.  0 that these anciente members had not

dyed, or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy

care and constante faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that

survived, and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that sub-

till serpente hath slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie

and ye like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were insensibly

by degrees to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, ye same.  I have been

happy, in my first times, to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed

fruits of this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age,

to find and feele ye decay and wante therof (in a great measure), and with

greefe and sorrow of hart to lamente & bewaile ye same.  And for others warn-

ing and admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note ye same.

[The above reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the

reverse pages of his History, at this place.]

 

 

1617.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                43

 

which you in your wisdome may also imparte to any other our

worpp: freinds of ye Counsell with you; of all whose godly dis-

possition and loving towards our despised persons, we are most

glad, & shall not faile by all good means to continue & in-

crease ye same.  We will not be further troublesome, but doe,

with ye renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your

Worpp: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any

other of our wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our

leaves, comiting your persons and counsels to ye guidance and

direction of the Almighty.

Yours much bounden in all duty,

Leyden, Desem: 15.                            JOHN ROBINSON,

Ano: 1617.                                          WILLIAM BREWSTER.

 

For further light in these proceedings see some other letters

& notes as followeth.

 

The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John Worssenham.

     Right Worpll:  with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse

for your singular care & pains in the bussines of Virginia, for

our, &, we hope, the comone good, we doe remember our

humble dutys unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required,

a further explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified

by some of his majesties Honbl Privie Counsell; and though it

be greevious unto us that such unjust insinuations are made

against us, yet we are most glad of ye occasion of making our

just purgation unto so honourable personages.  The declara-

tions we have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall,

which we thinke ye fitter to be presented; the other something

more large, and in which we express some smale accidentall

differances, which if it seeme good unto you and other of our

worpl freinds, you may send in stead of ye former.  Our prayers

unto God is, yt your Worpp may see the frute of your worthy


44                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. v.

 

endeaours, which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by

all good means in us. And so praing yt you would please with

ye convenientest speed yt may be, to give us knowledge of ye

success of ye bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and

accordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direc-

tion or furtherance in ye same, so we rest

Your Worpp in all duty,

    Leyden, J an: 27.                           JOHN ROBINSON,

    Ano: 1617. old stile.                     WILLIAM BREWSTER.

 

The first breefe note was this.

     Touching ye Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for

teaching, elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing ye

churches contribution, as allso for ye too Sacrements, bap-

tisme, and ye Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points

agree [23] with ye French reformed churches, according to

their publick confession of faith.

     The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly take if it be

required of us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given

by our taking ye oath of Alleagence.

JOHN ROB:

WILLIAM BREWSTER,

 

Ye 2. was this.

     Touching ye Ecclesiasticall ministrie, &c. as in ye former,

we agree in all things with the French reformed churches,

according to their publick confession of faith; though some

small differences be to be found in our practises, not at all

in ye substance of the things, but only in some accidentall

circumstances.

1.  As first, their ministers doe pray with their heads cov-

ered; ours uncovered.

2.  We chose none for Governing Elders but such as are

able to teach; which abilitie they doe not require.


1617.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                45

    3.  Their elders & deacons are anuall, or at most for 2. or

3. years; ours perpetuall.

    4.  Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions &

excommunications for publick scandals, publickly & before

ye congregation; theirs more privately, & in their consistories.

    5.  We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as

wherof ye one parente, at ye least, is of some church, which

some of ther churches doe not observe; though in it our prac-

tice accords with their publick confession and ye judgmente of

ye most larned amongst them.

     Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none in these

points.  Then aboute ye oath, as in ye former.

Subscribed,                    JOHN R.

W. B.

 

Part of another letter from him that delivered these.

London. Feb: 14.

1617.

Your letter to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost

as soone as I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him

ye opening & reading.  Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read

them to him selfe, as also ye letter, and in ye reading he spake

to me & said, Who shall make them?  viz. ye ministers;  I

answered his Worpp that ye power of making was in ye church,

to be ordained by ye imposition of hands, by ye fittest instru-

ments they had.  It must either be in ye church or from ye

pope, & ye pope is Antichrist.  Ho! said Sr. John, what ye

pope houlds good, (as in ye Trinitie,) that we doe well to

assente too; but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now.

And as for your letters he would not show them at any hand,

least he should spoyle all.  He expected you should have been

of ye archbp minde for ye calling of ministers, but it seems you

differed.  I could have wished to have known ye contents of

your tow inclosed, at wch he stuck so much, espetially ye larger.


46                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

I asked his Worp what good news he had for me to write to

morrow.  He tould me very good news, for both the kings

majestie and ye bishops have consented.  He said he would

goe to Mr. Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte

weeke I should know more.  I mett Sr. Edw: Sands on Wedens-

day night; he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte ye nexte

Wedensday, wher I purpose to be.  Thus loath to be troubl-

some at present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of

certentie concerning you.  I comitte you to ye Lord. Yours,

                                                                                      S. B.

 

[24] These things being long in agitation, & mes-

sengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all

their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that

fell in ye way; for at ye returne of these messengers

into England they found things farr otherwise then

they expected.  For ye Virginia Counsell was now so

disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them

selves, as no bussines could well goe forward.  The

which may the better appear in one of ye messengers

letters as followeth.

 

          To his loving freinds, &c.

     I had thought long since to have write unto you, but could

not effecte yt which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as

I wished; yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B. hath

writen to Mr. Robinson.  But I thinke my selfe bound also

to doe something, least I be thought to neglecte you.  The

maine hinderance of our proseedings in ye Virginia bussines,

is ye dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs ye

Counsell & Company of Virginia; which are such, as that


1619.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                          47

 

ever since we came up no busines could by them be dis-

patched.  The occasion of this trouble amongst them is, for

that a while since Sr. Thomas Smith, repining at his many

offices & troubls, wished ye Company of Virginia to ease him

of his office in being Treasurer & Goverr. of ye Virginia Com-

pany.  Wereupon ye Company tooke occasion to dismisse him,

and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer & Goverr of ye Company.

He having 60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and

Alderman Johnsone 24.  But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw

some parte of his honour lost, was very angrie, & raised a

faction to cavill & contend aboute ye election, and sought to

taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him,

and allso put him by his office of Governour.  In which con-

tentions they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle

in any bussines; and what issue things will come to we are

not yet certaine.  It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away,

and if he doe, things will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise,

they will goe ill enough allways.  We hope in some 2. or 3.

Court days things will setle.  Mean space I thinke to goe

downe into Kente, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3.

weeks hence; except either by these afforesaid contentions,

or by ye ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged,

of which tidings I am now to speake.

     Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke (he upon notice

of ye intente of ye Counsell, came away before Sr. Georg

Yeardley came ther, and so ther is no small dissention).  But

his tidings are ill, though his person be wellcome.  He saith

Mr. Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going

towards winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried

them to the southward beyond their course.  And ye mr of

ye ship & some 6. of ye mariners dieing, it seemed they could

not find ye bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute.  Mr.

Blackwell is dead, & Mr. Maggner, ye Captain; yea, ther are

dead, he saith, 130. persons, one & other in yt ship; it is said


48                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

ther was in all an 180. persons in ye ship, so as they were

packed togeather like herings.  They had amongst them ye

fluxe, and allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather

wondred at yt so many are alive, then that so many are dead.

The marchants hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack

so many in ye ship; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repin-

ings amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell, for his

dealing and dispossing of them, when they saw how he had

dispossed of them, & how he insulted over them.  Yea, ye

streets at Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, cry-

ing out one of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I

may thanke the for this.  Heavie newes it is, and I would be

glad to heare how farr it will discourage.  I see none hear dis-

couraged much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by

other mens harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed.

As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed of

being inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be

discerned to have an eye to them selves.  It doth often trouble

me to thinke that in this bussines we are all to learne and none

to teach; but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as

Mr. Blackwell was.  Such a strategeme he once made for Mr.

Johnson & his people at Emden, wch was their subversion.  But

though he ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out

of ye collar, yet at last his foote is caught.  Hear are no

letters come, ye ship captain Argole came in is yet in ye west

parts; all yt  we hear is but his report; it seemeth he came

away secretly.  The ship yt Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear

shortly.  It is as Mr. Robinson once said; he thought we should

hear no good of them.

      Mr. B. is not well at this time; whether he will come back

to you or goe into ye north, I yet know not.  For my selfe,

I hope to see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am

sorie to be thus from you; if things had gone roundly forward,

I should have been with you within these 14. days.  I pray


1619]         PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                49

 

God directe us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for

such a bussines.  Thus having sumarily pointed at things wch

Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to Mr. Robin-

son, I leave you to the Lords protection.

Yours in all readines, &c.                 London, May 8.

ROBART CUSHMAN.               Ano: 1619.

 

     A word or tow by way of digression touching this

Mr. Blackwell; he was an elder of ye church at Am-

sterdam, a man well known of most of them. He

declined from ye trueth wth Mr. Johnson & ye rest,

and went with him when yey parted assunder in yt

wofull maner, wch brought so great dishonour to God,

scandall to ye trueth, & outward ruine to them selves

in this world.  But I hope, notwithstanding, through

ye mercies of ye Lord, their souls are now at rest with

him in ye heavens, and yt they are arrived in ye Haven

of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus

buried in ye terrable seas, and others sunke under ye

burthen of bitter affiictions.  He with some others had

prepared for to goe to Virginia.  And he, with sundrie

godly citizens, being at a private meeing (I take it a

fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were

apprehended, wherof Mr. Blackwell was one; but he

so glosed wth ye bps,* and either dissembled or flatly

denyed ye trueth which formerly he had maintained;

and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and

accused another godly man who had escaped, that so

                             * Bishops.

 


50                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. V.

 

he might slip his own neck out of ye collar, & to

obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds.

Wherupon he so wone ye bps favour (but lost ye Lord's)

as he was not only dismiste, but in open courte ye arch-

bishop gave him great applause and his sollemne bless-

ing to proseed in his vioage.  But if such events follow

ye bps blessing, happie are they yt misse ye same; it

is much better to keepe a good conscience and have

ye Lords blessing, whether in life or death.

     But see how ye man thus apprehended by Mr. Black-

wells means, writs to a freind of his.

 

      Right dear freind & christian brother, Mr. Carver, I salute

you & yours in ye Lord, &c.  As for my owne presente con-

dition, I doubt not but yon well understand it ere this by our

brother Maistersone, who should have tasted of ye same cupp,

had his place of residence & his person been as well knowne

as my selfe.  Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how

ye matter still continues.  I have petitioned twise to Mr. Sherives,

and once to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to

move them to pittie, that if they were not overruled by some

others, I suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I

was a yonge man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse

in our citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close &

tedious prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bnssines lying

still, my only servante lying lame in ye countrie, my wife being

also great with child.  And yet no answer till ye lords of his

majesties Connsell gave consente.  Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell,

a man as deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper

rate, with a great deale less adoe; yea, with an addition of

ye Archp:  blessing.  I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I

wish it may prove no worse.  But yet he & some others of


1618.]         PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                          51

 

them, before their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for

ye best that I was nominated, not because ye Lord sanctifies evill

to good, but that ye action was good, yea for ye best.  One

reason I well remember he used was, because this trouble

would encrease ye Virginia plantation, in that now people be-

gane to be more generally inclined to goe; and if he had not

nomminated some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was

knowne that diverse citizens besids them selves were ther.

I expecte an answer shortly what they intende conscerning

me; I purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you

shall know the certaintie.  Thus not haveing further at present

to acquaint you withall, comending myselfe to your prair's, I

cease, & comitte you and us all to ye Lord.

From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.

Your freind, & brother in bonds,

SABIN STARESMORE.

Septr: 4. Ano: 1618.

 

    But thus much by ye way, which may be of instruc-

tion & good use.

    But at last, after all these things, and their long

attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con-

firmed under ye Companies seale; but these devissions

and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended

freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped

for & proffered means.  By the advise of some freinds

this pattente was not taken in ye name of any of their

owne, but in ye name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious

gentleman then belonging to ye Countess of Lincoline),

who intended to goe with them. But God so disposed

as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente,


52                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by

ye sequell will appeare.  This patente being sente over

for them to veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute

ye propossitions between them & such marchants &

freinds as should either goe or adventure with them,

and espetially with those* on whom yey did cheefly de-

pend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been

large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them

selves with all speed.  A right emblime, it may be,

of ye uncertine things of this world; yt when men have

toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke.

 

 

The 6. Chap.

 

Conscerning ye agreements and artickles between them,

and such marchants & other's as adventured moneys;

with other things falling out aboute making their

provisions.

    UPON ye receite of these things by one of their mes-

sengers, they had a sollemne meeting and a day of

humilliation to seeke ye Lord for his direction; and

their pastor tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4.  And

David's men said unto him, see, we be aft'aid hear in

Judah, how much more if we come -to Keilah against

ye host of the Phillistines?  Then David asked counsell

of ye Lord againe, &c. From which texte he taught

many things very aptly, and befitting ther present

*Mr. Tho: Weston, &c.


1620.]         PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               53

~

occasion and condition, strengthing them against their

fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in their

resolutions. [27]  After which they concluded both

what number and what persons should prepare them

selves to goe with ye first; for all yt were willing to

have gone could, not gett ready for their other affairs

in so shorte a time; neither if all could have been

ready, had ther been means to have trasported them

alltogeather.  Those that staied being ye greater num-

ber required ye pastor to stay with them; and indeede

for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so

it was ye more easilie yeelded unto.  The other then

desired ye elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, which

was also condescended unto.  It was also agreed on

by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that

went should be an absolute church of them selves,

as well as those yt staid; seing in such a dangrous

vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it might

come to pass they should (for ye body of them) never

meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that

as any of ye rest came over to them, or of ye other

returned upon occasion, they should be reputed as mem-

bers without any further dismission or testimoniall.

It was allso promised to those yt wente first, by ye

body of ye rest, that if ye Lord gave them life, & meas,

& opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as

they could.

    Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with


54                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

ye proseedings of ye Virginia Company, & ye ill news

from thence aboute Mr. Blackwell & his company, and

making inquirey about ye hiring & buying of shiping

for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers

aboute goeing with them.  Also one Mr. Thomas Weston,

a mrchant of London, came to Leyden aboute ye same

time, (who was well aquainted with some of them, and

a furtherer of them in their former proseedings,) have-

ing much conferance wth Mr. Robinson & other of ye.

cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems)

& not to medle with ye Dutch, or too much to depend

on ye Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came

to resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds

(togeather with their owne means) would sett them

forth; and they should make ready, and neither feare

wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted

should be provided.  And, not so much for him selfe

as for ye satisfing of such frends as he should procure

to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw such

articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as

might ye better induce his freinds to venture.  Upon

which (after ye formere conclusion) articles were drawne

& agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved

by him; and afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John

Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart

Cushman, were to receive ye moneys & make provissione

both for shiping & other things for ye vioage; with this

charge, not to exseede their coffiission, but to proseed


1620.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                55

 

according to ye former articles.  Also some were chossen

to doe ye like for such things as were to be prepared

there; so those that weare to goe, prepared them selves

with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such as

were able) put in their moneys into ye commone stock,

which was disposed by those appointed, for ye making

of generall provissions.  Aboute this time also they

had heard, both by Mr. Weston and others, yt sundrie

Honbl:  Lords had obtained a large grante from ye king,

for ye more northerly parts of that countrie, derived

out of ye Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from

their Govermente, and to be called by another name,

viz. New-England.  Unto which Mr. Weston, and ye

cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for

them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefly for ye hope

of present profite to be made by ye fishing that was

found in yt countrie.

    But as in all bussineses ye acting parte is most diffi-

culte, espetially wher ye worke of many agents must

concurr, so it was found in this; for some of those

yt should have gone in England, fell of & would not

goe; other marchants & freinds yt had offered to ad-

venture their moneys withdrew, and pretended many

excuses.  Some disliking they wente not to Guiana;

others againe would adventure nothing excepte they

wente to Virginia.  Some againe (and those that were

most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and

would doe nothing if they wente thither.  In ye midds


56                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of

their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought

into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things

would come too; but at length ye generalitie was swaid

to this latter opinion.

     But now another difficultie arose, for Mr. Weston

and some other that were for this course, either for

their better advantage or rather for ye drawing on of

others, as they pretended, would have some of those

conditions altered yt were first agreed on at Leyden. 

To which ye 2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least

one of them who is most charged with it) did con-

sente; seeing els yt all was like to be dashte, &

ye opportunitie lost, and yt they which had put of

their estats and paid in their moneys were in hazard

to be undon.  They presumed to conclude with ye

marchants on those termes, in some things contrary

to their order & comission, and without giving them

notice of ye same; yea, it was conceled least it should

make any furder delay; which was ye cause afterward

of much trouble & contention.

      It will be meete I here inserte these conditions,

which are as foloweth.

 

     Ano: 1620. July 1.

     1.  The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person

that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li.,

and ten pounds to be accounted a single share.


1620.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                57

 

    2.  That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe

out with 10li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted

as haveing 20li. in stock, and in ye devission shall receive a

double share.

     3.  The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue

their joynt stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7. years,

(excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole

company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits &

benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish-

ing, or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still

in ye comone stock untill ye division.

     4.  That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number

of fitt persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing

upon ye sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon

ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground,

& makeing shuch comodities as shall be most use full for ye

collonie.

      5.  That at ye end of ye 7. years, ye capitall & profits, viz.

the houses, lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided be-

twixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man

shall be free from other of them of any debt or detrimente

concerning this adventure.

[29]  6.  Whosoever cometh to ye colonie herafter, or putteth

any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed

proportionably to ye time of his so doing.

     7.  He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall

be alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a

single share in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries,

a duble share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then

2. of them to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation

and devision.

      8.  That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of

ten years, have noe other shar in ye devi~ion, but 50. acers of

unmanured land.


58                         HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

     9.  That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired,

their executors to have their parte or shaff at ye devision, pro-

portionably to ye time of their life in ye collonie.

     10.  That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have

their meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon

stock & goods of ye said collonie.

 

     The cheefe & principall differences betwene these &

the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that

ye houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home

lotts should remaine undevided wholy to ye planters

at ye 7. years end.  2ly, yt they should have had 2.

days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente,

for ye more comforte of them selves and their families,

espetialy such as had families.  But because letters are

by some wise men counted ye best parte of histories,

I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne

letters, in which ye passages of things will be more

truly discerned.

 

A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver.

June 14. 1620. N. Stile.

My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise re-

member in my best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never

cease to comend to God by my best & most earnest praires.

You doe throwly understand by our generall letters ye estate

of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante

of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of

having it provided; though withal! ther be great want of money

& means to doe needfull things.  Mr. Pickering, you know

before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Gush-


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                59

 

man presumed of I know not how many 1001i. from him, &

I know not whom.  Yet it seems strange yt we should be put

to him to receive both his & his partners adventer, and yet

Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in regard of it, he hath drawne

upon him a 1001i. more.  But ther is in this some misterie,

as indeed it seems ther is in ye whole course.  Besids, wheras

diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde,

they refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course

taken for it.  Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay

any thing, if he had againe his money in his purse.  You

know right well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon

such means as he would procure for this commone bussines;

and when we had in hand another course with ye Dutchmen,

broke it of at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him shortly

after propounded.  He did this in his love I know, but things

appeare not answerable from him hitherto.  That he should have

first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have

been but fitt, but yt I can well excuse, he being a marchante

and haveing use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had

been in their hands, would have consumed it.  [30] But yt he

should not but have had either shipping ready before this time,

or at least certaine means, and course, and ye same knowne to

us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my

conscience be excused.  I have heard yt when he hath been

moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and

referred it to ye others;* and would come to Georg Morton,

& enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been

some accessarie unto it.  Wether he hath failed of some helps

from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe

through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should

be ready too Boone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above

yt is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put

 *  Yowthers in the manuscript, an illegibly written word, doubtless intended

for "ye others."


60                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

us upon straits, thinking yt therby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Picker-

ing would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what

other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure 1ve are yt things

are not answerable to such an occasion.  Mr. Weston maks

himselfe mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but

we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am

perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those

tow; ye one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known

(though a good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet)

most unfitt to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie,

and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak

truly) that* we have had nothing from him but termes & pre-

sumptions.  The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite

faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing ye perticuler

course & means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us.

For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing,

which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope

of help from hence if so it be.  Of Mr. Brewer you know what

to expecte.  I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, ex-

cepte in ye course of buying, in former letters specified.  Aboute

ye conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is

agreed.  And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest

parte of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon

dressing ther perticuler land & building houses, but upon fish-

ing, trading, &c.  So as ye land & house will be but a trifell

for advantage to ye adventurers, and yet the devission of it

a great discouragmente to ye planters, who would with singuler

care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep.

The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by

the most is a good reason not to have ye 2. daies in a weeke

denyed ye few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate

to comone good.  Consider also how much unfite that you &

your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a

*This word is enclosed in brackets in the manuscript.

1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                61

 

daies freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are

to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & perticulerly

of every thing.  I know you wante not a minde.  I am sorie

you have not been at London all this while, but ye provissions

could not wante you.  Time will suffer me to write no more;

fare you & yours well allways in ye Lord, in whom I rest.

Yours to use,

JOHN ROBINSON.

An other letter from sundrie of them at ye same time.

[31] To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cush-

man, these, &c.

     Good bretheren, after salutations, &c.  We received diverse

letters at ye coming of Mr. Nash & our pilott, which is a great

incouragmente unto us, and for whom we hop after times will

minister occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not

sente him, many would have been ready to fainte and goe

backe.  Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which have bene

taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in

regard of our owne inabillitie to doe anyone of those many

waightie bussineses you referr to us here.  For ye former

wherof, wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike,

promising therupon to alter ye same, or els saing we should

thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them

therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them

to ye censure of ye godly wise.  But our desires are that you

will not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable

courses as those are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe

of mens houses and lands at ye dividente; and that persons

should be deprived of ye 2. days in a we eke agreed upon, yea

every momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason

wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for

their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more

of them then all men one of another.  This we have only by

 


62                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

relation from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your owne,

& therfore hope you. have not proceeded farr in so great a

thing without us.  But requiring you not to exseed the bounds

of your comission, which was to proceed upon ye things or con-

ditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going

over about it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your

selfe, as you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our

consultations, and how few, as you fear, understands the

busnes aright, should trouble us with such matters as these

are, &c.

      Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not

deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and

if you thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt

under God) we much relie upon him & put our confidence in

him; and, as your selves well know, that if he had not been

an adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming

that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not

have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr

help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concern-

ing him.  Since therfore, good brethren, we have plainly

opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c.

Thus beseeching ye Ailmightie, who is allsufficiente to raise

us out of this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; raising

such means by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore

children & servants, as we may with comforte behould ye hand

of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we

undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine

    Your perplexed, yet hopfull

June 10. New Stille,                         bretheren,

Ano: 1620.                     S. F. E. W.    W. B. J. A.*

 

*In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, these subscribers are thus

wrote out at length: SAMUEL FULLER, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC

ALLERTON, ED. WINSLOW. --Prince.

 

1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                63

 

A letter of Robart Cushmans to them.

Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess yt have come

to me, that ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed-

ings amongst you.  Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare

it, as not doubting but yt partly by writing, and more princi-

pally by word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie

any reasonable man.  I have been perswaded [32] by some,

espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but

as things now stand I canot be absente one day, excepte I

should hazard all ye viage.  Neither conceive I any great good

would come of it.  Take then, brethern, this as a step to give

you contente.  First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one

clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no

blame lye on me at all.  For ye articles first brought over by

John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear,

excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because

of that clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well

considered it.  But as at ye first ther was 500li.  withdrawne by

Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye

rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had

not altered yt clause.  Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon

points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was

not my falte.  Besids, I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of

yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against

all Mr. Rob: inconveniences, that without ye alteratIon of yt

clause, we could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie

wherby to subsiste when we were ther.  Yet notwithstanding

all those reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser

then my selfe, without answer to anyone of them, here cometh

over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording

it over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves

& bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I

did what I list.  And at last a paper of reasons, framed against


64                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open,

so my answer is open to you all.  And first, as they are no

other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as

great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by

them, so they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article

and nature of ye project.  For, first, it is said, that if ther had

been no divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye

poore.  True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we

should more respecte him yt ventureth both his money and his

person, then him yt ventureth but his person only.

     2.  Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but

furnishing a store house; no one shall be porer then another

for 7. years, and if any be rich, none can be pore.  At ye least,

we must not in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie.

Charitie hath it life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this

most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not be-

fore you have need.

     3.  This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses,

contrarie to ye advise of pollitiks.  A. So we would have it;

our purpose is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need

be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the

lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght; if

God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more men,

ships, munition, &c.  You may see it amongst the best pollitiks,

that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine

houses and gay cloaths come up.

      4.  The Govet may prevente excess in building.  A.  But if

it be on all men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses,

ye Gover laboure is spared.

      5.  All men are not of one condition.  A.  If by condition

you mean wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condi-

tion, qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour

shall have as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is

not of a good qualitie.  2ly.  Such retired persons, as have an


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                65

 

eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is,

then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie,

either civil or religious.

     6.  It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li.  A.  True, it

may be not worth halfe 5li.  [33]  If then so smale a thing

will content them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give

them occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous?  I

will not say what I have heard since these complaints came

first over.

     7.  Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne

profite, as did ye old adventurers.  A.  Then they are better

then we, who for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw

back, and it is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make

profite your maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you

be like Jonas to Tarshis.  21y.  Though some of them mind

not their profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well

as we?  venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we must

labour to give them all contente, if we can.

     8.  It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed

by many reasons.  A.  That is but said, and I say againe, it

will best foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.

     9.  Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c.

A.  As it is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids

our living still upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our

labour shall be ye less on ye land, and our houses and lands

must & will be of less value.

     10.  Our hazard is greater then theirs.  A. True, but doe

they put us upon it?  doe they urge or egg us?  hath not

ye motion & resolution been always in our selves?  doe they

any more then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us

to means upon equall termes & conditions?  If we will not

goe, they are content to keep their moneys.  Thus I have

pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will

consider seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them.


66                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made;

but surly this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent

you.  If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as

some insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a

week for me if you will.  And when I have spoken to ye ad-

venturers of times of working, they have said they hope we are

men of discretion & conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our

selves with that.  But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at

Leyden was mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering

every day, &c.

     As for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as

soone have gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to

them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish

Inquision.  If any practise of mine discourage them, let them

yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money

againe presently paid hear.  Or if the company thinke me to

be ye Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be con-

tent to stay with good will, having but ye cloaths on my back;

only let us have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full

litle did I expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c.

Yours,                  R. CUSHMAN.

 

     But whether this letter of his ever came to their

hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it

was staied by Mr. Carver & kept by him, forgiving

offence.  But this which follows was ther received;

both which I thought pertenent to recite.

 

Another of his to ye aforesaid, June 11. 1620.*

Salutations, &c. I received your ler. yesterday, by John

Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr.

 

*June 11. O. S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the date of this

letter should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter following. --Prince.

 

1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                67

W. savouring of ye place whenc it came.  And indeed the

many discouragements I find her, togeather with ye demurrs

and retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my

accounts to John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte him fully

with all courses, and so leave it quite, with only ye pore cloaths

on my back.  But gathering up my selfe by further considera-

tion, [34] I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to

aquainte Mr. Weston with ye fainted state of our bussines ; and

though he hath been much discontented at some thing amongst

us of late, which hath made him often say, that save for his

promise, he would not meadle at all with ye bussines any more,

yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how

it stood both on our credits & undoing, at ye last he gathered

up him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he

tould me he would not yet leave it.  And so advising togeather

we resolved to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till

Monday, about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot gett, excepte

it be tow great; but a fine ship it is.  And seeing our neer

freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without

troubling them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it

fitteth well yt such as stumble at strawes allready, may rest

them ther a while, least worse blocks come in ye way ere 7.

years be ended.  If you had beaten this bussines so throuly

a month agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus

have done much more conveniently.  But it is as it is; I hope

our freinds ther, if they be quitted of ye ship hire, will be in-

dusced to venture ye more.  All yt I now require is yt salt and

netts may ther be boughte, and for all ye rest we will here pro-

vid it; yet if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month

or tow, and we will take order to pay it all.  Let Mr. Reinholds

tarie ther, and bring ye ship to Southampton.  We have hired'

another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to

Virginia with a ship of kine.

     You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall


68                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

come hence on Tewsday night.  I had thought to have come

with him, to have answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne

to pass litle for their censurs; and if I had more minde to goe

& dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this

waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours &

jangling.  But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to

doe much, for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study

to be quiet, then to make answer to their exceptions.  If men

be set on it, let them beat ye eair; I hope such as are my sin-

ceire freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my

actions.  But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, & other

things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you

more distinctly.  Mean space entreate our freinds not to be

too bussie in answering matters, before they know them.  If

I doe such things as I canot give reasons for, it is like you

have sett a foole aboute your bussines, and so turne ye reproofe

to your selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my

Combes.  But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I refuse

not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent

men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of

my actions hear.  The Lord, who judgeth justly without

respect of persons, see into ye equitie of my cause, and give

us quiet, peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles,

and sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever.  And so I take

my leave of you all, in all love & affection.

     I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days.

Your pore brother,

      June 11. 1620.                   ROBART CUSHMAN.

 

     Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs

those 3. that received [35] the moneys & made ye pro-

vissions in England; for besids these tow formerly men-

tioned sent from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                69

 

& Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England

to be joyned with them, to make ye provisions for

ye vioage; his name was Mr. Martin, he came from

Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie

others to goe with them, as also from London & other

places; and therfore it was thought meete & conveniente

by them in Roland that these strangers that were to

goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned

with them, not so much for any great need of their

help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any

partiallitie.  And indeed their care for giving offence,

both in this & other things afterward, turned to great

inconvenience unto them, as in ye sequell will apeare;

but however it shewed their equall & honest minds.

The provissions were for ye most parte made at South-

hamton, contrarie to Mr. Westons & Robert Cushmas

mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things).

A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his

to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterward.

 

To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.

    Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full

of affection & complaints, and what it is you would have of

me I know not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence,

negligence, I marvell why so negligente a man was used in

ye bussines.  Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe

hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you.  You have

reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his

adventure; wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would

not have done any thing.  He saith we take a heady course,


70                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VI.

 

and is offended yt our provissions are made so farr of; as also

that he was not made aquainted with our quantitie of things;

and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will,

with going up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass

over ye somer before we will goe.  And to speake ye trueth,

ther is fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are

redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage.  I have

received from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4; letters

directed to you, though they only conscerne me.  I will not

trouble you with them.  I always feared ye event of ye Amster-

damers striking in with us.  I trow you must excomunicate

me, or els you must goe without their companie, or we shall

wante no quareling; bit let them pass.  We have reckoned,

it should seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150.

persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys

of all ye venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stock-

ings, & shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte

at least 3. or 400li.  I would have had some thing shortened

at first of beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs,

& now we could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough

to serve our turne, but now we cannot accept it without preju-

dice.  You fear we have begune to build & shall not be able

to make an end; indeed, our courses were never established by

counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing.  Yea, ther

was a [36] schisme amongst us 3. at ye first.  You wrote to

Mr. Martin, to prevente ye making of ye provissions in Kente,

which he did, and sett downe hi,s resolution how much he would

have of every thing, without respecte to any counsell or excep-

tion.  Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell,

may better be a king then a consorte.  To be short, if ther

be not some other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt

should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples

of jangling & insulting.  Yet your money which you ther must

have, we will get provided for you instantly.  500li. you say


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                71

 

will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be used,

we may goe scratch for it.  For Mr.* Crabe, of whom you write,

he hath promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be

without feare till I see him shipped, for he is much opposed,

yet I hope he will not faile.  Thinke ye best of all, and bear

with patience what is wanting, and ye Lord guid us all.

Your loving freind,

London, June 10.                               ROBART CUSHMAN.

Ano: 1620.

 

    I have bene ye larger in these things, and so shall

crave leave in some like passages following, (thoug

in other things I shal labour to be more contracte,)

that their children may see with what difficulties their

fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their

first beginings, and how God brought them along not-

withstanding all their weaknesses & infirmities.  As

allso that some use may be made hereof in after times

by others in such like waightie imployments; and here-

with I will end this chapter.

 

The 7. Chap.

Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther

       aboute, with their arivall at South hamton, were they

       all mete togeather, and tooke in ther provissions.

   AT length, after much travell and these debats, all

things were got ready and provided.  A smale ship!

was bought, & fitted in Holand, which was intended as

 

*He was a minister.               !Of some 60 tune.


72                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VII.

 

to serve, to help to transport them, so to stay in ye

cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs

as might be for ye good & benefite of ye colonie when

they came ther.  Another was hired at London, of

burden about 9. score; and all other things gott in

readines.  So being ready to departe, they had a day

of solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte

from Ezra 8. 21.  And ther at ye river, by Ahava, I

proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before

our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, and

for our children, and for all our substance.  Upon which

he spente a good parte of ye day very profitably, and

suitable to their presente occasion.  The rest of the

time was spente in powering out prairs to ye Lord with

great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears.  And

ye time being come that they must departe, they were

accompanied with most of their brethren out of ye

citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,

wher the ship lay ready to receive them.  So they lefte

yt goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting

place near 12. years; but they knew they were pil-

grimes,* & looked not much on those things, but lift

up their eyes to ye heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and

quieted their spirits.  When they [37] came to ye

place they found ye ship and all things ready; and

shuch of their freinds as could not come with them

followed after them, and sundrie also came from Am-

 

*Heb. 11.

 

 


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                73

 

sterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave

of them.  That night was spent with litle sleepe by

ye most, but with freindly entertainmente & christian

discourse and other reall expressions of true christian

love.  The next day, the wind being faire, they wente

aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly dolfull

was ye sight of that sade and mournfull parting; to see

what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst

them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy

speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of ye Dutch

strangers yt stood on ye key as spectators, could not

refraine from tears.  Yet comfortable & sweete it was

to see shuch lively and true expressions of dear & un-

fained love.  But ye tide (which stays for no man),

caling them away yt were thus loath to departe, their

Reved:  pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they

all with him,) with watrie cheeks comended them with

most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. 

And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they

tooke their leaves one of an other; which proved to

be ye last leave to many of them.

      Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus winde they

came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found

the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, wth

all the rest of their company.  After a joyfull well-

come, and mutuall congratulations, with other frendly

entertainements, they fell to parley aboute their bussi-

 

*This was about 22. of July.


74                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VII.

 

nes, how to dispatch with ye best expedition; as allso

with their agents, aboute ye alteration of ye conditions.

Mr. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,

and knew not well what ye other had don at London.

Mr. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what

he was urged too, partly by ye grounds of equity, and

more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene

dasht and many undon.  And in ye begining he

aquainted his felow agents here with, who consented

unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive

ye money at London and send it downe to them at

Hamton, wher they made ye provissions; the which he

accordingly did, though it was against his minde, &

some of ye marchants, yt they were their made.  And

for giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he

could not well in regarde of ye shortnes of ye time;

againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder

ye bussines, which was already delayed overlong in

regard of ye season of ye year, which he feared they

would find to their cost.  But these things gave not

contente at presente.  Mr. Weston, likwise, came up

from London to see them dispatcht and to have ye

conditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered

him, that he knew right well that these were not

according to ye first agreemente, neither could they

yeeld to them without ye consente of the rest that

were behind.  And indeed they had spetiall charge

when they came away, from the cheefe of those that


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                75

 

were behind, not to doe it. At which he was much

offended, and tould them, they must then looke to

stand on their owne leggs.  So he returned in dis-

pleasure, and this was ye first ground of discontent

betweene them.  And wheras ther wanted well near

100li. to clear things at their going away, he would

not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift

as they could.  [38]  So they were forst to selle of

some of their provissions to stop this gape, which

was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which com-

oditie they might best spare, haveing provided too

large a quantitie of yt kind.  Then they write a leter

to ye marchants & adventures aboute ye diferances

concerning ye conditions, as foloweth.

 

Aug. 3. Ano: 1620.

    Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion

of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected

to see ye most of you hear, but espetially because ther should

any differance at all be conceived betweene us.  But seing

it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it

meete (though brefly) to show you ye just cause & reason of

our differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman,

without our comission or knowledg.  And though he might

propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his

doing it.  Our maine diference is in ye 5. & 9. article, con-

cerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoy-

ing wherof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall

motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe.  This

was thought so reasonable, yt when ye greatest of you in

adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he


76                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VII.

 

propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he

set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto

you, with some additions then added by us; which being

liked on both sids, and a day set for ye paimente of moneys,

those of Holland paid in theirs.  After yt, Robart Cushman,

Mr. Peirce, & Mr. Martine, brought them into a better forme,

& write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts

shewing them and delivering Mr. Mullins a coppy therof under

his hand (which we have), he payd in his money.  And we

of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton,

but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them;

upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put

of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late

to rejecte ye vioage.  Judge therfore we beseech you indifer-

ently of things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it wher

it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for ye one,

then you have for ye other.  We never gave Robart Cushman

comission to make anyone article for us, but only sent him

to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to

further ye provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste

him in it.  Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as

well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to ye end of

our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe,

which you conceive to be in it.  But that it may appeare to

all men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire

also ye good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured

your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article

to ye rest, promising you againe by leters in ye behalfe of the

whole company, that if large profits should not arise within

ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer with you, if

ye Lord give a blessing.  This we hope is sufficente to satisfie

any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if

the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will

*It was well for them yt this was not accepted.

1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               77

 

not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c.  We are in

shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li.

worth of our provissions to cleare ye Haven, & withall put our

selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no

oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword

to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, &c.  And

yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente

dangers as are like to insue, & trust to ye good providence

of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken

of for us.  Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching

ye Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our

harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest,

Yours, &c.

Aug. 3. 1620.

 

     It was subscribed with many names of ye cheefest

of ye company.

     At their parting Mr. Robinson write a leter to ye

whole company, which though it hath already bene

printed, yet I thought good here likwise to inserte

it; as also a breefe Jeter writ at ye same time to Mr.

Carver, in which ye tender love & godly care of a true

pastor appears.

     

    My dear Brother, I received inclosed in your last leter

ye note of information, wch I shall carefuly keepe & make use

of as ther shall be occasion.  I have a true feeling of your

perplexitie of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who

have allways been able so plentifully to administer comforte

unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe

as that farr greater difficulties then you have yet undergone

(though I conceive them to have been great enough) cannot


78                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VII.

 

oppresse you, though they press you, as ye Aspostle speaks.

The spirite of a man (sustained by ye spirite of God) will sus-

taine his infirmitie, I dout not so will yours.  And ye beter

much when you shall injoye ye presence & help of so many

godly & wise bretheren, for ye bearing of part of your burthen,

who also will not admitte into their harts ye least thought of

suspition of any ye least negligence, at least presumption, to

have been in you, what so ever they thinke in others.  Now

what shall I say or write unto you & your goodwife my loving

sister?  even only this, I desire (& allways shall) unto you

from ye Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe

yt my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily

coming at ye first oppertunitie.  I have writen a large leter to

ye whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to

them; & the more, considering ye wante of a preacher, which

I shall also make sume spurr to my hastening after you.  I

doe ever comend my best affection unto you, which if I thought

you made any doubte of, I would express in more, & ye same

more ample & full words.  And ye Lord in whom you trust &

whom you serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid you with

his hand, protecte you with his winge, and shew you & us his

salvation in ye end, & bring us in ye mean while togeather in

ye place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake.

Amen.                                               Yours, &c.

July 27. 1620.                                                                Jo: R.

 

     This was ye last letter yt Mr. Carver lived to see

from him.  The other follows.

 

*Lovinge Christian friends, I doe hartily & in ye Lord salute

you all, as being they with whom I am presente in my best

 

*This letter is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters.--

Prince.


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                79

 

affection, and most ernest longings after you, though I be

constrained for a while to be bodily absente from you.  I say

constrained, God knowing how willingly, & much rather then

otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first

brunt, were I not by strong necessitie held back for ye present.

Make accounte of me in ye mean while, as of a man devided in

my selfe with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set aside)

having my beter parte with [40] you.  And though I doubt

not but in your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve

upon yt which concerneth your presente state & condition,

both severally & joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty

to add some furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune

allready, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in

love & dutie.  And first, as we are daly to renew our repent-

ance with our God, espetially for our sines known, and gener-

ally for our unknowne trespasses, so doth ye Lord call us in

a singuler maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie & danger

as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search & carefull

reformation of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to

remembrance our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take

advantage against us, & in judgmente leave us for ye same

to be swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the

contrary, sine being taken away by ernest repentance & ye

pardon therof from ye Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience

by his spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all

dangers, sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie

deliverance from all evill, whether in life or in death.

     Now next after this heavenly peace with God & our owne

consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men

what in us lieth, espetially with our associats, & for yt watch-

fullnes must be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe

give, no nor easily take offence being given by others.  Woe

be unto ye world for offences, for though it be necessarie (con-

sidermg ye malice of Satan & mans corruption) that offences

80                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VII.

 

come, yet woe unto ye man or woman either by whom ye offence

cometh, saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7.  And if offences in ye un-

seasonable use of things in them selves indifferent, be more

to be feared then death itselfe, as ye Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor.

9. 15. how much more in things simply evill, in which neither

honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be re-

garded.  Neither yet is it sufficiente yt we keepe our selves

by ye grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be

armed against ye taking of them when they be given by others.

For how unperfect & lame is ye work of grace in yt person,

who wants charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as ye

scriptures speake.  Neither are you to be exhorted to this

grace only upon ye com one grounds of Christianitie, which

are, that persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie,

to cover offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie;

or lastly, are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our

Lord teacheth, Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne expe-

rience, few or none have bene found which sooner give offence,

then shuch as easily take it; neither have they ever proved

sound & profitable members in societies, which have nurished

this touchey humor.  But besids these, ther are diverse motives

provoking you above others to great care & conscience this

way:  As first, you are .many of you strangers, as to ye per-

sons, so to ye infirmities one of another, & so stand in neede

of more watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall

out in men & women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly

affected with them; which doth require at your hands much

wisdome & charitie for ye covering & preventing of incident

offences that way.  And lastly, your intended course of civill

comunitie will minister continuall occasion of offence, & will

be as fuell for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with

brotherly forbearance.  And if taking of offence causlesly or

easilie at mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much

more heed is to be taken yt we take not offence at God him


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                81

 

selfe, which yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe murmure

at his providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch

afflictions as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us.  Store up

therfore patience against ye evill day, without which we take

offence at ye Lord him selfe in his holy & just works.

     A  4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that

with your comone imployments you joyne comone affections

truly bente upon ye generall good, avoyding as a deadly

[41] plague of your both comone & spetiall comfort all re-

tirednes of minde for proper advantage, and all singularly

affected any maner of way; let every man represe in him

selfe & ye whol body in each person, as so many rebels

against ye comone good, all private respects of mens selves,

not sorting with ye generall conveniencie.  And as men are

carfull not to have a new house shaken with any violence

before it be well setled & ye parts firmly knite, so be you,

I beseech you, brethren, much more carfull, yt the house of

God which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with un-

necessarie novelties or other oppositions at ye first setting

therof.

     Lastly, wheras you are become a body politik, using amongst

your selves civill govermente, and are not furnished with any

persons of spetiall eminencie above ye rest, to be chosen by you

into office of goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare,

not only in chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will

promote ye comone good, but also in yeelding unto them all

due honour & obedience in their lawfull administrations; not

behoulding in them ye ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods

ordinance for your good, not being like ye foolish multitud

who more honour ye gay coate, then either ye vertuous minde

of ye man, or glorious ordinance of ye Lord.  But you know

better things, & that ye image of ye Lords power & authontie

which ye magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane per-

sons soever.  And this dutie you both may ye more willingly


82                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VII.

 

and ought ye more conscionably to performe, because you are

at least for ye present to have only them for your ordinarie

governours, which your selves shall make choyse of for that

worke.

    Sundrie other things of importance I could put you in minde

of, and of those before mentioned, in more words, but I will

not so farr wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless

of these things, ther being also diverce among you so well able

to admonish both them selves & others of what concerneth

them.  These few things therfore, & ye same in few words,

I doe ernestly comend unto your care & conscience, joyning

therwith my daily incessante prayers unto ye Lord, yt he who

hath made ye heavens & ye earth, ye sea and all rivers of

waters, and whose providence is over all his workes, espetially

over all his dear children for good, would so guide & gard

you in your wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly

by ye hand of his power, as yt  both you & we also, for & with

you, may have after matter of praising his name all ye days of

your and our lives.  Fare you well in him in whom you

trust, and in whom I rest.

An unfained wellwiller of your hapie

success in this hopefull voyage,

JOHN ROBINSON.

 

     This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in

it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete

to inserte in this place.

     All things being now ready, &. every bussines dis-

patched, the company was caled togeather, and this

letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation

with all, and after fruit with many.  Then they ordered

& distributed their company for either shipe, as they


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                83

 

conceived for ye best. And chose a Govr & 2. or 3.

assistants for each shipe, to order ye people by ye way,

and see to ye dispossing of there provissions, and shuch

like affairs.  All which was not only with ye liking

of ye maisters of ye ships, but according to their

desires.  Which being done, they sett sayle from

thence aboute ye 5. of August; but what befell them

further upon ye coast of England will appeare in ye

nexte chapter.

 

The 8. Chap.

Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea

        being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther

        ships & some of their companie behind them.

     [42] BEING thus put to sea they had not gone farr,

but Mr. Reinolds ye mr. of ye leser ship complained

that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put

further to sea till she was mended.  So ye mr. of ye

biger ship (caled Mr. Jonas) being consulted with, they

both resolved to put into Dartmouth & have her ther

searched & mended, which accordingly was done, to

their great charg & losse of time and a faire winde. 

She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne,

some leaks were found & mended, and now it was

conceived by the workmen & all, that she was sufli-

ciente, & they might proceede without either fear or

danger.  So with good hopes from hence, they put

to sea againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably


84                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VIII.

 

on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but

it fell out otherwise; for after they were gone to sea

againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End,

houlding company togeather all this while, the mr. of

ye small ship complained his ship was so leake as he

must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce

free her with much pumping.  So they came to con-

sultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up

backe againe & put into Plimoth, which accordingly

was done.  But no spetiall leake could be founde, but

it was judged to be ye generall weaknes of ye shipe,

and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage.

Upon which it was resolved to dismise her & parte of

ye companie, and proceede with ye other shipe.  The

which (though it was greevous, & caused great dis-

couragmente) was put in execution.  So after they

had tooke out such provission as ye other ship could

well stow, and concluded both what number and what

persons to send bak, they made another sad parting,

ye one ship going backe for London, and ye other was

to proceede on her viage.  Those that went bak were

for the most parte such as were willing so to doe,

either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived

of ye ill success of ye vioage, seeing so many croses

befale, & the year time so farr spente; but others, in

regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many

yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most

unfite to bear ye brunte of this hard adventure; unto


 

1620.]        PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                   85

 

which worke of God, and judomente of their brethern,

they were contented to submite.  And thus, like Gedions

armie, this small number was devided, as if ye Lord by

this worke of his providence thought these few to many

for ye great worke he had to doe.  But here by the way,

let me show, how afterward it was found yt the leaknes

of this ship was partly by being, over masted, and too

much pressed with sayles; for after she was sould &

put into her old trime, she made many viages & per-

formed her service very sufficiently, to ye great profite

of her owners.  But more espetially, by the cuning &

deceite of ye mr. & his company, who were hired to

stay a whole year in ye cuntrie, and now fancying dis-

like & fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strate-

gem to free them selves; as afterwards was knowne, &

by some of them confessed.  For they apprehended

yt the greater ship, being of force, & in whom most

of ye provissions were stowed, she would retayne

enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or

ye passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast

out by some of them; and yet, besids other incourag-

ments, ye cheefe of them that canoe from Leyden wente

in this shipe to give ye mr. contente.  But so strong

was self love &, his fears, as he forgott all duty and

[43] former kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them,

though he pretended otherwise.  Amongest those that

returned was Mr. Cushman & his families whose hart

& courage was gone from them before, as it seems,


86                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VIII.

 

though his body was with them till now he departed;

as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a

freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst ye ship lay

ther a mending; the which, besids ye expressions of his

owne fears, it shows much of ye providence of God work-

ing for their good beyonde man's expectation, & other

things concerning their condition in these streats. I will

hear relate it.  And though it discover some infirmities

in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he

continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and

to doe ye offices of a loving freind & faithfull brother

unto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them.

      The letter is as followth.

 

To his loving friend Ed: S.* at Henige House in ye Duks Place,

         these, &c.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17.

      Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your

wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke

to see againe.  For besids ye eminente dangers of this viage,

which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased

me, which will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death.  What

to call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were,

crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that all-

though I doe ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as

dead; but ye will of God be done.  Our pinass will not cease.

leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia,

our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves

have been of crokednes.  We put in hear to trime her, & I

 

    * In Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters, this is Edward Southworth.--

Prince.

 


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               87

 

thinke; as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers

more, shee would have sunke right downe.  And

though she was twise trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is

open and leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man

might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher

ye water came in as at a mole hole.  We lay at Hamton 7.

days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear

waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have

done these 4. days, apd are like to lye 4. more, and by yt

time ye wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton.  Our

victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from

the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall

not have a months victialls when we come in ye countrie.

Neare 700li. hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I

know not.  Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give

any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts

he clieth out of unthankfullnes for his paines & care, that

we are susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end noth-

ing.  Also he so insulteh over our poore people, with shuch

scorne & contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe

his shoes.  It would break your hart to see his dealing,* and

ye mourning of our people.  They complaine to me, & alass!

I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies

in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be

heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are for-

warde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear

them.  Ther are others yt would lose all they have put in,

or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might

departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe

ashore, least they should rune away.  The sailors also are

so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & con-

trouling in things he knows not what belongs too, as yt some

threaten to mischeefe him, others say they will leave ye shipe

 

*He was governonr in ye biger ship, & Mr. Cnshman assistante.


88                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. VIII.

 

& goe their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks

him selfe a Scorne & laughing stock unto them.  As for Mr.

Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will

hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not con-

firming ye conditions.  But now, since some pinches have

taken them, they begine to reveile ye trueth, & say Mr. Robin-

son was in ye falte who charged them never to consente to

those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed

them to chose them they did chose.  But he & they will rue

too late, they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it

is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate

in their courses.  I am sure as they were resolved not to seale

those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left

ye whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, & better ye

vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such

miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our

loving freinds, as now it is like to doe.  4. or 5. of ye cheefe of

them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe

on those conditions.  And Mr. Martine, he said he never re-

ceived no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to

ye marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not

what.  Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions wth

the marchants, nor ever spake with them.  But did all that

money flie to Hampton, or was it his owne?  Who will goe &

layout money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know

how he comes by it, or on what conditions?  21y.  I tould him

of ye alteration longe agoe, & he was contente;  but now he

dominires, & said I had betrayed them into ye hands of slaves;

he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe

to a viage.  When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, & if he

should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left

him, as I am persuaded, ! &c.  Freind, if ever we make a

 

*I thinke he was deceived in these things.

! This was found true afterward.


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                89

 

plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how

scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited

amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente.

Violence will break all.  Wher is ye meek & humble spirite

of Moyses?  & of Nehemiah who reedified ye wals of Jerusa-

lem, & ye state of Israell?  Is not ye sound of Rehoboams

braggs daly hear amongst us?  Have not ye philosophers and

all wise men observed yt, even in setled comone welths, vio-

lente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath,

to ruine; how much more in ye raising of comone wealths,

when ye morter is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye

wales.  If I should write to you of all things which pro-

miscuously fore rune our ruine, I should over charge my

weake head and greeve your tender hart; only this I pray you pre-

pare for evill tidings of us every day.  But pray for us in-

stantly, it may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or

other to make for us.  I see not in reason how we shall

escape even ye gasping of hunger starved persons; but God

can doe much, & his will be done.  It is better for me to

dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & ex-

pecte it howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death,

both within me & without me.  Poore William King & my

selfe doe strive* who shall be meate first for ye fishes; but

we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus

after ye flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt is before

us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light

in comparison of yt joye we hope for.  Remember me in all

love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I

desire ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with

more comforte looke them in ye face.  The Lord give us

that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a

desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind.

   *  In the manuscript it is "strive dayly," but a pen has been drawn through

the latter word.


90                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IX.

 

I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to

utter things as here after you shall be called to it.  That

which I have writen is treue, & many things more which I

have forborne.  I write it as upon my life, and last confes-

sion in England.  What is of use to be spoken [45] of

presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile,

conceall.  Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake,

& my body feeble, ye Lord make me strong in him, & keepe

both you & yours.

Your loving freind,

ROBART CUSHMAN.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17. 1620.

 

     These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth,

they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.

 

The 9. Chap.

 

Of their vioage, & how they passed ye sea, and of their

safe arrivall at Cape Codd.

SEPTR: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now

all being compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put

to sea againe with a prosperus winde, which continued

diverce days togeather, which was some incourag-

mente unto them; yet according to ye usuall maner

many were afflicted with sea-sicknes.  And I may not

omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence.  Ther

was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of ye

sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the

 

* For Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Appendix,

No.1.

 


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                91

 

more hauty; he would allway be contemning ye poore

people in their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with

greeous execrations, and "did not let to tell them, that

he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board

before they came to their jurneys end, and to make

mery with what they had; and if he were by any

gently reproved, he would curse and swear most

bitterly.  But it plased God before they came halfe

seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous

disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and

so was him selfe ye first yt was throwne overbord.

Thus his curses light on his owne head; and it was

an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it

to be ye just hand of God upon him. 

     After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for

a season, they were incountred many times with crosse

winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which

ye shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works

made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in

ye midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them

in some fear that ye shipe could not be able to per-

forme ye vioage.  So some of ye cheefe of ye com-

pany, perceiveing ye mariners to feare ye suffisiencie

of ye shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they

entred into serious consulltation with ye mr. & other

officers of ye ship, to consider in time of ye danger;

and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a

desperate & inevitable perill.  And truly ther was


92                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IX.

 

great distraction & differance of opinion amongst ye

mariners them selves; faine would they doe what

could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe

the seas over,) and on ye other hand they were loath

to hazard their lives too desperatly.  But in examen-

ing of all opinions, the mr. & others affirmed they

knew ye ship to be stronge & firme under water; and

for the buckling of ye maine beame, ther was a great

iron scrue ye passengers brought out of Holland, which

would raise ye beame into his place; ye which being

done, the carpenter & mr. affirmed that with a post

put under it, set firme in ye lower deck, & otherways

bounde, he would make it sufficiente.  And as for ye

decks & uper workes they would calke them as well

as they could, and though with ye workeing of ye ship

they [46] would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther

would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not

overpress her with sails.  So they comited them selves

to ye will of God, & resolved to proseede.  In sundrie

of these stormes the winds were so feirce, & ye seas

so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but

were forced to hull, for diverce days togither.  And

in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty

storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland)

coming upon some occasion above ye grattings, was,

with a seele of ye shipe throwne into [ye] sea; but

it pleased God yt he caught hould of ye top-saile

halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out at


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 93

 

length; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie

fadomes under water) till he was hald up by ye same

rope to ye brime of ye water, and then with a boat

hooke & other means got into ye shipe againe, & his

life saved; and though he was something ill with it,

yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable

member both in church & comone wealthe.  In all this

viage ther died but one of ye passengers, which was

William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller,

when they drew near ye coast.  But to omite other

things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at

sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod;

the which being made & certainly knowne to be it,

they were not a litle joyful.  After some deliberation

had amongst them selves & with ye mr. of ye ship, they

tacked aboute and resolved to stande for ye southward

(ye wind & weather being faire) to finde some place

aboute Hudsons river for their habitation.  But after

they had sailed yt course aboute halfe ye day, they

fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers,

and they were so farr intangled ther with as they

conceived them selves in great danger; & ye wind

shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear

up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy

to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke

them, as by Gods providence they did.  And ye next

day they gott into ye Cape-harbor wher they ridd in

saftie.  A word or too by ye way of this cape; it was


94                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IX.

 

thus first named by Capten Gosnole & his company, *

An°: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape

James; but it retains ye former name amongst sea-

men.  Also yt pointe which first shewed those danger-

ous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, &

Tuckers Terrour; but ye French & Dutch to this day

call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds,

and ye losses they have suffered their.

     Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe

to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed ye God

of heaven, who had brought them over ye vast &

furious ocean, and delivered them from all ye periles &

miseries therof, againe to set their feete on ye firme

and stable earth, their proper elemente.  And no mar-

vell if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca

was so affected with sailing a few miles on ye coast

of his owne Italy; as he affirmed,!  that he had rather

remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass

by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious &

dreadfull was ye same unto him.

     But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and

stand half amased at this poore peoples presente con-

dition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he

well considers [47] ye same.  Being thus passed ye

vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their prep-

aration (as may be remembred by yt which wente

before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them,

 

*Because yey tooke much of yt fishe there          ! Epist: 53.

 

 


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                95

 

nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten

bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too,

to seeke for succoure.  It is recorded in scripture *

as a mercie to ye apostle & his shipwraked company,

yt the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in

refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when

they mette with them (as after will appeare) were

readier to fill their sids full of arrows then other-

wise.  And for ye season it was winter, and they

that know ye winters of yt cuntrie know them to be

sharp & violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes,

deangerous to travill to known places, much more to

serch an unknown coast.  Besids, what could they see

but a hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts

& willd men?  and what multituds ther might be of

them they knew not.  Nether could they, as it were,

goe up to ye tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willder-

nes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for

which way soever they turnd their eys (save up-

ward to ye heavens) they could have litle solace or

content in respecte of any outward objects.  For

surner being done, all things stand upon them with

a wetherbeaten face; and ye whole countrie, full of

woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw.

If they looked behind them, ther was ye mighty

ocean which they had passed, and was now as a

maine barr & goulfe to seperate them from all ye

 

*Act. 28.


96                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. IX.

 

civill parts of ye world.  If it be said they had a

ship to Sucour them, it is trew; but what heard

they daly from ye mr. & company?  but yt with

speede they should looke out a place with their

shallop, wher they would be at some near distance;

for ye season was shuch as he would not stirr from

thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them

wher they would be, and he might goe without

danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he

must & would keepe sufficient for them selves &

their returne.  Yea, it was muttered by some, that

if they gott not a place in time, they would turne

them & their goods ashore & leave them.  Let it

also be considred what weake hopes of supply &

succoure they left behinde them, yt might bear up

their minds in this sade condition and trialls they

were under; and they could not but be very smale.

It is true, indeed, ye affections & love of their

brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards

them, but they had litle power to help them, or

them selves; and how ye case stode betweene them

& ye marchants at their coming away, hath allready

been declared.  What could now sustaine them but

ye spirite of God & his grace?  May not & ought

not the children of these fathers rightly say:  Our

faithers were Englishmen which came over this great

ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes;*

 

*Den: 26. 5, 7.


 

1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                97

 

but they cried unto ye Lord, and he heard their voyce,

and looked on their adversitie, &c.  Let them therfore

praise ye Lord, because he is good,  & his mercies en-

durefor ever.  Yea, let them which have been redeemed

of ye Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from ye

hand of ye oppressour.  When they wandered in ye;

deserte willdernes out of ye way, and found no citie

to dwell in, both hungrie, & thirstie, their sowle was

overwhelmed in them.  Let them confess before ye Lord

his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before ye

sons of men.

 

The 10. Chap.

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and

what befell them theraboute.

     [48] BEING thus arrived at Cap-Cod ye 11. of

November, and necessitie calling them to looke out

a place for habitation, (as well as the maisters &

mariners importunitie,) they having brought a large

shalop with them out of England, stowed in quarters

in ye ship, they now gott her out & sett their carpenters

to worke to trime her up; but being much brused &

shatered in ye shipe wth foule weather, they saw she

would be longe in mending.  Wherupon a few of

them tendered them selves to goe by land and dis-

covere those nearest places, whilst ye shallop was in

mending; and ye rather because as they wente into

 

*107 Psa: v.l, 2, 4, 5, 8.


98                        HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. X.

 

yt harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or

3 leagues of, which ye maister judged to be a river. 

It was conceived ther might be some danger in ye

attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were per-

mited to goe, being 16. of them well armed, under

ye conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch instruc-

tions given them as was thought meete.  They sett

forth ye 15. of Novebr: and when they had marched

aboute ye space of a mile by ye sea side, they espied

5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them,

who were salvages; but they fled from them, & rane

up into ye woods, and ye English followed them,

partly to see if they could speake with them, and

partly to discover if ther might not be more of them

lying in ambush.  But ye Indeans seeing them selves

thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, & rane

away on ye sands as hard as they could, so as they

could not come near them, but followed them by ye

tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they

had come the same way.  So, night coming on, they

made their randevous & set out their sentinels, and

rested in quiete yt night, and the next morning fol-

lowed their tracte till they had headed a great creake,

& so left the sands, & turned an other way into ye

woods.  But they still followed them by geuss, hope-

ing to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both

them & them selves, falling into shuch thickets as

were ready to tear their cloaths & armore in peeces,


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                99

 

but were most distresed for wante of drinke.  But

at length they found water & refreshed them selves

being ye first New-England water they drunke of, and

was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them

as wine or bear had been in for-times.  Afterwards

they directed their course to come to ye other [49]

shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they

were to crosse over, and so at length gott to ye

sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by

ye way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly

after a good quantitie of clear ground wher ye Indeans

had formerly set corne, and some of their graves. 

And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher

corne had been set ye same year, also they found

wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and

a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly

padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found

in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne,

and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours,

which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing

never seen any shuch before).  This was near ye place

of that supposed river they came to seeck; unto which

they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes

with a high cliffe of sand in ye enterance, but more

like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for

ought they saw; and that ther was good harborige

for their shalope; leaving it further to be discovered

by their shalop when she was ready. So their time


100                      HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. X.

 

limeted them being expired, they returned to ye ship,

least they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke

with them parte of ye corne, and buried up ye rest,

and so like ye men from Eshcoll carried with them

of ye fruits of ye land, & showed their breethren; of

which, & their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and

their harts incouraged.

      After this, ye shalop being got ready, they set out

againe for ye better discovery of this place, & ye mr.

of ye ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went

some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for

ships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2.

of their houses covered with matts, & sundrie of

their implements in them, but ye people were rune

away & could not be seen; also ther was found

more of their corne, & of their beans of various

collours.  The corne & beans they brought away,

purposing to give them full satisfaction when they

should meete with any of them (as about some 6.

months afterward they did, to their good contente).

And here is to be noted a spetiall providence of

God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that

hear they gott seed to plant them corne ye next

year, or els they might have starved, for they had

none, nor any liklybood to get any [50] till ye season

had beene past (as ye sequell did manyfest).  Neither

is it lickly they had had this, if ye first viage had

not been made, for the ground was now all covered


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                101

 

with snow, & hard frozen.  But the Lord is never

wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy

name have all ye praise.

      The month of November being spente in these affairs,

& much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desemr:  they

sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their prin-

cipall men, & some sea men, upon further discovery,

intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. 

The weather was very could, & it frose so hard as

ye sprea of ye sea lighting on their coats, they were

as if they had been glased; yet that night betimes

they gott downe into ye botome of ye bay, and as

they drue nere ye shore they saw some 10. or 12.

Indeans very busie aboute some thing.  They landed

aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a

doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats.

Being landed, it grew late, and they made them selves

a barricade with loggs & bowes as well as they could

in ye time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them

to rest, and saw ye smoake of ye fire ye savages made

yt night.  When morning was come they devided their

company, some to coaste along ye shore in ye boate,

and the rest marched throw ye woods to see ye land,

if any fit place might be for their dwelling.  They

came allso to ye place wher they saw the Indans ye

night before, & found they had been cuting up a great

fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike of

fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left


 

102                      HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. X.

 

by ye way; and ye shallop found 2. more of these

fishes dead on ye sands, a thing usuall after storms

in yt place, by reason of ye great flats of sand that

lye of.  So they ranged up and doune all yt day,

but found no people, nor any place they liked.  When

ye sune grue low, they hasted out of ye woods to meete

with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come

to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at

high water; of which they were very glad, for they had

not seen each other all yt day, since ye morning.  So

they made them a barricado (as usually they did every

night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, ye height

of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter

them from ye could & wind (making their fire in ye

midle, & lying round aboute it), and partly to defend

them from any sudden assaults of ye savags, if they

should surround them.  So being very weary, they

betooke them to rest.  But aboute midnight, [51] they

heard a hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled,

"Arme, arme"; so they bestired them & stood to their

armes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the

noys seased.  They concluded it was a companie of

wolves, or such like willd beasts; for one of ye sea

men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in

New-found land.  So they rested till about 5. of ye

clock in the morning, for ye tide, & ther purposs to

goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes.  So

after praier they prepared for breakfast, and it being


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 103

 

day dawning, it was thought best to be earring things

downe to ye boate.  But some said it was not best

to carrie ye armes downe, others said they would be

the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats

from ye dew.  But some 3. or 4. would not cary

theirs till they wente them selves, yet as it fell out,

ye water being not high enough, they layed them

downe on ye banke side, & came up to breakfast. 

But presently, all on ye sudain, they heard a great

& strange crie, which they knew to be the same

voyces they heard in ye night, though they varied

their notes, & one of their company being abroad

came runing in, & cried, "Men, Indeans, Indeans";

and wthall, their arowes came flying amongst them.

Their men rane with all speed to recover their armes,

as by ye good providence of God they did.  In ye

mean time, of those that were ther ready, tow muskets

were discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in

ye enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded

not to shoote till they could take full aime at them;

& ye other 2. charged againe with all speed, for ther

were only 4. had armes ther, & defended ye baricado

which was first assalted.  The crie of ye lndeans was

dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out

of ye randevoue towourds ye shallop, to recover their

armes, the lndeans wheeling aboute upon them.  But

some runing out with coats of malle on, & cutlasses

in their hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye


104                      HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. X.

 

amongs them, and quickly stopped their violence.  Yet

ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, stood be-

hind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his

arrows flie at them.  He was seen shoot 3. arrowes,

which were all avoyded.  He stood 3. shot of a

musket, till one taking full aime at him, and made

ye barke or splinters of ye tree :fly about his ears,

after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away

they wente all of them.  They left some to keep ye

shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of a mille,

and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces,

& so returned.  This they did, that they might con-

ceive that they were not [52] affrade of them or any

way discouraged.  Thus it pleased God to vanquish

their enimies, and give them deliverance; and by

his spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one

of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their

arrows came close by them, & on every side them,

and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in ye

barricado, were shot throw & throw.  Aterwards they

gave God sollamne thanks & praise for their deliver-

ance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, &

sente them into England afterward by ye mr. of ye

ship, and called that place ye first encounter.  From

hence they departed, & costed all along, but discerned

no place likly for harbor; & therfore hasted to a place

that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had

bine in ye cuntrie before) did assure them was a good


1620.]         PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                 105

 

harbor, which he bad been in, and they might fetch

it before night; of which they were glad, for it be-

gane to be foule weather.  After some houres sailing,

it begane to snow & raine, & about ye midle of ye

afternoons, ye wind increased, & ye sea became very

rough, and they broake their rudder, & it was as much

as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of

oares.  But their pillott bad them be of good cheere,

for he saw ye harbor; but ye storme increasing, &

night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to

gett in, while they could see.  But herwith they

broake their mast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over

bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to

have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they re-

covered them selves, & having ye floud with them

struck into ye harbore.  But when it came too, ye

pillott was deceived in ye place, and said, ye Lord

be mercifull unto them, for his evs never saw yt

place before; &, he & the mr. ate would have rune

her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before ye winde.

But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which

rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ell they

were all cast away; the which they did with speed.

So he bid them be of good cheere & row lustly, for

ther was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not

but they should find one place or other wher they

might ride in saftie.  And though it was very dark,

and rained sore, yet in ye end they gott, under ye lee

 

 


106                                HISTORY OF                        [CHAP. X.

 

of a smalle iland, and remained ther all yt night in

saftie.  But they knew not this to be an iland till

morning, but were derided in their minds; some would

keepe ye boate for fear they might be amongst ye

Indians; others were so weake and could, they could

not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got

fire, (all things being so wett,) and ye rest were glad

to come to them; for after midnight ye wind shifted

to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard.  But though

this had been a day & night of much trouble &

danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of

comforte & refreshing (as usually he doth to his child-

dren), for ye next day was a faire sunshinig day, and

they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from

ye Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their

peeces, & rest them selves, and gave God thanks for

his mercies, in their manifould deliverances.  And this

being the last day of ye weeke, they prepared ther to

keepe ye Sabath.  On Munday they sounded ye harbor,

and founde it fitt for shipping; and marched into ye

land, & found diverse cornfeilds, & title runing brooks,

a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at least

it was ye best they could find, and ye season, & their

presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it.

So they returned to their shipp againe with this news

to ye rest of their people, which did much comforte

their harts.


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                107

 

On ye 15. of Desemr: they wayed anchor to goe to

ye place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues

of it, but were faine to bear up againe; but ye 16.

day ye winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this

harbor.  And after wards tooke better view of ye

place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling;

and ye 25. day begane to erecte ye first house for

comone use to receive them and their goods.


 

 

 

 

The 2. Booke.

 

     THE rest of this History (if God give me life, &

opportunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way

of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things,

and passages as they fell in order of time, and may

seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of.

And this may be as ye 2. Rooke.

 

The remainder of Ano: 1620.

 

     I SHALL a litle returne backe and begine with a

combination made by them before they came ashore,

being ye first foundation of their govermente in this

place; occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous

speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had

let fall from them in ye ship --That when they came

a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none

had power to comand them, the patente they had

being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which

belonged to an other Goverment, with which ye Vir-

ginia Company had nothing to doe.  And partly that

shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their condi-

tion considered) might be as firme as any patent, and

in some respects more sure. 

         The forme was as followeth.

 


110                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are under-

writen, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King

James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland

king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for ye glorie

of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of

our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye

Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly &

mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant

& combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for

our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends

aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and

frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitu-

tions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most

meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto

which we promise all due submission and obedience.  In witnes

wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd

ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne

lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth,

and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth.       Ano: Dom. 1620.

 

      After this they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John

Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them)

their Governour for that year.  And after they had

provided a place for their goods, or common store,

(which were long in unlading for want of boats,

foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,)

and begune some small cottages for their habitation,

as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of

lawes & orders, both for their civill & military Gov-

ermente, ye necessitie of their condition did re-

quire, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in

severall times, and as cases did require.


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                111

 

     In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some

discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and

mutinous speeches & carriags in other; but they were

soone quelled & overcome by ye wisdome, patience,

and just & equall carrage of things by ye Govr and

better part, wch clave faithfully togeather in ye maine.

But that which was most sadd & lamentable was,

that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their com-

pany dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being ye

depth of winter, and wanting houses & other com-

forts; being infected with ye scurvie & [55] other

diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate

condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed

some times 2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time;

that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained.  And

of these in ye time of most distres, ther was but 6.

or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations

be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but

with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne

health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest

them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome

cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did

all ye homly & necessarie offices for them wch dainty

& quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and

all this willingly & cherfully, without any grudging

in ye least, shewing herein their true love unto their

freinds & bretheren.  A rare example & worthy to

be remembred.  Tow of these 7. were Mr. William


112                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther

Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe,

& many others, were much beholden in our low &

sicke condition.  And yet the Lord so upheld these

persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at

all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes.  And what

I have said of these, I may say of many others who

dyed in this generall vissitation, & others yet living,

that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength con-

tinuing, they were not wanting to any that had need

of them.  And I doute not but their recompence is

with ye Lord.

     But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable

passage not to be forgotten.  As this calamitie fell

among ye passengers that were to be left here to

plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke

water, that ye sea-men might have ye more bear, and

one* in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of

beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne

father he should have none; the disease begane to

fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their

company dyed before they went away, and many of

their officers and lustyest men, as ye boatson, gunner,

3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others.  At wch ye

mr. was something strucken and sent to ye sick a

shore and tould ye Govr he should send for beer for

them that had need of it, though he drunke water

 

*Which was this author him selfe.

 

 

 


 

1620.]           PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                113

 

homward bound.  But now amongst his company [56]

ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie

then amongst ye passengers; for they that before had

been bootie companions in drinking, & joyllity in ye

time of their health & wellfare, beoane now to deserte

one another in this calamities saing, they would not

hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected

by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after

they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing

for them, but if they dyed let them dye.  But shuch

of ye passengers as were et abord shewed them what

mercy they could, wch made some of their harts re-

lente, as ye boatson (& some others), who was a

prowd yonge man, and would often curse & scofe at

ye passengers; but when he grew weak, they had

compassion on him and helped him; then he con-

fessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had

abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I

now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one

to another, but we let one another lye & dye like

doggs.  Another lay cursing, his wife, saing, if it had

not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage,

and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this

& that, for some of them, he had spente so much,

& so much, amongst them, and they were now weary

of him, and did not help him, having need.  Another

gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help

him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise


114                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

& made him a mess of meat once or twise, and be-

cause he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went

amongst his fellows, & swore ye rogue would cousen

him, he would see him choaked before he made him

any more meate; and yet ye pore fellow dyed before

morning.

     All this while ye Indians came skulking about them,

and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but

when any aproached near them, they would rune away.

And once they stoale away their tools wher they had

been at worke, & were gone to diner.  But about ye

16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst

them, and spoke to them in broken English, which

they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At

length they understood by discourse with him, that he

was not of these parts, but belonged to ye eastrene

parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with

whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of

them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his

language.  He became proftable to them [57] in

aquainting them with many things concerning ye state

of ye cuntry in ye east-parts wher he lived, which was

afterwards profitable unto them; as also of ye people

hear, of their names, number, & strength; of their

situation & distance from this place, and who was

cheefe amongst them.  His name was Samaset; he

tould them also of another Indian whos name was

Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in Eng-


1620.]          PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               115

 

land & could speake better English then him selfe.

Being, after some time of entertainments & gifts, dis-

mist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with

him, & they brought againe all ye tooles that were

stolen away before, and made way for ye coming of

their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4.

or 5. days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds

& other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto.  With

whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given

him, they made a peace with him (which hath now

continued this 24. years) in these terms.

     1.  That neither he nor any of his, should injurie

or doe hurte to any of their peopl.

      2.  That if any of his did any hurte to any of

theirs, he should send ye offender, that they might

punish him.

      3.  That if any thing, were taken away from any of

theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they

should doe ye like to his.

     4.  If any did unjustly warr against him, they would

aide him; if any did warr against them, he should

aide them.

     5.  He should send to his neighbours confederats,

to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong

them, but might be likewise comprised in ye condi-

tions of peace.

     6.  That when ther men came to them, they should

leave their bows & arrows behind them.


116                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     After these things he returned to his place caled

Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto

contiued with them, and was their interpreter, and

was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good

beyond their expectation.  He directed them how to

set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other

comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to

unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them

till he dyed.  He was a native [58] of the place, &

scarce any left alive besids him selfe.  He was caried

away with diverce others by one Hunt, a mr. of a

ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine;

but he got away for England, and was entertained by a

marchante in London, & imployed to New-found-

land & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these

parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by

Sr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other

designes in these parts.  Of whom I shall say some

thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth

Ano: 1622. by ye Presidente & Counsell for New-Eng-

land,*  that he made ye peace betweene ye salvages

of these parts & ye English; of which this planta-

tion, as it is intimated, had ye benefite.  But what a

peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his

men.

      This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these

people came, as apears by a relation written by him,

 

*Page 17.


162O.]                 PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                117

 

& given me by a freind, bearing date June 30. Ano:

1620.  And they came in Novembr: following, so ther

was but 4. months differance.  In which relation to

his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very

place.

 

     I will first begine (saith he) wth that place from whence

Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; wch in Cap: Smiths

mape is called Plimoth: and I would that Plimoth had ye like

comodities.  I would that the first plantation might hear be

seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward.

Otherwise at Charlton, because ther ye savages are lese to be

feared.  The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plimoth,

bear an inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more

streingth then all ye savags from thence to Penobscote.  Their

desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who hav-

ing many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their

murderers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no

injurie on their parts.  Whether they were English or no, it

may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for ye Frenche

have so possest them; for which cause Squanto canot deney

but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket, had

he not entreated hard for me.  The soyle of ye borders of

[59] this great bay, may be compared to most of ye planta-

tions which I have seene in Virginia.  The land is of diverce

sorts; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel &

Saughtughtett are for ye most part a blakish & deep mould,

much like that wher groweth ye best Tobaco in Virginia.

In ye botume of yt great bay is store of Codd & basse, or

mulett, &c.

 

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for ye richest

soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c.


118                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate

in ye mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very

fertill for ye most parte.

 

     With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to tran-

scribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.

      He was taken prisoner by ye Indeans at Manamoiak

(a place not farr from hence, now well knowne).  He

gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but

when they had gott what they desired, they kept him

still & indevored to kill his men; but he was freed

by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound

till they gave him a cannows load of corne.  Of

which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778.  But this was

An°: 1619.

     After ye writing of ye former relation he came to

ye Ile of Chapawack (which lyes south of this place

in ye way to Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto wth

him, wher he going a shore amongst ye Indans to

trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by

them, & all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat;

but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they

had cut of his head upon ye cndy of his boat, had

not ye man reskned him with a sword.  And so they

got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher

he dyed; whether of his wounds or ye diseases of

ye cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine.  [60] By

all which it may appeare how farr these people were

from peace, and with what danger this plantation was


1620.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                119

 

begune, save as ye powerfull hand of the Lord did

protect them.  These things* were partly the reason

why they kept aloofe & were so long before they

came to the English.  An other reason (as after them

selvs made know) was how aboute 3. years before, a

French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but ye men

gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their

victails, & other goods; but after ye lndeans heard

of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and

never left watching & dogging them till they got

advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they

kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make

sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of

which ye foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;)

and they conceived this ship was now come to re-

venge it.

     Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came

to ye English to make freindship, they gott all the

Powachs of ye cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a

horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them

with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they

held in a darke & dismale swampe.

     But to returnee.  The spring now approaching, it

pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst

them, and ye sick and lame recovered apace, which

put as it were new life into them; though they had

borne their sadd affliction with much patience & con-

 

*Thing in the manuscript.


120                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

tentednes, as I thinke any people could doe.  But it

was ye Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand

prepared them; many having long borne ye yoake, yea

from their youth.  Many other smaler maters omite,

sundrie of them having been allready published in a

Jurnall made by one of ye company; and some other

passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to

which I referr those that are willing to know them

more perticulerly.  And being now come to ye 25.

of March I shall begine ye year 1621.

 

[61] Anno. 1621.

    THEY now begane to dispatch ye ship away which

brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time,

or ye begining of Aprill.  The reason on their parts

why she stayed so long, was ye necessitie and danger

that lay upon them, for it was well towards ye ende

of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or

they able to receive any thing ashore.  Afterwards,

ye 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a

generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were

faine to retire abord for shilter.  Then the sicknes

begane to fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so

bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch.

Againe, the Govr & cheefe of them, seeing so many

dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom

to send away the ship, their condition considered, and

ye danger they stood in from ye Indeans, till they

 


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                121

 

could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it

better to draw some more charge upon them selves

& freinds, then hazard all.  The mr. and sea-men like-

wise, though before they hasted ye passengers a shore

to be goone, now many of their men being dead, &

of ye ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of

ye rest many lay sick & weake, ye mr. durst not put

to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and ye

hart of winter over.

     Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to

plant ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them

in great stead, showing them both ye maner how to

set it, and after how to dress & tend it.  Also he

tould them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in

these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he

showed them yt in ye midle of Aprill they should have

store enough come up ye brooke, by which they be-

gane to build, and taught them how to take it, and

wher to get other provissions necessary for them; all

which they found true by triall & experience.  Some

English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came

not to good, eather by ye badnes of ye seed, or latenes

of ye season, or both, or some other defecte. 

     [62]  In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie

about their seed, their Govr (Mr. John Carver) came

out of ye feild very sick, it being a hott day; he

complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and

within a few howers his sences failed, so as he never


122                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days

after.  Whoss death was much lamented, and caused

great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause.  He

was buried in ye best maner they could, with some

vollies of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife,

being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after

him.

     Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gover

in his stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes,

in which he had been near ye point of death; Isaak

Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him,

who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry

years togeather, which I hear note once for all.

     May 12. was ye first mariage in this place, which,

according to ye laudable custome of ye Low-Cuntries,

in which they had lived, was thought most requisite

to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill

thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances

doe depende, with other things most proper to their

cognizans, and most consonante to ye scripturs, Ruth

4. and no wher found in ye gospell to be layed on

ye ministers as a part of their office.  "This decree

or law about mariage was published by ye Stats of

ye Low-Cuntries Ano: 1590.  That those of any re-

ligion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before
ye magistrats, in ye Town or Stat-house, were to be

orderly (by them) maried one to another."   Petets

Hist. fol: 1029.  And this practiss hath continued


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                123

 

amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by

all ye famous churches of Christ in these parts to

this time, -- Ano: 1646.

     Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at

home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to

see their new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon

him some gratuitie to bind him ye faster unto them;

as also that hearby they might veiw ye countrie, and

see in what maner he lived, what strength he had

aboute him, and how ye ways were to his place, if

at any time they should have occasion.  So ye 2. of

July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow & Mr. Hopkins,

with ye foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him

a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some

other small things, which were kindly accepted; but

they found but short comons, and came both weary

& hungrie home.  For ye lndeans used then to have

nothing [63] so much corne as they have since ye

English have stored them with their hows, and seene

their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith.

They found his place to be 40. miles from hence, ye

soyle good, & ye people not many, being dead &

abundantly wasted in ye late great mortalitie which

fell in all these parts aboute three years before ye

coming of ye English, wherin thousands of them dyed,

they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs

and bones were found in many places lying still above

ground, where their houses & dwellings had been; a


124                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

very sad spectackle to behould.  But they brought

word that ye Narighansets lived but on ye other side

of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many

in number, living compacte togeather; & had not been

at all touched with this wasting plague.

     Aboute ye later end of this month, one John Billing-

ton lost him selfe in ye woods, & wandered up &

downe some 5. days, living on beries & what he could

find.  At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20.

mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid

him furder of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had

before set upon ye English when they were costing,

whilest ye ship lay at ye Cape, as is before noted. 

But ye Gover caused him to be enquired for among

ye Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher

he was, and ye Gover sent a shalop for him, & had

him delivered.  Those people also came and made their

peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose

corne they had found & taken when they were at Cap-

Codd.

     Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well estab-

lisht wth the natives aboute them; and ther was an

other Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst

them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte

for his vallour & parts amongst ye Indeans, and con-

tinued very faithfull _and constant to ye English till

he dyed.  He & Squanto being gone upon bussines

amonge ye Indeans, at their returne (whether it was


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               125

 

out of envie to them or malice to the English) ther

was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte,

but never any good freind to ye English to "this day,

mett with them at an lndean towne caled Namassakett

14. miles to ye west of this place, and begane to

quarell wth [64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack;

but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him,

and came runing away all sweating and tould ye Govr

what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed

Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no

other cause but because they were freinds to ye Eng-

lish, and servisable unto them.  Upon this ye Gover

taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne;

for if they should suffer their freinds & messengers

thus to be wronged, they should have none would

cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or

doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would

fall upon them selves.  Whereupon it was resolved to

send ye Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe

& fall upon them in ye night; and if they found that

Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not

to hurt any but those that had a hand in it.  Hoba-

mack was asked if he would goe & be their guid,

& bring them ther before day.  He said he would, &

bring them to ye house wher the man lay, and show

them which was he.  So they set forth ye 14. of

August, and beset ye house round; the Captin giving

charg to let none pass out, entred ye house to search


126                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

for him.  But he was goone away that day, so they

mist him; but understood yt. Squanto was alive, &

that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an

offer to stabe him but did not.  So they withheld

and did no more hurte, & ye people came trembling,

& brought them the best provissions they had, after

they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only in-

tended.  Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out

of ye house, and asaid to pass through ye garde. 

These they brought home with them, & they had

their wounds drest & cured, and sente home.  After

this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims,

and much firmer peace; yea, those of ye Iles of Capa-

wack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him

selfe used ye mediation of Massassoyte to make his

peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while

after.

     After this, ye 18. of Sepembr: they sente out ther

shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto

for their guid and [65] interpreter, to discover and

veiw that bay, and trade with ye natives; the which

they performed, and found kind entertainement.  The

people were much affraid of ye Tarentins, a people to

ye eastward which used to come in harvest time and

take away their corne, & many times kill their persons.

They returned in saftie, and brought home a good

quanty of beaver, and made reporte of ye place, wish-

ing they had been ther seated; (but it seems ye Lord,


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                127

 

who assignes to all men ye bounds of their habitations,

had apoynted it for an other use.  And thus they

found ye Lord to be with them in all their ways, and

to blesse their outgoings & incomings, for which let

his holy name have ye praise for ever, to all posteritie.

     They begane now to gather in ye small harvest they

had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against

winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght,

and had all things in good plenty; for as some were

thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised

in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which

yey tooke good store, of which every family had their

portion.  All ye somer ther was no wante.  And now

begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached,

of which this place did abound when they came first

(but afterward decreased by degrees).  And besids

water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of

which they tooke many, besids venison, &c.  Besids

they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person,

or now since harvest, Indean corne to yt proportion.

Which made many afterwards write so largly of their

plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were

not rained, but true reports.

     In Novembr, about yt time twelfe month that them

selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unex-

pected or loked for,* in which came Mr. Cushman (so

much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to

         

*She came ye 9. to ye Cap.


128                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

remaine & live in ye plantation; which did not a litle

rejoyce them.  And they when they came a shore and

found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every

house, were no less glade.  For most of them were

lusty yonge men, and many of them wild enough,

who litle considered whither or aboute what they

wente, till they came into ye harbore at Cap-Codd,

and ther saw nothIng but a naked and barren place.

They then begane to thinke what should become of

them, if the people here were dead or cut of by ye

Indeans.  They begane to consulte (upon some speeches

that some of ye sea-men had cast out) to take ye sayls

from ye yeard least ye ship [66] should gett away and

leave them ther.  But ye mr. hereing of it, gave them

good words, and tould them if any thing but well

should have befallne ye people hear, he hoped he had

vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he

had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave

them good satisfaction.  So they were all landed; but

ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other

victialls* for them, neither had they any beding, but

some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot,

nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths,

for many of them had brusht away their coats & cloaks

at Plimoth as they came.  But ther was sent over some

burching-lane suits in ye ship, out of which they were

supplied.  The plantation was glad of this addition

 

          *Nay I they were faille to spare ye shipe some to carry her home.


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                129

 

of strenght, but could have wished that many of them

had been of beter condition, and all of them beter

furnished with provissions; but yt could not now be

helpte.

     In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr.

Carver, ye late Gover, now deseased, full of complaints

& expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton;

and ye keeping ye shipe so long in ye country, and

returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie

I omite.  The rest is as followeth.

 

Part of Mr. Westons letter.

     I durst never aquainte ye adventurers with ye alteration of

ye couditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since

been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as

much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny

of what was necesary for this ship.  That you sent no lading

in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted.  I know your

weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of

judgmente, then weaknes of hands.  A quarter of ye time you

spente in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done

much more; but that is past, &c.  If you mean, bona fide, to

performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us ye favore to coppy

them out faire, and subscribe them with ye principall of your

names.  And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you

can how our moneys were laid out.  And then I shall be able

to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with.

I good words to shift of.  And consider that ye life of the bussi-

nes depends on ye lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any

good purpose, that I may be freed from ye great sums I have

disbursed for ye former, and must doe for the later, I promise


130                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

you I will never quit ye bussines, though all the other adventurers

should.

     [67]  We have procured you a Charter, the best we could,

which is beter then your former, and with less limitation.  For

any thing yt is els worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe

you.  I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you.

And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary

both for this life & that to come, I rest

Your very loving frend,

THO. WESTON.

London, July 6. 1621.

 

This ship (caled ye Fortune) was speedily dispatcht

away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she

could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter

skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities

brought with them at first, being alltogeather unpro-

vided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them

that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and

were informed by Squanto.  The fraight was estimated

to be worth near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe

also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston & ye rest had

apoynted him, for their better information.  And he

doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should

have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr.

Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Ley-

den, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded*

to ye afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with

their hands.  But it proved other wise, for Mr. Wes-

 

* Yeeled in the manuscript.


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                131

 

ton, who had made yt large promise in his leter, (as

is before noted,) that if all ye rest should fall of, yet

he would never quit ye bussines, but stick to them,

if they yeelded to ye conditions, and sente some lad-

ing in ye ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confi-

dent, and confirmed ye same from his mouth, & serious

protestations to him selfe before he came.  But all

proved but wind, for he was ye first and only man

that forsooke them, and that before he so much as

heard of ye returne of this ship, or knew what was

done; (so vaine is ye confidence in man.)  But of this

more in its place.

     A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was

sente to him from ye Govr, of which so much as is

pertenente to ye thing in hand I shall hear inserte.

 

     Sr:  Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated ye

6. of July, 1621, I have received ye 10. of  Novembr, wherin

(after ye apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie

imputations upon him and us all.  Touching him, he is de-

parted this life, and now is at rest [68] in ye Lord from all

those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to

strive.  He needs not my appologie; for his care and pains

was so great for ye commone good, both ours and yours, as

that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and short-

ened his days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine.

At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene,

and many losses may sustaine; but ye loss of his and many

other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed

at any prise.  Of ye one, ther may be hope of recovery, but

ye other no recompence can make good.  But I will not in-


132                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

siste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to ye things them

selves.  You greatly blame us for keping ye ship so long in

ye countrie, and then to send her away emptie.  She lay 5.

weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a

long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we

sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation.  Then

we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter

us and our goods, aboute wch labour, many of our armes &

leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent.  But it

pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with

so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie

the dead; and ye well not in any measure sufficiente to tend

ye sick.  And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting

ye ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But

you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think

we had not cause?  Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was

more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands.  Our weaknes herin

is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently

amongst ye rest, till God send us wiser men.  But they which

tould you we spent so much time in discoursing & consulting,

&c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye.  They cared

not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded

others.  Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound ex-

pectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will

never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c.

 

      The rest of ye letter declared how they had sub-

scribed those conditions according to his desire, and

sente him ye former accounts very perticulerly; also

how ye ship was laden, and in what condition their

affairs stood; that ye coming of these [69] people

would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they

had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more


1621.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                133

 

fully informe him & ye rest of ye adventurers).  Also

that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands ,

that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his

promise, &c.

     After ye departure of this ship, (which stayed not

above 14. days,) the Gover & his assistante haveing

disposed these late comers into severall families, as

yey best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their

provissions in store, and proportioned ye same to ye

number of persons, and found that it would not hould

out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that.

And they could not well give less this winter time till

fish came in againe.  So they were presently put to

half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane

to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of

supply.

     Sone after this ships departure, ye great people of

ye Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger

unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with

a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould

them was a threatening & a chaleng.  Upon which

ye Govr, with ye advice of others, sente them a round

answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace,

they might begine when they would; they had done

them no wrong, neither did yey fear them, or should

they find them unprovided.  And by another messenger

sente ye sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they

would not receive it, but sent it back againe.  But


134                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

these things I doe but mention, because they are more

at large allready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow,

at ye requeste of some freinds.  And it is like ye

reason was their owne ambition, who, (since ye death

of so many of ye Indeans,) thought to dominire &

lord it over ye rest, & conceived ye English would be a

barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheil-

ter allready under their wings.

     But this made them ye more carefully to looke to

them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwell-

ings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in

convenient places, with gates to shute, which were

every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede

required ther was also warding in ye day time.  And

ye company was by ye Captaine and ye Govr  [70] ad-

vise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had

ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to

repaire upon any suddane alarme.  And if ther should

be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a

gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet ye same, to

prevent Indean treachery.  This was accomplished very

cherfully, and ye towne impayled round by ye begin-

ing of March, in which evry family had a prety garden

plote secured.  And herewith I shall end this year.

Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of

mirth then of waight.  One ye day called Chrismas-

day, ye Govr caled them out to worke, (as was used,)

but ye most of this new-company excused them selves


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               135

 

and said it wente against their consciences to work on

yt day.  So ye Govr tould them that if they made it

mater of conscience, he would spare them till they

were better informed.  So he led-away ye rest and

left them; but when they came home at noone from

their worke, he found them in ye streete at play,

openly; some pitching ye barr, & some at stoole-ball,

and shuch like sports.  So he went to them, and tooke

away their implements, and tould them that was against

his conscience, that they should play & others worke.

If they made ye keeping of it mater of devotion, let

them kepe their houses, but ther should be no game-

ing or revelling in ye streets.  Since which time noth-

ing hath been atempted that way, at least openly.

 

Anno 1622.

     AT ye spring of ye year they had apointed ye Massa-

chusets to come againe and trade with them, and be-

gane now to prepare for that vioag about ye later end

of March.  But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak,

their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had,

he feared they were joyned wth ye Narighansets and

might betray them if they were not carefull. He inti-

mated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gath-

ered from some private whisperings betweene him and

other Indeans.  But [71] they resolved to proseede,

and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe

men aboute ye begining of Aprill, and both Squanto

 


136                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

& Hobamake with them, in regarde of ye jelocie be-

tweene them.  But they had not bene gone longe, but

an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing

in seeming great fear, and tould them that many

of ye Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought

also Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he

gott away to tell them, not without danger.  And

being examined by ye Govr, he made as if they were

at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they

were at his heels.  At which the Govr caused them

to take armes & stand on their garde, and suppos-

ing ye boat to be still within hearing (by reason it

was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote

of, the which yey heard and came in.  But no Indeans

apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was

seene.  Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and

thought all was false; yet ye Govr caused him to send

his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pre-

tening other occasions), but ther was nothing found,

but all was quiet.  After this they proseeded on their

vioge to ye Massachusets, and had good trade, and

returned in saftie, blessed be God.

     But by the former passages, and other things of

like nature, they begane to see yt Squanto sought his

owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting ye

Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to en-

rich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up

warr against whom he would, & make peece for whom


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                137

 

he would.  Yea, he made them beleeve they kept ye

plague buried in ye ground, and could send it amongs

whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans,

and made them depend more on him, and seeke more

to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie,

and had like to have cost him his life.  For after ye

discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both pri-

vatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to

ye English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed.

They also made good use of ye emulation yt grue be-

tweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more

squarely.  And ye Govr seemed to countenance ye one,

and ye Captaine ye other, by which they had better

intelligence, and made them both more diligente.

      [72]  Now in a maner their provissions were wholy

spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came.

But about ye later end of May, they spied a boat at

sea, which at first they thought had beene some French-

man; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship

which Mr. Weston & an other had set out a fishing,

at a place called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to ye

eastward of them, wher were yt year many more

ships come a fishing.  This boat brought 7. passengers

and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any.

Some part of which I shall set downe.

 

    Mr. Carver, in my last leters by ye Fortune, in whom Mr.

Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly


138                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

expecte ye shipe back againe.  She departed hence, ye begin-

ing of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided

with necesaries, by reason of ye parsemonie of ye adventurers.

I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provis-

sions before shee come.  They all answer they will doe great

maters, when they hear good news.  Nothing before; so faith-

full, constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest

freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send

you no supplie, &c.  I am now to relate ye occasion of send-

ing this ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will

have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof

Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which

is in part true, &c. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe bought this

litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold !

ye plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and

partly to gett up what we are formerly out; though we are

otherwise censured, &c.  This is ye occasion we have sent

this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom we

desire you will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch neces-

aries as you cane spare, and they wante, &c.  And among

other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne,

and if you have ye salt remaining of ye last year, that yu will

let them have it for their presente use, and we will either pay

you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to

worke, which we desire may be set up in one of ye litle ilands

in your bay, &c.  And because we intende, if God plase, [73]

 (and ye generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month another

shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Vir-

ginia, &c.  And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide

with you on ye coast, which I conceive may be a great help to

ye plantation.  To ye end our desire may be effected, which, I

assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give

them entertainmente in your houses ye time they shall be with

        * Adventures in the mannscript.    !I know not wch way.


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                139

 

you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand

to fell trees & cleave them, to ye end lading may be ready and

our ship stay not.

     Some of ye adventurers have sent you hearwith all some

directions for your furtherance in ye comone bussines, who

are like those St. James speaks of, yt bid their brother eat,

and warme him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make

salt, and uphold ye plantation, but send you no means wher-

withall to doe it, &c.  By ye next we purpose to send more

people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your

peopl should be as unhumane as some of ye adventurers, not

to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barba-

risme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you

have any shuch Pickerings amongst you.  Yet to satisfie our

passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons

not necessary to be writen, &c.  I find ye generall so backward,

and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand

on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.

Subscribed,

your loving freind,

Jan: 12. 1621.                                                      THO: WESTON.

 

     Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious &

impertinent.

     All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie

bellies, and a slender performance of his former late

promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them,

as those ye Apostle James spake of, by him before

mentioned.  And well might it make them remember

what ye psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust

 in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa.

146.  Put not you trust in prince  (much less in ye


140                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

marchants) nor in ye sane of man, for ther is no help

in them. v. 5.  Blesed is he that hath ye God of

Jacob for his help, whose hope is in ye Lord his God.

And as they were now fayled of sllply by him and

others in this their greatest neede and wants, which

was caused by him and ye rest, who put so great a

company of men upon them, as ye former company

were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as

they must live almost a whole year before any could

[74] be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon

ye pointe they never had any supply of vitales more

afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise);

for all ye company sent at any time was allways too

short for those people yt came with it.

     Ther came allso by ye same ship other leters, but of

later date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte

of ye adventurers, as foloweth.

 

     Mr, Carver, since my last, to ye end we might ye more readily

proceed to help ye generall, at a meeting of some of ye prin-

cipall adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by

all presente (save Pickering), to adventure each man ye third

parte of what he formerly had done.  And ther are some other

yt folow his example, and will adventure no furder.  In regard

wherof ye greater part of ye adventurers being willing to uphold

ye bussines, finding it no reason that those yt are willing should

uphold ye bussines of those that are unwilling, whose back-

wardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder

other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well con-

sidered therof, have resolved, according to an article in ye


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                141

 

agreemente, (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of

ye adventurers &; planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their

joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and

confirme ye same on your parts.  Which being done, we shall

ye more willingly goe forward for ye upholding of you with

all things necesarie.  But in any case you must agree to ye

artickls, and send it by ye first under your hands & seals. So

I end

Your loving freind,

THO: WESTON.

Jan: 17. 1621.

 

     Another leter was write from part of ye company

of ye adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed

with 9. of their names, wherof Mr. Westons & Mr.

Beachamphs were tow.  Thes things seemed strang unto

them, seeing this unconstancie & shufling; it made

them to thinke ther was some misterie in ye matter.

And therfore ye Govr concealed these letters from ye

publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds

for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended

to disband & scater them (in regard of their straits);

and if Mr. Weston & others, who seemed to rune in

a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so

provided as his letters did intimate, they most would

fall to him, to ye prejudice of them selves & ye rest

of the adventurers, their freinds; from whom as yet

they heard nothing.  And it was doubted whether he

had not sente [75] over shuch a company jn ye former

* Adventures in the mannsclipt.

 


142                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ship, for shuch an end.  Yet they tooke compassion

of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to ye

eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so

could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for yey

turned them off wthout any, and indeed wanted for

them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as

yey could not performe any of those things which Mr.

Weston had apointed, and might have starved if ye

plantation had not succoured them; who, in their

wants, gave them as good as any of their owne.

The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both

ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston

had a very slender accounte.

    After this came another of his ships, and brought

letters dated ye 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as

followeth.

 

     Mr. Bradford, these, &c.  The Fortune is arived, of whose

good news touching your estate & proceeings, I am very glad

to hear.  And how soever he was robed on ye way by ye French-

men, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for ye conceite of so

great a returne doth much animate ye adventurers, so yt I

hope some matter of importance will be done by them, &c.  As

for my selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them,

so as I am quit* of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c.

Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer

amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if

you can apprehend it.  I perceive & know as well as another,

ye dispositions of your adventurers, whom ye hope of gaine hath

 

* See how his promiss is fulfild.


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                143

 

drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear yt hope will

not draw them much furder.  Besids, most of them are against

ye sending of them of Leyden, fo'r whose cause this bussines

was first begune, and some of ye most religious (as Mr. Greene by

name) excepts against them.  So yt my advice is (you may

follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your

joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law &

conscience, for ye most parte of ye adventurers have given

way unto it by a former letter.  And ye means you have

ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by ye trade of this

spring, may, with ye help of some freinds hear, bear ye charge

of trasporting those of Leyden; and when they are with you

I make no question but by Gods help you will be able to sub-

sist of your selves.  But I shall leave you to your discretion.

      I desired diverce of ye adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene,

& others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or

leters, to send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent

not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters

they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he

had one, which was delivered him with [76] great charge of

secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes,

& sow it betweene ye soles for fear of intercepting.  I, taking

ye leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open,

and found this treacherous letter subscribed by ye hands of Mr.

Pickering & Mr. Greene.  Wich leter had it come to your hands

without auswer, might have caused ye hurt, if not ye ruine, of

us all.  For assuredly if you had followed their instructions,

and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to

hold us in distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occa-

sion to have set us togeather by ye eares, to ye distruction of us

all.  For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing

what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but

others also, would have been violent, and heady against you,

&c.  I mente to have setled ye people I before and now send,


144                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and

defence, as help on all occasions.  But I find ye adventurers

so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, &

given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as they

and him selfe shall find fitte.  Thus, &c.

Your loving freind,

Aprill 10.1621.                       THO: WESTON.

 

Some part of Mr Pickerings letter before mentioned.

To Mr. Bradford & Mr. Brewster, &c.

     My dear love remembred unto you all, &c.  The company

hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed

of him, he being judged a man yt thought him selfe above ye

generall, and not expresing so much ye fear of God as was

meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed

in a matter of so great importance.  I am sparing to be so

plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to ye

wise.

      Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships,

nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some

reason in respecte of him selfe, &c.  His brother Andrew,

whom he doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a

heady yong man, & violente, and set against you ther, & ye

company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which

tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our estates ther,

and prevention of our good ends.  For by credible testimoney

we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pre-

tending he comes for and from ye adventurers, and will seeke

to gett what you have in readynes [77] into his ships, as if

they came from ye company, & possessing all, will be so much

profite to him selfe.  And further to in forme them selves what

spetiall places or things you have discovered, to ye end that

they may supres & deprive you, &c.


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                145

 

The Lord, who is ye watchman of Israll & slepeth not, pre-

serve you & deliver you from unreasonable men.  I am sorie

that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning

this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you

into thousands, to the advancemente of ye glorious gospell of

our Lord Jesus.  Amen.  Fare well.

   Your loving freinds,

EDWARD PICKERING.

WILLIAM GREENE.

 

I pray conceale both ye writing & deliverie of this leter, but

make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month.

 

The heads of his answer.

    Mr. Bradford, this is ye leter yt I wrote unto you of, which

to answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious.  My owne

conscience & all our people can and I thinke will testifie, yt

my end in sending ye ship Sparrow was your good, &c.  Now

I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows,

as these men terme them; yet I presume they will be governed

by such as I set over them.  And I hope not only to be able

to reclaime them from yt profanenes that may scandalise ye

vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, &c.  I am

so farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by

fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged ye

Mr. of ye ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of

bread, but also a good quantitie of fish,. &c.  But I will

leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or

might have done, had it come to your hands & taken ye

effecte ye other desired.

     Now if you be of ye mind yt these men are, deale plainly

with us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher.  If you

*But ye [he] left not his own men a bite of bread.


146                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us ye

entertainment of freinds, and we will take nothing from you,

neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one

kind or other, pay you for, &c.  I shall leave in ye coun-

trie a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners

& fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with ye

savages, & ye old plantation.  It may be we shall be as

helpfull to you, as you will be to us.  I thinke I shall see

you ye next spring; and so I comend you to ye protection

of God, who ever keep you.

Your loving freind,

THO: WESTON.

 

     [78] Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston

were layed in ye dust, and all his promised helpe

turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended

was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow.

And they were not only thus left destitute of help in

their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any

thing to trade with, but others prepared & ready to

glean up what ye cuntrie might have afforded for their

releefe.  As for those harsh censures & susspitions in-

timated in ye former and following leters, they desired

to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could,

waighing them in ye ballance of love and reason; and

though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing

freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise

from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with un-

meete provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston

pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite.


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                147

 

For after the receit of ye former leters, the Govr re-

ceived one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in ye

ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as

former passages declare), and it was much marveled

that nothing was heard from him, all this while.  But

it should seeme it was ye difficulty of sending, for

this leter was directed as ye leter of a wife to her

husband, who was here, and brought by him to ye

Govr.  It was as followeth.

 

   Beloved Sr:  I hartily salute you, with trust of your health,

and many thanks for your love.  By Gods providence we

got well home ye 17. of Feb.  Being robbed by ye French-

men by ye way, and carried by them into France, and were

kepte ther 15. days, and lost all yt we had that was worth

taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives

& ship.  I see not yt it worketh any discouragment hear.

I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June

nexte, or before.  In ye mean space know these things, and

I pray you be advertised a litle.  Mr. Weston hath quite

broken of from our company, through some discontents yt

arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath

sould all his adventurs, & hath now sent 3. smale ships for his

perticuler plantation.  The greatest wherof, being 100. tune,

Mr. Reynolds goeth mr. and he wth ye rest purposeth to

come him selfe; for what end I know not.

    The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore

I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for

man with them, excepte it be some of your worst.  He hath

taken a patente for him selfe.  If they offerr to buy any

thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let

them give ye worth of it.  If they borrow any thing of you,


148                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

let them leave a good pawne, &c.  It is like he [78] will

plant to ye southward of ye Cape, for William Trevore hath

lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack,

Mohiggen, & ye Narigansets.  I fear these people will hardly

deale so well with ye savages as they should.  I pray you

therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body

from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither

must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their

fidelitie.  We are aboute to recover our losses in France.

Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as

many as can this time.  I hope all will turne to ye best,

wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your

selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage

in yt place wherin God hath sett you, untill ye day of re-

freshing come.  And ye Lord God of sea & land bring us

comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.

Yours,                  ROBART CUSHMAN.

 

    On ye other sid of ye leafe, in ye same leter, came

these few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name

the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow,

to be spoken in its place.

 

      Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration that

which is writen on ye other side, and not any way to

damnifie your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes,

and may therby be more infeebled.  And for ye leters of

association, by ye next ship we send, I hope you shall re-

ceive satisfaction; in ye mean time whom you admite I will

approve.  But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them

so base in condition (for ye most parte) as in all apearance

* The number is repeated in the Ms.


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                149

 

not fitt for an honest mans company.  I wish they prove

other wise.  My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but

cease in these few lins, and so rest

Your loving freind,

JOHN PEIRCE.

 

      All these things they pondred and well considered,

yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente;

partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering

what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to

some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to ye

people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as

them selves were,) and were by ye ship to be pres-

ently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passen-

gers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they

were alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to

doe.  So as they had received his former company of

7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so

they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men),

and gave [79] housing for them selves and their

goods; and many being sicke, they had ye best means

ye place could aford them.  They stayed hear ye most

parte of ye somer till ye ship came back againe from

Virginia.  Then, by his direction, or those whom he

set over them, they removed into ye Massachusset

Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by

light of ther former discovery in leters sent home).

Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were

setled and housed.  But of ther victails they had not


150                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing

els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither

did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly

company, and had no good govermente over them, and

by disorder would soone fall into wants if Mr. Wes-

ton came not ye sooner amongst them; and therfore,

to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of

them.

     Amids these streigths, and ye desertion of those

from whom they had hoped for supply, and when

famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not know-

ing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) pre-

sents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation.

This boat which came from ye eastward brought them

a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had

never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come

ther a fishing.  This leter was as followeth.  Being

thus inscribed.

 

To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.

     Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I salute you, and wish

you all health and hapines in ye Lord.  I make bould with

these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were un-

humane, I can doe no less.  Bad news doth spread it selfe

too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with

many good freinds in ye south-collonie of Virginia, have re-

ceived shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make

good our losses.  Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not

knowing you) that ye old rule which I learned when I went

to schoole, may be sufficente.  That is, Hapie is he whom


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                151

 

other mens harmes doth make to beware.  And now againe

and againe, wishing all those yt willingly would serve ye

Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting

peace in ye world to come.  And so I rest,

Yours,

JOHN HUDLSTON.

 

    By this boat ye Govr returned a thankfull answer,

as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with

them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Wins-

low was sente to procure what provissions he could

of ye ships, who was kindly received by ye foresaid

gentill-man, who not only spared what he [90 *] could,

but writ to others to doe ye like.  By which means

he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by

which ye plantation had a duble benefite, first, a pres-

ent refreshing by ye food brought, and secondly, they

knew ye way to those parts for their benifite hear-

after.  But what was gott, & this small boat brought,

being devided among so many, came but to a litle,

yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest.  It

arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to

each person; and ye Govr caused it to be dayly given

them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody,

they would have eate it up & then starved.  But thus,

with what els they could get, they made pretie shift!

till corne was ripe.

 

*Mr. Hunter writes:  "Here is an error in Bradford's pagination.  He

passes from 79 to 90.  No part of the manuscript is here lost." 79 is repeated

in the paging.


152                      HIS'TORY OF                       [BOOK II.

 

This somer they builte a fort with good timber,

both strong & comly, which was of good defence, made

with a flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance

were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch,

espetially in time of danger.  It served them allso for

a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that

use.  It was a great worke for them in this weaknes

and time of wants; but ye deanger of ye time required

it, and both ye continuall rumors of ye fears from ye

Indeans hear, espetially ye Narigansets, and also ye

hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all

hands willing to despatch ye same.

     Now ye wellcome time of harvest aproacbed, in which

all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle,

 in comparison of a full years supplie; partly by reason

they were not yet well aquainted with ye maiier of Indean

corne, (and they. had no other,) allso their many other

imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of

food, to tend it as they

should have done.  Also much was stolne both by

night & day, before it became scarce eatable, & much

more afterward.  And though many were well whipt

(when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet

hunger made others (whom conscience did not re-

straine) to venture.  So as it well appeared yt famine

must still insue ye next year allso, if not some way

prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst

not trust.  Markets there was none to goe too, but


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                153

 

only ye Indeans, and they had no trading comodities.

Behold now another providence of God; a ship comes

into ye [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe

therin.  They were set out by some marchants to dis-

covere all ye harbors betweene this & Virginia, and ye

shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along ye coast wher

they could.  This ship had store of English-beads

(which were then good trade) and some knives, but

would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good

quantie togeather.  Yet they we ere glad of ye occa-

sion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine

to give after ye rate of cento per cento, if not more,

and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3s. perli., which in a

few years after yeelded 20s.  By this means they were

fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and

intended to buy what corne they could.

     But I will hear take liberty to make a title digres-

sion.  Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name

Mr. John Poory; he had been secretarie in Virginia,

and was now going home passenger in this ship.

After his departure he write a leter to ye Govr in ye

postscrite wherof he hath these lines.

 

     To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my

selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you

thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch

juells.  My hast would not suffer me to remember (much

less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon ye 5.

books of Moyses.  Both his & Mr. Robinsons doe highly


154                      HISTORY OF.                       [BOOK II.

 

com end the authors, as being most conversante in ye scrip-

turs of all others.  And what good (who knows) it may

please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though

most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them.

God have you all in his keeping.

Your unfained and firme freind,

Aug. 28.1622.                                                      JOHN PORY.

 

     These things I hear inserte for honour sake of ye

authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus in-

geniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne

did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those

of no mean ranck.  But to returnee

      [92] Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who

were now seated at ye Massachusets, and by disorder

(as it seems) had made havock of their provissions,

begane now to perceive that want would come upon

them.  And hearing that they hear had bought trading

comodities & intended to trade for corne, they write

to ye Govr and desired they might joyne with them,

and they would imploy their small ship in ye servise;

and furder requested either to lend or sell them so

much of their trading comodities as their part might

come to, and they would undertake to make paymente

when Mr. Weston, or their supply, should come.  The

Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente,

thinkeing to goe aboute ye Cap to ye southward

with ye ship, wher some store of corne might be

got.  Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was


1622.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                155

 

apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid &

interpreter, about ye latter end of September; but ye

winds put them in againe, & putting out ye 2. time,

he fell sick of a feavor, so ye Govr wente him selfe.

But they could not get aboute ye should of Cap-Cod,

for flats & breakers, neither could Squanto directe

them better, nor ye mr. durst venture any further, so

they put into Manamoyack Bay and got wt* they

could ther.  In this place Squanto fell sick of an

Indean feavor, bleeding much at ye nose (which ye

Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a

few days dyed ther; desiring ye Govr to pray for him,

that he might goe to ye Englishmens God in heaven,

and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his

English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom

they had a great loss.  They got in this vioage, in one

place & other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne &

beans, which was more then ye Indeans could well

spare in these parts, for ye set but a litle till they got

English hows.  And so were faine to returne, being sory

they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better

laden.  After ward ye Govr tooke a few men & wente

to ye inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch

it home at ye spring, which did help them something.

     [93]  After these things, in Feb: a messenger came

from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Wes-

ton's men in ye bay of Massachusets, who brought a

*Wth in the mannscript.

 


156                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

letter shewing the great wants they were falen into;

and he would have borrowed a hh of corne of ye In-

deans, but they would lend him none.  He desired

advice whether he might not take it from them by

force to succore his men till he came from ye east-

ward, whither he was going.  The Govr & rest de-

swaded him by all means from it, for it might so

exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie,

and all of us might smart for it; for they had already

heard how they had so wronged ye Indeans by steal-

ing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed

against them.  Yea, so base were some of their own

company, as they wente & tould ye Indeans yt their

Govr was purposed to come and take their corne by

force.  The which with other things made them enter

into a conspiracie against ye English, of which more

in ye nexte.  Hear with I end this year.

 

Anno Dom: 1623.

     IT may be thought strang that these people should

fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left

competently provided when ye ship left them, and had

an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by

trade, besids much they gott of ye Indans wher they

lived, by one means & other.  It must needs be their

great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they

had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte

away among ye Indeans (for he yt was their cheef


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                157

 

was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean

women, how truly I know not).  And after they

begane to come into wants, many sould away their

cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they)

became servants to ye Indeans, and would cutt them

woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne;

others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from

ye Indeans, of which they greevosly complained.  In

ye end, they came to that misery, that some starved

& dyed with could & hunger.  One in geathering

shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in ye mudd,

and was found dead in ye place.  At last most of them

left their dwellings & scatered up & downe in ye [94]

woods, & by ye water sids, wher they could find

ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten.  By

which their cariages they became contemned & scorned

of ye Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over

them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times

as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot

with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the

Indeans would come and eate it up; and when night

came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or

such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would

take it and let ye other lye all nighte in the could;

so as their condition was very lamentable.  Yea, in

ye end they were faine to hange one of their men,

whom they could not recliame from stealing, to give

ye Indeans contente.


158                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, ye

Govr & people hear had notice yt Massasoyte ther

freind was sick & near unto death.  They sent to

vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable

things as gave him great contente, and was a means

of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers ye

conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved

to cutt of Mr. Westons people, for the continuall in-

juries they did them, & would now take opportunitie

of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had con-

spired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute.

And thinking the people hear would revenge their

death, they therfore thought to doe ye like by them,

& had solisited him to joyne with them.  He advised

them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by tak-

ing of some of ye cheefe of them, before it was to

late, for he asured them of ye truth hereof.

     This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into

serious delibration, and found upon examenation other

evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to

relate.  In ye mean time, came one of them from

ye Massachucts, with a small pack at his back; and

though he knew not a foote of ye way, yet he got

safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him,

for he was pursued, and so was mist.  He tould them

hear how all things stood amongst them, and that he

durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what

he observed) would be all knokt in ye head shortly.


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                159

 

This made them make ye more hast, & dispatched a

boate a way wth Capten Standish & some men, who

found them in a miserable condition, out of which he

rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of

some few of ye cheefe conspirators, and, according to

his order, offered to bring them all hither if they

thought good; and they should fare no worse then

them selves, till Mr. Weston or some supplie came to

them.  Or, if any other course liked them better,

he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could.  They

thanked him & ye rest.  But most of them desired he

would help them with some corne, and they would

goe with their smale ship to ye eastward, wher hapily

they might here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from

him, seing ye time of ye year was for fishing ships

to [95] be in ye land.  If not, they would worke

among ye fishermen for their liveing, and get ther pas-

sage into England, if they heard nothing from Mr.

Weston in time.  So they shipped what they had of

any worth, and he got them all ye corne he could

(scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them

well out of ye bay, under saile at sea, and so came

home, not takeing ye worth of a peny of any thing

that was theirs.  I have but touched these things

breefly, because they have allready been published in

printe more at large.

     This was ye end of these that some time bosted of

their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what


160                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

they would doe & bring to pass, in comparison of ye

people hear, who had many women & children and

weak ons amongst them; and said at their first arivall,

when they saw the wants hear, that they would take

an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition

as this simple people were come too.  But a mans

way is not in his owne power; God can make ye

weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed

least he fall.

     Shortly after, Mr. Weston came over with some of

ye fishermen, under another name, and ye disguise of a

blacke-smith, were he heard of ye mine and disolution

of his colony.  He got a boat and with a man or

2. came to see how things were.  But by ye way, for

wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in

ye botome of ye bay between Meremek river & Pas-

cataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards

fell into the hands of ye Indeans, who pillaged him

of all he saved from the sea, & striped him out of

all his cloaths to his shirte.  At last he got to Pas-

cataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got

means to come to Plimoth.  A strang alteration ther

was in him to such as had seen & known him in his

former florishing condition; so uncertaine are ye muta-

ble things of this unstable world.  And yet men set their

harts upon them, though they dayly see ye vanity

therof.

     After many passag~s, and much discourse, (former


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                161

 

things boyling in his mind, but bit in as was dis-

cernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them;

and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply

to come to him, and then they should have any thing

for it they stood in neede of.  They gave title credite

to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered

former curtesies.  They tould him he saw their wants,

and they knew not when they should have any supply;

also how ye case stood betweene them & their ad-

venturers, he well knew; they had not much bever,

& if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to

make a mutinie among ye people, seeing ther was no

other means to procure them foode which they so much

wanted, & cloaths allso.  Yet they tould him they

would help him, considering his necessitie, but must

doe it secretly for ye former reasons.  So they let

him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170li. odd

pounds.  Thus they helpt him when all ye world faild

him, and with this means he went againe to ye ships,

and stayed his small ship & some of his men, &

bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was ye

only foundation [96] of his after course.  But he re-

quited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie

unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them

any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill

words.  Yea, he divolged it to some that were none

of their best freinds, whilst he yet had ye beaver in

his boat; that he could now set them all togeather by


162                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ye ears, because they had done more then they could

answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did

not spare to doe what he could.  But his malice could

not prevaile.

     All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew

they when they might expecte any.  So they begane

to thinke how they might raise as much corne as they

could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done,

that they might not still thus languish in miserie.  At

length, after much debate of things, the Govr (with

ye advise of ye cheefest amongest them) gave way that

they should set corne every man for his owne per-

ticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all

other things to goe on in ye generall way as before.

And so assigned to every family a parcell of land,

according to the proportion of their number for that

end, only for present use (but made no devission for

inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth under some

familie.  This had very good success; for it made all

hands very industrious, so as much more corne was

planted then other waise would have bene by any

means ye Govr or any other could use, and saved him

a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente.

The women now wente willingly into ye feild, and

tooke their litle-ons with them to set corne, which

before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to

have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie

and oppression.


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                163

 

     The experience that was had in this comone course

and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst

godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of

that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded

by some of later times; that ye taking away of

propertie, and bringing in comunitie into a comone

wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if

they were wiser then God.  For this comunitie (so

farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion &

discontent, and retard much imploymet that would

have been to their beneflte and comforte.  For ye

yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour &

service did repine that they should spend their time

& streingth to worke for other mens wives and chil-

dren, with out any recompence.  The strong, or man

of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths,

then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter

ye other could; this was thought injuestice.  The aged

and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in

labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner &

yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect

unto them.  And for mens wives to be commanded to

doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, wash-

ing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie,

neither could many husbands well brooke it.  Upon ye

poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike,

they thought them selves in ye like condition, and one

as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those

 


164                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did

at least much diminish and take of ye mutuall respects

that should be preserved amongst them.  And would

have bene worse if they had been men of another

condition.  Let none objecte this is men's corruption,

and nothing to ye course it selfe.  I answer, seeing all

men have this corruption in them, God in his wis-

dome saw another course fiter for them.

      But to returnee.  After this course setled, and by

that their core was planted, all ther victails were

spente, and they were only to rest on Gods provi-

dence; at night not many times knowing wher to have

a bitt of any thing ye next day.  And so, as one well

observed, had need to pray that God would give them

their dayly brade, above all people in ye world.  Yet

they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie

of spirite, and that for so long a time as for ye most

parte of 2. years; which makes me remember what

Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying ye Spaniards) in

his 5.  Decade, pag. 208.  They (saith he) led a m is-

erable life for 5. days togeather, with ye parched graine

of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then con-

cluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger,

he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could

have endured.  But alass! these, when they had maize

(yt is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a

feast, and wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but

some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and neither had


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                165

 

bread nor any kind of corne.  Indeed, in an other

place, in his 2.  Decade, page 94. he mentions how

others of them were worse put to it, wher they were

faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so

dyed almost all.  From these extremities the * Lord in

his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great

wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his

name have ye praise.  Yet let me hear make use of

his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied

to this people:  That with their miseries they opened

a way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with

what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte

of ye calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to

goe to a bride feaste wher all things are provided for

them.

      They haveing but one boat left and she not over

well fitted, they were devided into severall companies,

6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out

with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like

fish, by course, every company knowing their turne.

No sooner was ye boate discharged [98] of what she

brought, but ye next company tooke her and wente

out with her.  Neither did they returne till they had

cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days be-

fore, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to

goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente

to ye rest.  Yea, they strive who should doe best.

*They in the MS.


166                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK ll.

 

If she stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seek-

ing of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out

of ye sands.  And this was their living in ye somer

time, till God sente ym beter; & in winter they were

helped with ground-nuts and foule.  Also in ye somer

they gott now & then a dear; for one or 2. of ye

fitest was apoynted to range ye woods for yt end, &

what was gott that way was devided amongst them.

     At length they received some leters from ye ad-

venturers, too long and tedious hear to record, by

which they heard of their furder crosses and frustra-

tions; begining in this maner.

 

    Loving freinds, as your sorrows & afflictions have bin

great, so our croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear,

have not been small.  For after we had with much trouble

& charge sente ye Parragon away to sea, and thought all ye

paine past, within 14. days after she came againe hither,

being dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious

stormes, so as shee was faine to be had into ye docke, and

an 100li. bestowed upon her.  All ye passengers lying upon

our charg for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and dis-

temper was occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente

had like to insewed.  But we trust all shall be well and

worke for ye best and your benefite, if yet with patience

you can waite and but have strength to hold in life. 

Whilst these things were doing, Mr. Westons ship came

and brought diverce leters from you, &c.  It rejoyseth us

much to hear of those good reports yt diverce have brought

home from you, &c.

 

These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                167

 

So farr of this leter.

     This ship was brought by Mr. John Peirce, and set

out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. 

These passengers, & ye goods the company sent in

her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed

with him to be delivered hear.  This was he in whose

name their first patente was taken, by reason of

aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their

freinds had with him.  But his name was only used in

trust.  But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus

seated, and by ye success God gave them had obtained

ye favour of ye Counsell of New-England, he goes and

sues to them for another patent of much larger extente

(in their names), which was easily obtained.  But he

mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what

he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his

courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which

follows.  But ye Lord marvelously crost him; for after

this first returne, and ye charge above mentioned,

when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and

taks in more passengers, and those not very good to

help to bear his losses, and sets out ye 2. time.  But

[99] what ye event was will appear from another leter

from one of ye cheefe of ye company, dated ye 9. of

Aprill, 1623. writ to ye Govr hear, as followeth.

 

     Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have

received one from you well-nigh by this time.  But when

I write in Des: I litle thought to have seen Mr. John


168                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Peirce till he had brought some good tidings from you.  But

it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his

returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest,

werin ye goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their

lives, being 109. souls.  The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce,

&c., and ye companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c.

     Now with great trouble & loss, we have got Mr. John

Peirce to assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie,

which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd

our former grante.  I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke

yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first

and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and

we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for ye

company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make

you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance

or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means.  I

desire to judg charitably of him.  But his unwillingnes to

part with his royall  Lordship, and ye high-rate he set it at,

which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake

and judg hardly of him.  The company are out for goods in

his ship, with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., &c.

      We have agreed with 2. marchants for a ship of 140.

tunes, caled ye Anne, which is to be ready ye last of this

month, to bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.

 

    This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.

    These were ther owne words and judgmente of this

mans dealing & proceedings; for I thought it more

meete to render them in theirs then my owne words.

And yet though ther was never got other recompence

then the resignation of this patente, and ye shares he

had in adventure, for all ye former great sumes, he

was never quiet, but sued them in most of ye cheefe


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                169

 

courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought

it to ye Parlemente.  But he is now dead, and I will

leave him to ye Lord.

     This ship suffered ye greatest extreemitie at sea at

her 2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be

saved; as I have been informed by Mr. William Peirce

who was then mr. of her, and many others that were

passengers in her.  It was aboute ye midle of Feb:

The storme was for ye most parte of 14. days, but

for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in most violent

extremitie.  After they had cut downe their mast, ye

storme beat of their round house and all their uper

works; 3. men had worke enough at ye helme, and he

that cund ye ship before ye sea, was faine [100] to be

bound fast for washing a way; the seas did so over-

rake them, as many times those upon ye decke knew

not whether they were within bord or withoute; and

once she was so foundered in ye sea as they all

thought she would never rise againe.  But yet ye

Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe

to Ports-mouth, to ye wonder of all men yt saw in

what a case she was in, and heard what they had

endured.

      About ye later end of June came in a ship, with

Captaine Francis West, who had a comission to be

admirall of New-England, to restraine interlopers, and

shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without

a licence from ye Counsell of New-England, for which


170                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

they should pay a round sume of money.  But he

could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge

for him, and he found ye fisher men to be stuberne

fellows.  And their owners, upon complainte made to

ye Parlemente, procured an order yt fishing should be

free.  He tould ye Govr they spooke with a ship at

sea, and were abord her, yt was coming for this plan-

tation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they

marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage;

for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after

they had been abord.  Which relation filled them full

of fear, yet mixed with hope.  The mr. of this ship

had some 2. hh of pease to sell, but seeing their

wants, held them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, & under

8li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at

an under rate.  But they tould him they had lived

so long with out, and would doe still, rather then

give so unreasonably.  So they went from hence to

Virginia. *

*I may not here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines & indns-

trie, and ye great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, & take

away the same, and to threaten further & more sore famine unto them, by

a great drought which continued from ye 3. weeke in May, till about ye

midle of July, without any raine, and with great heat (for ye most parte),

insomuch as ye corne begane to wither away, though it was set with fishe,

the moysture wherof helped it much.  Yet at length it begane to languish

sore, and some of ye drier grounds were partched like withered hay, part

wherof was never recovered.  Upon which they sett a parte a solemne day

of humilliation, to seek ye Lord by humble & fervente prayer, in this great

distrese.  And he was pleased to give them a gracious & speedy answer, both

to their owne, & the lndeans admiration, that lived amongest them.  For all

ye morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather & very hotte,


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANATION.                  171

 

     About 14. days after came in this ship, caled ye

Anne, wherof Mr. William Peirce was mr., and aboute

a weeke or 10. days after came in ye pinass which in

foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of

about 44. tune, which ye company had builte to stay

in the cuntrie.  They brought about 60. persons for

ye generall, some of them being very usefull persons,

and became good members to ye body, and some were

ye wives and children of shuch as were hear allready.

And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at

charge to send them home againe ye next year.  Also,

besids these ther came a company, that did not belong

to ye generall body, but came one* their perticuler,

and were to have lands assigned them, and be for

them selves, yet to be subjecte to ye generall Gov-

 

and not a cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it

begane to overcast, and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle

showers, as gave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God.  It came, without

either wind, or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in yt abundance,

as that ye earth was thorowly were and soked therwith.  Which did so

apparently revive & quicken ye decayed Corne & other fruits, as was won-

derfull to see, and made ye Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards the

Lord sent them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme

weather, as, through his blessing, caused a fruitfull & liberall harvest, to

their no small comforte and rejoycing.  For which mercie (in time con-

veniente) they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing.  This being overslipt

in its place, I thought meet here to inserte ye same.

      [The above is written on the reverse of page 103 of the original, and

should properly be inserted here.  This passage, "being overslipt in its

place," the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding

year; but, discovering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it,

and wrote beneath, "This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on

page 103, wher it is inserted."] 

     * On.


172                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

erment; which caused some diferance and disturbance

[101] amongst them, as will after appeare.  I shall

hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out

of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather

to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions,

then in my owne, as much as may be, without

tediousness.

 

      Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all, with trust of

your healths & wellfare, being right sorie yt no supplie hath

been made to you all this while; for defence wher of, I

must referr you to our generall leters.  Naitheir indeed have

we now sent you many things, which we should & would,

for want of money.  But persons, more then inough, (though

not all we should,) for people come flying in upon us, but

monys come creeping in to us.  Some few of your old

freinds are come, as, &c.  So they come droping to you,

and by degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all.

And because people press so hard upon us to goe, and often

shuch as are none of ye fitest, I pray you write ernestly to

ye Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente.  It

greeveth me to see so weake a company sent you, and yet

had I not been hear they had been weaker.  You must still

call upon the company hear to see yt honest men be sente

you, and threaten to send them back if any other come, &c.

Weare not any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an

noughty persons.  Shuch, and shuch, came without my con-

sente; but ye importunitie of their freinds got promise of

our Treasurer in my absence.  Neither is ther need we

should take any lewd men, for we may have honest men

enew, &c.

Your assured freind,

R. C.


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                173

 

The following was from ye genrall.

 

      Loving freinds, we most hartily salute you in all love and

harty affection; being yet in hope yt the same God which

hath hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet

continue your lives and health, to his owne praise and all

our comforts.  Being right sory that you have not been sent

unto all this time, &c.  We have in this ship sent shuch

women, as were willing and ready to goe to their husbands

and freinds, with their children, &c.  We would not have

you discontente, because we have not sent you more of your

old freinds, and in spetiall, him* on whom you most depend.

Farr be it from us to neclecte you, or contemne him.  But

as ye intente was at first, so ye evente at last shall shew it,

that we will deal fairly, and squarly answer your expec-

tations to the full.  Ther are also come unto you, some

honest men to plant upon their particulers besids you.  A

thing which if we should not give way unto, we should wrong

both them and you.  Them, by puting them on things more

inconveniente, and you, for that being honest men, they will

be a strengthening to ye place, and good neighbours [102]

unto you.  Tow things we would advise you of, which we

have likwise signified them hear.  First, ye trade for skins

to be retained for the generall till ye devidente; 21y. yt their

setling by you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither

inconvenient for ye lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your

speedy & easie assembling togeather.

    We have sente you diverse fisher men, with salte, &c.

Diverse other provissions we have sente you, as will appear

in your bill of lading, and though we have not sent all we

would (because our cash is small), yet it is yt we could, &c.

      And allthough it seemeth you have discovered many more

rivers and fertill grounds then yt wher you are, yet seeing by

*I. R.


174                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Gods providence yt place fell to your lote, let it be accounted

as your portion; and rather fixe your eyes upou that which

may be done ther, then languish in hops after things els-wher.

If your place be not ye best, it is better, you shall be ye

less envied and encroached upon; and shuch as are earthly

minded, will not setle too near your border.*  If ye land

afford you bread, and ye sea yeeld you fish, rest you a while

contented, God will one day afford you better fare.  And all

men shall know you are neither fugetives nor discontents.

But can, if God so order it, take ye worst to your selves,

with content,! & leave ye best to your neighbours, with

cherfullnes.

     Let it not be greeveous unto you yt you have been instru-

ments to breake ye ise for others who come after with less

dificulty, the honour shall be yours to ye worlds end, &c.

     We bear you always in our brests, and our harty affection

is towards you all, as are ye harts of hundreds more which

never saw your faces, who doubtles pray for your saftie as

their owne, as we our selves both doe & ever shall, that ye

same God which hath so marvelously preserved you from

seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all

future dangers, and make you honourable amongst men, and

glorious in blise at ye last day.  And so ye Lord be with

you all & send us joyfull news from you, and inable us

with one shoulder so to accomplish & perfecte this worke,

as much glorie may come to Him yt confoundeth ye mighty

by the weak, and maketh small thinges great.  To whose

greatnes, be all glolie for ever & ever.

 

    This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.

    These passengers, when they saw their low & poore

condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed,

                      *This proved rather, a propheti. then advice.

!Contend in the manuscript.


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                175

 

and according to their diverse humores were diversly

affected; some wished them selves in England againe;

others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in

what yey saw now in others; other some pitying the

distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and

still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes.

Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them,

and yt it was no worse with them, for they could not

expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should

injoye better days togeather.  And truly it was [103]

no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were

in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell,

& some litle beter then halfe naked; though some yt

were well stord before, were well enough in this re-

gard.  But for food they were all alike, save some yt

had got a few pease of ye ship yt was last hear.  The

best dish they could presente their freinds with was

a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any

thing els but a cupp of fair spring water.  And ye long

continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad,

had something abated ye freshnes of their former com-

plexion.  But God gave them health and strength in

a good measure; and shewed them by experience ye

truth of yt word, Deut. 8. 3. Ye man liveth not by

bread only, but by every word ye proceedeth out of ye.

mouth of ye Lord doth a man live.

     When I think qow sadly ye scripture speaks of the

famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns,


176                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye.

Gen. 42. 2. and 43.1, that the famine was great, or

heavie in the land; and yet they had such great herds,

and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh,

must needs produse other food, as milke, butter &

cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore aflliction;

theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who

not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these

things, and had no Egipte to goe too.  But God fedd

them out of ye sea for ye most parte, so wonderfull

is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie

endureth for ever.

     On ye other hand the old planters were affraid that

their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to ye

new-comers, whose provissions wch they brought with

them they feared would fall short before ye year wente

aboute (as indeed it did).  They came to ye Govr and

besought him that as it was before agreed that they

should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly

they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that

they might freely injoye the same, and they would not

have a bitte of ye victails now come, but waite till

harvest for their owne, and let ye new-comers injoye

what they had brought; they would have none of it,

excepte they could purchase any of it of them by

bargaine or exchainge.  Their requeste was granted

them, for it gave both sides good contente; for ye

new-comers wera as much afraid that ye hungrie


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                177

 

planters would have eat up ye provissions brought, and

they should have fallen into ye like condition.

     This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord,

by ye help of many hands.  Also they sente in her all

ye beaver and other furrs they had, & Mr. Winslow

was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and

procure such things as were thought needfull for their

presente condition.  By this time harvest was come,

and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie,

and ye face of things was changed, to ye rejoysing of

ye harts of many, for which they blessed God.  And

ye effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for

all had, one way & other, pretty well to bring ye year

aboute, and some of ye abler sorte and more [104]

industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any

generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them

since to this day.

     Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater

matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute

building great houses, and such pleasant situations for

them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be

great men & rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved

castls in ye aire.  These were ye conditions agreed on

betweene ye colony and them.

     First, that ye Govr, in ye name and with ye consente

of ye company, doth in all love and frendship receive

and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente

places for habitations within ye towne.  And promiseth


178                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be rea-

sonable for them to desire, or us to performe.

    2.  That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such

laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall

be, for ye publick good.

     3.  That they be freed and exempte from ye generall

imployments of the said company, (which their pres-

ente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte com-

mune defence, & such other imployments as tend to

ye perpetuall good of ye collony.

     4ly.  Towards ye maintenance of Govrt, & publick

officers of ye said collony, every male above ye age of

16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or

ye worth of it, into ye commone store.

     5ly.  That (according to ye agreemente ye marchants

made with ym before they came) they are to be wholy

debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts

of furrs, and such like commodities, till ye time of ye

comunallitie be ended.

     About ye midle of September arrived Captaine

Robart Gorges in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, with

sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to

begine a plantation; and pitched upon ye place Mr.

Weston's people had forsaken.  He had a comission

from ye Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gover

of ye cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell &

assistance, Captaine Francis West, ye aforesaid admirall,

Christopher Levite, Esquire, and ye Govr of Plimoth for


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                179

 

ye time beeing, &c.  Allso, they gave him authoritie to

chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave

(by their comission) full power to him & his assistants,

or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be

one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme

good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, &c.,

with diverce other instructions.  Of which, & his

comission, it pleased him to suffer ye Govr hear to

take a coppy.

     He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but

before they could visite him he went to ye eastward

with ye ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and

they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those

parts,) they bore up for this harbor.  He and his

men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear

14. days.  In ye mean time came in Mr. Weston with

his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105*]

Captaine Gorges tooke hold of ye opportunitie, and

acquainted ye Govr hear, that one occasion of his

going to ye eastward was to meete with Mr. Weston,

and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to

lay to his charge.  Wherupon he called him before

him, and some other of his assistants, with ye Govr of

this place; and charged him, first, with ye ille carriage

of his men at ye Massachusets; by which means the

peace of ye cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe & the

people which he had brought over to plante in that

*In MS. also 145.


180                      HISTORY OF                        [Book II.

 

bay were therby much prejudised.  To this Mr. Weston

easily answered, that what was that way done, was in

his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left

them sufficently provided, and conceived they would

have been well governed; and for any errour comitted

he had sufficiently smarted.  This particuler was passed

by.  A 2d. was, for an abuse done to his father, Sr.

Ferdenando Gorges, and to ye State.  The thing was

this; he used him & others of ye Counsell of New-

England, to procure him a licence for ye transporting

of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England,

pretending great fortification hear in ye countrie, & I

know not what shipping.  The which when he had

obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his

private profite; for which (he said) ye State was much

offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and

he had order to apprehend him for it.  Mr. Weston

excused it as well as he could, but could not deney

it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which

he with-drew himself.  But after many passages, by

ye mediation of ye Govr and some other freinds hear,

he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended ye

abuse of his father deeply); which, when Mr. Weston

saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such pro-

vocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in

great indignation & distemper, and vowed yt he would

either curb him, or send him home for England.  At

which Mr. Weston was something danted, and came


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                181

 

privatly to ye Govr hear, to know whether they would

suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him.  He was

tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed

him, yt after they had pacified things, he should thus

breake out, by his owne folly & rashnes, to bring

trouble upon him selfe & them too.  He confest it

was his passion, and prayd ye Govr to entreat for him,

and pacifie him if he could.  The which at last he

did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and ye

Govr was contente to take his owne bond to be ready

to make further answer, when either he or ye lords

should send for him.  And at last he tooke only his

word, and ther was a freidly parting on all hands.

     But after he was gone, Mr. Weston in lue of thanks

to ye Govr and his freinds hear, gave them this quib

(behind their baks) for all their pains.  That though

they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good

beggers.  Thus they parted at this time, and shortly

after ye Govr tooke his leave and went to ye Mas-

sachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind

entertainemente.  The ship stayed hear, and fitted her

selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther

to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those

from hence which came over on their perticuler, some

out of discontente and dislike of ye cuntrie; others by

reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt ye houses

they lived in, and all their provisions [106*] so as

 

*In MS. also 146.


182                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

they were necessitated therunto.  This fire was occa-

sioned by some of ye sea-men that were roystering in

a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in

very could weather, which broke out of ye chimney

into ye thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and

consumed all ye goods & provissions in ym.  The

house in which it begane was right against their store-

house, which they had much adoe to save, in which

were their comone store & all their provissions; ye

which if it had been lost, ye plantation had been over-

throwne.  But through Gods mercie it was saved by

ye great dilligence of ye people, & care of ye Govr &

some aboute him.  Some would have had ye goods

throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have

been stolne by the rude company yt belonged to these

2. ships, which were allmost all ashore.  But a trusty

company was plased within, as well as those that with

wet-cloaths & other means kept of ye fire without,

that if necessitie required they might have them out

with all speed.  For yey suspected some malicious

dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was

only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine,

that when ye tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce

heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid

them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds

yt were near them.  And shortly after, when the

vemencie of ye fire was over, smoke was seen to arise

within a shed yt was joynd to ye end of ye store-


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                183

 

house, which was watled up with bowes, in ye withered

leaves wherof ye fire was kindled, which some, runing

to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe,

lying under ye wale on ye inside, which could not

possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid

ther by some hand, in ye judgmente of all that saw

it.  But God kept them from this deanger, what ever

was intended.

      Shortly after Captaine, Gorges, ye generall Govr, was

come home to ye Massachusets, he sends a warrante

to arrest Mr. Weston & his ship, and sends a mr. to

bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that

belonged to him) to conducte him along.  The Govr

& others hear were very sory to see him take this

course, and tooke exception at ye warrante, as not

legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to dis-

swade him from this course, shewing him yt he would

but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for

he could not doe Mr. Weston a better turne, (as things

stood with him); for he had a great many men that

belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged

to them for wages, and was in a maner out of victails

(and now winter); all which would light upon him, if

he did arrest his barke.  In ye mean time Mr. Weston

had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived

he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend

him selfe, but was rather glad of ye occasion, and so

stirred not.  But ye Govr would not be perswaded, but


184                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

[107] sent a very forman warrente under his hand &

seall, with strict charge as they would answere. it to

ye state; he also write that he had better considered

of things since he was hear, and he could not answer

it to let him goe so; besids other things that were

come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too.

So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the

end that to be true that was tould him; for when an

inventorie was taken of what was in ye ship, ther was

not vitailes found for above 14. days, at a pare allow-

ance, and not much else of any great worth, & the

men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in ye

mean time, as made him soone weary.  So as in con-

clusion it turned to his loss, and ye expence of his

owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to

agreement, (after they had bene to ye eastward,) and

ye Govr restord him his vessell againe, and made him

satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions,

for what he had made use of that was his, or what

his men had any way wasted or consumed.  So Mr.

Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his

course for Virginie, & so for present I shall leave

him.*

     The Govr and some yt depended upon him returned

for England, haveing scarcly saluted ye cuntrie in his

Govermente, not finding the state of things hear to

 

      * He dyed afterwards at Bristoll, in ye time of the warrs, of ye sicknes

in yt place.


1623.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                185

 

answer his quallitie & condition.  The peopl dispersed

them  selves, some went for England, others for Vir-

ginia, some few remained, and were helped with sup-

plies from hence.  The Govr brought over a minister

with him, one Mr. Morell, who, about a year after ye

Govr returned, tooke shipping from hence.  He had I

know not what power and authority of superintendancie

over other churches granted him, and sundrie instruc-

tions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any

use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;)

he only speake of it to some hear at his going away.

This was in effect ye end of a 2. plantation in that

place.  Ther were allso this year some scatering be-

ginings made in other places, as at Paskataway,

by Mr. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other

places by sundrie others.

     It rests now yt I speake a word about ye pinass

spoken of before, which was sent by ye adventurers to

be imployed in ye cuntrie.  She was a fine vessell, and

bravely set out,* and I fear ye adventurers did over

pride them selves in her, for she had ill success.  How

ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first,

though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly

maned, and all her men were upon shars, and none was

to have any wages but ye mr.  2ly, wheras they mainly

lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to

trade with.  When the men came hear, and mette with

 

            * With her flages, & streamers, pendents, & wastcloaths, &c.


186                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ill counsell from Mr. Weston & his crue, with others

of ye same stampe, neither mr. nor Govr could scarce

rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were

abused & deceived, for they were tould they should

goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom,

French & Spaniards, &c.  They would neither trade

nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would

obey no comand of ye maisters; so it was appre-

hended they would either rune away with ye vessell,

or get away wth ye ships, and leave her; so as Mr. Peirce

& others of their freinds perswaded the Govr to chaing

their condition, and give them wages; which was ac-

cordingly done.  And she was sente about ye Cape to

ye Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore

vioage of it.  Some corne and beaver they got, but ye

Dutch used to furnish them with cloath & better comod-

ities, they haveing only a few beads & knives, which

were not ther much esteemed.  Allso, in her returne

home, at ye very entrance into ther owne harbore, she

had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was f

orced to cut her maine mast by ye bord, to save her-

selfe from driving on ye flats that lye without, caled

Browns Ilands, the force of ye wind being so great as

made her anchors give way and she drive right upon

them; but her mast & takling being gone, they held

her till ye wind shifted.


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                187

 

Anno Dom: 1624.

     THE time of new election of ther officers for this

year being come, and* ye number of their people in-

creased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the

Govr desired them to chainge ye persons, as well as

renew ye election; and also to adde more Assistans

to ye Govr for help & counsell, and ye better carrying

on of affairs.  Showing that it was necessarie it should

be so.  If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte

others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a

burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others

should help to bear it; and yt this was ye end of

Anuall Elections.  The issue was, that as before ther

was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the

Govr a duble voyce; and aft wards they increased them

to 7. which course hath continued to this day.

      They having with some truble & charge new-masted

and rigged their pinass, in ye begining of March they

sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing.  She

arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove, and was

there well harbored in a place wher ships used to

tide, ther being also some ships all ready arived out

of England.  But shortly after ther [109] arose such

a violent & extraordinarie storme, as ye seas broak

over such places in ye harbor as was never seene be-

fore, and drive her against great roks, which beat such

 

*And is repeated in the MS.


188                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have

gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she

lay sunke. The mr. was drowned, 'the rest of ye men,

all save one, saved their Jives, with much a doe; all

her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost.

And here I must leave her to lye till afterward.

      Some of those that still remained hear on their per-

ticuler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being

privie to a strong faction that was among ye adventur-

ers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend,

by their private whispering they drew some of the

weaker sorte of ye company to their side, and so filld

them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them

excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler

allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed

from ye generall.  The Govr consulting with ye ablest

of ye generall body what was best to be done hear

in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon

equall conditions.  The conditions were the same in

effect with ye former before related.  Only some more

added, as that they should be bound here to remaine

till ye generall partnership was ended.  And also that

they should pay into ye store, ye on halfe of all such

goods and comodities as they should any waise raise

above their food, in consideration of what charg had

been layed out for them, with some such like things.

This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther

was but a few that undertooke this course when it


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                189

 

came too; and they were as sone weary of it.  For

the other had perswaded them, & Mr. Weston to-

geather, that ther would never come more supply to

ye general body; but ye perticulers had such freinds

as would carryall, and doe for them I know not

what.

     Shortly after, Mr. Winslow came over, and brought

a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a

thing fatall to this plantation.  He brought 3. heifers

& a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind

in ye land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as

will further appear; but withall ye reporte of a strong

faction amongst the adventurers * against them, and

espetially against ye coming of ye rest from Leyden,

and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and

how, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was

so retarded as not only they were now falne too late

for ye fishing season, but the best men were taken up

of ye fishermen in ye west countrie, and he was forct

to take such a mr. & company for that imployment as

he could procure upon ye present.  Some letters from

them shall beter declare these things, being as fol-

loweth.

    

     [110] Most worthy & loving freinds, your kind & loving

leters I have received, and render you many thanks, &c. It

hath plased God to stirre up ye harts of our adventurers *

 

*Adventures in the manuscript.


190                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to raise a new stock for ye seting forth of this shipe, caled

ye Charitie, with men & necessaries, both for ye plantation

and ye fishing, though accomplished with very great diffi-

culty; in regard we have some amongst us which undoubt-

edly airne more at their owne private ends, and ye thwarting

& opposing of some hear, and other worthy instruments,* of

Gods glory elswher, then at ye generall good and further-

ance of this noble & laudable action.  Yet againe we have

many other, and I hope ye greatest parte, very honest Chris-

tian men, which I am perswaded their ends and intents are

wholy for ye glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, in ye propaga-

tion of his gospell, and hope of gaining those poore salvages

to ye knowledg of God.  But, as we have a proverbe, One

scabed sheep may marr a whole flock, so these malecontented

persons, & turbulente spirits, doe what in them lyeth to

withdraw mens harts from you and your freinds, yea, even

from ye generall bussines; and yet under show and pretence

of godlynes and furtherance of ye plantation.  Wheras the

quite contrary doth plainly appeare; as some of ye honester

harted men (though of late of their faction) did make manifest

at our late meeting.  But what should I trouble you or my

selfe with these restles opposers of all goodnes, and I doubte

will be continuall disturbers of our frendly meetings & love.

On Thurs-day ye 8. of Jan: we had a meeting aboute the

artickls betweene you & us; wher they would rejecte that,

which we in our late leters prest you to grante, (an addition

to ye time of our joynt stock).  And their reason which

they would make known to us was, it trobled their con-

science to exacte longer time of you then was agreed upon

at ye first.  But that night they were so followed and crost

of their perverse courses, as they were even wearied, and

offered to sell their adventurs; and some were willing to buy.

But I, doubting they would raise more scandale and false

 

*He means Mr. Robinson.


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                191

 

reports, and so diverse waise doe us more hurt, by going of

in such a furie, then they could or can by continuing adven-

turers amongst us, would not suffer them.  But on ye 12. of

Jan: we had another meting, but in the interime diverse of

us had talked with most of them privatly, and had great

combats & reasoning, pro & con.  But at night when we

mete to read ye generall letter, we had ye loveingest and

frendlyest meeting that ever I knew * and our greatest ene-

mise offered to lend us 501i.  So I sent for a potle of wine,

(I would you could ! doe ye like,) which we dranke freindly

together.  Thus God can turne ye harts of men when it

pleaseth him, &c.  Thus loving freinds, I hartily salute you

all in ye Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Yours to my power,

Jan: 25.1623.                                              JAMES SHERLEY.

 

[111] Another leter.

      Beloved Sr., &c. We have now sent you, we hope, men

& means, to setle these 3. things, viz. fishing, salt making,

and boat making; if you can bring them to pass to some

perfection, your wants may be supplyed.  I pray you bend

you selfe what you can to setle these bussinesses.  Let ye

ship be fraught away as soone as you can, and sent to Bil-

bow.  You must send some discreete man for factore, whom,

once more, you must also authorise to confirme ye conditions.

If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I could wish he came

 

    * But this lasted not long, they had now provided Lyford & others to send

over.

     ! It is worthy to be observed, how ye Lord doth chaing times & things;

for what is now more plentifull then wine? and that of ye best, coming from

Malago, ye Cannaries, and other places, sundry ships lading in a year.  So

as ther is now more cause to complaine of ye excess and ye abuse of wine

(through mens corruption) even to drunkennes, then of any defecte or wante

of ye same.  Witnes this year 1646.  The good Lord lay not ye sins & un-

thankfullnes of men to their charge in this perticuler.


192                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

againe.  This ship carpenter is thought to be the fittest man

for you in the land, and will no doubte doe you much good.

Let him have an absolute comand over his servants &

such a& you put to him.  Let him build you 2. catches, a

lighter, and some 6. or 7. shalops, as Boone as you can.

The salt-man is a skillfull & industlious man, put some to

him, that may quickly apprehende ye misterie of it.  The

preacher we have sent is (we hope) an honest plaine man,

though none of ye most eminente and rare.  Aboute chusing

him into office use your owne liberty & discretion; he knows

he is no officer amongst you, though perhaps custome &

universalitie may make him forget him selfe.  Mr. Winslow

& my selfe gave way to his going, to give contente to some

hear, and we see no hurt in it, but only his great charge of

children.

     We have tooke a patente for Cap Anne, &c.  I am sory

ther is no more discretion used by some in their leters

hither.*  Some say you are starved in body & soule; others,

yt you eate piggs & doggs, that dye alone; others, that ye

things hear spoaken of, ye goodnes of ye cuntry, are gross

and palpable lyes; that ther is scarce a foule to be seene,

or a fish to be taken, and many such like.  I would such

discontented men were hear againe, for it is a miserie when

ye whole state of a plantation shall be thus exposed to ye

passionate humors of some discontented men.  And for my

selfe I shall hinder for hearafter some yt would goe, and

have not better composed their affections; mean space it is

all our crosses, and we must bear them.

      I am sorie we have not sent you more and other things,

but in truth we have rune into so much charge, to victaile

ye ship, provide salte & other fishing implements, &c. as we

could not provid other comfortable things, as buter, suger,

&c.  I hope the returne of this ship, and the James, will

 

* This was John Oldome & his like


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                193

 

put us in cash againe.  The Lord make you full of courage

in this troublesome bussines, which now must be stuck unto,

till God give us rest from our labours.  Fare well in all

harty affection.

Your assured freind,

Jan: 24. 1623.                                                                R. C.

 

     With ye former letter write by Mr. Sherley, there

were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus

writeth.  "These are the cheefe objections which they

[112] that are now returned make against you and

the countrie.  I pray you consider them, and answer

them by the first conveniencie."  These objections were

made by some of those that came over on their pertic-

uler and were returned home, as is before mentioned,

and were of ye same suite with those yt this other

letter mentions.

     I shall here set them downe, with ye answers then

made unto them, and sent over at ye returne of this

ship; which did so confound ye objecters, as some

confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they

had said, and eate their words, & some others of them

have since come over againe and heere lived to con-

vince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne &

other mens judgments.

     1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion.  Ans: We

know no such matter, for here was never any con-

troversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to

our knowledg,) since we came.


194                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     2. ob:  Neglecte of familie duties, one ye Lords day.

     Ans.  We allow no such thing, but blame it in our

selves & others; and they that thus reporte it, should

have shewed their Christian love the more if they had

in love tould ye offenders of it, rather then thus to

reproach them behind their baks.  But (to say no

more) we wish them selves had given better example.

     3. ob:  Wante of both the sacrements.

     Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is

kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for

we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and

baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to

baptise.

     4. ob:  Children not catechised nor taught to read.

     Ans:  Neither is true; for diverse take pains with

their owne as they can; indeede, we have no comone

schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means

to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.

     5. ob:  Many of ye perticuler members of ye planta-

tion will not work for ye generall.

     Ans:  This allso is not wholy true; for though some

doe it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe

it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode &

something besids.  But we will not excuse them, but

labour to reforme them ye best we cane, or else to

quitte ye plantation of them.

     6. ob:  The water is not wholsome.

     Ans:  If they mean, not so wholsome as ye good


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                195

 

beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly

love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for

water, it is as good as any in ye world, (for ought

we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can

be contente therwith.

     7. ob:  The ground is barren and doth bear no

grasse.

     [113] Ans:  It is hear (as in all places) some better

& some worse; and if they well consider their words,

in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as

in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for

they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one

for every hundred that hear is grase to keep.  Indeed,

this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here

which see and know ye contrary.

      8. ob:  The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.

     Ans:  This is as true as that which was written,

that ther is scarce a fouIe to be seene or a fish to

be taken.  Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher

so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they

might as well say, there can no aile or beere in Lon-

don be kept from sowering.

      9. ob:  Many of them are theevish and steale on

from an other.

     Ans:  Would London had been free from that crime,

then we should not have been trobled with these here;

it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it,

and so are ye rest like to doe, if they be taken.


196                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

      10. ob:  The countrie is anoyed with foxes and

woules.

     Ans:  So are many other good cuntries too; but

poyson, traps, and other such means will help to

destroy them.

      11. ob:  The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay,

and are likely to overthrow the trade.

     Ans:  They will come and plante in these parts,

also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and

leave it to them.  We rather commend them, then

condemne them for it.

     12. ob:  The people are much alloyed with mus-

keetoes.

     Ans:  They are too delicate and unfitte to begine

new-plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the

biting of a muskeeto; we would wish such to keepe

at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe.  Yet

this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth

that ye more ye land is tild, and ye woods cut downe,

the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any

at all.

    Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may

handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other

letters from Mr. Robinson their pastor; the one. to ye

Govr, ye other to Mr. Brewster their Elder, which will

give much light to ye former things, and express the

tender love & care of a true pastor over them.


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                197

 

His leter to ye Govr.

    My loving & much beloved freind, whom God hath

hithertoo preserved, preserve and keepe you still to his

glorie, and ye good of many; that his blessing may make

your godly and wise endeavours answerable to ye valuation

which they ther have, & set upon ye same.  Of your love

too and care for us here, we never doubted; so are we glad

to take knowledg of it in that fullnes we doe.  Our love &

care to and for you, is mutuall, though our hopes of com-

ing [114] unto you be small, and weaker then ever.  But

of this at large in Mr. Brewsters letter, with whom you, and

he with you, mutualy, I know, comunicate your letters, as

I desire you may doe these, &c.

     Concerning ye killing of those poor Indeans, of which we

heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine rela-

tion, oh! how happy a thing had it been, if you had con-

verted some, before you had killed any; besids, wher bloud

is onc begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched of a long

time after.  You will say they deserved it.  I grant it; but

upon what provocations and invitments by those heathenish

Christians? *  Besids, you, being no magistrats over them,

were to consider, not what they deserved, but what you

were by necessitie constrained to inflicte.  Necessitie of this,

espetially of killing so many, (and many more, it seems,

they would, if they could,) I see not.  Methinks on or tow

principals should have been full enough, according to that

approved rule,  The punishmente to a few, and ye fear to

many.  Upon this occasion let me be bould to exhorte you

seriouly to consider of ye dispossition of your Captaine, whom

I love, and am perswaded ye Lord in great mercie and for

much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. He

is a man humble and meek amongst you, and towards all

                             *Mr. Westons men.


198                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

in ordinarie course.  But now if this be meerly from an

humane spirite, ther is cause to fear that by occasion,

espetially of provocation, ther may be wanting yt tendernes

of ye life of man (made after Gods image) which is meete.

It is also a thing more glorious in mens eyes, then pleas-

ing in Gods, or conveniente for Christians, to be a terrour

to poore barbarous people; and indeed I am afraid least, by

these occasions, others should be drawne to affecte a kind of

rufling course in the world.  I doubt not but you will take

in good part these things which I write, and as ther is

cause make use of them.  It were to us more comfortable

and convenient, that we comunicated our mutuall helps in

presence, but seeing that canot be done, we shall always

long after you, and love you, and waite Gods apoynted

time.  The adventurers it seems have neither money nor

any great mind of us, for ye most parte.  They deney it to

be any part of ye covenants betwixte us, that they should

trasporte us, neither doe I looke for any further help from

them, till means come from you.  We hear are strangers in

effecte to ye whole course, and so both we and you (save as

your owne wisdoms and worths have intressed you further)

of principals intended in this bussines, are scarce accessa-

ries, &c.  My wife, with me, resalute you & yours.  Unto

him who is ye same to his in all places, and nere to them

which are farr from one an other, I comend you and all

with you, resting,

Yours truly loving,

JOHN ROBINSON.

Leyden, Des: 19. 1623.

 

His to Mr. Brewster.

    Loving and dear freind and brother:  That which I most

desired of God in regard of you, namly, ye continuance of

your life and health, and the safe coming of these sent unto


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                199

 

you, that I most gladly hear of, and praise God for the

same.  And I hope Mrs. Brewsters weake and decayed state

of body will have some reparing by the coming of her

daughters, and the provissions in this and former ships, I

hear is made for you; which maks us with more patience

bear our languishing state, and ye deferring of our desired

trasportation; wch I call desired, rather than hoped for,

whatsoever you are borne in hand by any others.  For first,

ther is no hope at all, that I know, or can conceive of, of

any new stock to be raised for that end; so that all must

depend [115] upon returns from you, in which are so many

uncertainties, as that nothing with any certaintie can thence

be concluded.  Besids, howsoever for ye presente the adven-

turers aledg nothing but want of money, which is an in-

vincible difculty, yet if that be taken away by you, others

without doubte will be found.  For the beter clearing of this,

we must dispose ye adventurers into 3. parts; and of them

some 5. or 6. (as I conceive) are absolutly bent for us,

above any others.  Other 5. or 6. are our bitter professed

adversaries.  The rest, being the body, I conceive to be

honestly minded, & loveingly also towards us; yet such as

have others (namly ye forward preachers) nerer unto them,

then us, and whose course so farr as ther is any differance,

they would rather advance then ours.  Now what a hanck

these men have over ye professors, you know.  And I per-

swade my selfe, that for me, they of all others are unwilling

I should be transported, espetially such of them as have an

eye that way them selves; as thinking if I come ther, ther

market will be mard in many regards.  And for these ad-

versalies, if they have but halfe ye witte to their malice, they

will stope my course when they see it intended, for which

this delaying serveth them very opportunly.  And as one

restie jade can hinder, by hanging back, more then two or

3. can (or will at least, if they be not very free) draw for-


200                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ward, so will it be in this case.  A notable* experimente of

this, they gave in your messengers presence, constraining ye

company to promise that none of the money now gathered

should be expended or imployed to ye help of any of us

towards you.  Now touching ye question propounded by you,

I judg it not lawfull for you, being a ruling Elder, as Rom.

12. 7. 8. & 1. Tim. 5. 17. opposed to the Elders that teach

& exhorte and labore in ye word and doctrine, to which ye

sacrements are anexed, to administer them, nor convenient

if it were lawfull.  Whether any larned man will come unto

you or not, I know not; if any doe, you must Consiliu

capere in arena.  Be you most hartily saluted, & your wife

with you, both from me & mine.  Your God & ours, and

ye God of all his, bring us together if it be his will, and keep

us in the mean while, and allways to his glory, and make us

servis able to his majestie, and faithfull to the end.  Amen.

      Your very loving brother,

JOHN ROBINSON.

Leyden, Des: 20. 1623.

 

     These things premised, I shall now prosecute ye pro-

ceilings and afairs here.  And before I come to other

things I must speak a word of their planting this

year; they having found ye benifite of their last

years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler,

having therby with a great deale of patience over-

come hunger & famine.  Which maks me remember

a saing of Senecas, Epis. 123. That a great parte of

libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in

all wants.  They begane now highly to prise corne as

 

*Notabe in MS.

 


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                201

 

more pretious then silver, and those that had some to

spare begane to trade one with another for smale

things, by ye quarte, potle, & peck, &c.; for money

they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered

before it.  That they might therfore encrease their

tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to

the Govr to have some portion of land given them

for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that

means, that which ye more industrious had brought

into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to

leave it ye nexte, and often another might injoye it;

so as the dressing of their lands were the more

sleighted over, & to lese profite.  Which being well

considered, their request was granted.  And to every

person was given only one acrre of land, to them &

theirs, as nere ye towne as might be, and they had no

more till ye 7. years were expired.  The reason was,

that they might be kept close together both for more

saftie and defence, and ye better improvement of ye

generall imployments.  Which condition of theirs did

make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie *

of ye Romans first beginings in Romulus time.  How

every man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land,

and had no more assigned them.  And chap. 3.  It

was thought a great reward, to receive at ye hands of

ye people of Rome a pinte of corne.  And long after,

the greatest presente given to a Captaine yt had gotte a

 

*Plin: lib: 18. chap. 2.


202                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

victory over their enemise, was as much ground as

they could till in one day.  And he was not counted

a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente

him selfe with 7.  Acres of land.  As also how they

did pound their corne in morters, as these people were

forcte to doe many years before they could get a

mille.

    The ship which brought this supply, was speedily

discharged, and with her mr. & company sente to

Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as

before is shewed) on fishing, and because ye season was

so farr spente some of ye planters were sent to help

to build their stage, to their owne hinderance.  But

partly by ye latenes of ye year, and more espetialy by

ye basnes of ye mr., one Baker, they made a poore

viage of it.  He proved a very drunken beast, and

did nothing (in a maner) but drink, & gusle, and

consume away ye time & his victails; and most of

his company followed his example; and though Mr.

William Peirce was to over see the busines, & to

be mr. of ye ship home, yet he could doe no good

amongst them, so as ye loss was great, and would

have bene more to them, but that they kept one a

trading ther, which in those times got some store of

skins, which was some help unto them.

     The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an

honest and very industrious man, and followed his

labour very dilligently, and made all that were im-


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                203

 

ployed with him doe ye like; he quickly builte them

2. very good & strong shalops (which after did them

greate service), and a great and strong lighter, and

had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost,

for he fell into a feaver in ye hote season of ye year,

and though he had the best means ye place could aforde,

yet he dyed; of whom they had a very [117] great

loss, and were very sorie for his death.  But he whom

they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self-

willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great

matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke

out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch

he tould ye Govr that he had found a sufficente place,

with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very

conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time

to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great

profite; but he must have 8. or ten men to be con-

stantly imployed.  He was wisht to be sure that ye

ground was good, and other things answerable, and

yt he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would

bring upon them a great charge by imploying him

selfe and so many men.  But he was, after some triall,

so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to

rear a great frame for a large house, to receive ye salte

& such other uses.  But in ye end all proved vaine.

Then he layed fault of ye ground, in which he was

deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary

clay, he was sure then he could doe it.  Now though


204                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ye Govr & some other foresaw that this would come to

litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst

them, that would have laid it upon them, in their let-

ters of complainte to ye adventurers, as to be their

falte yt would not suffer him to goe on to bring his

work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence

& large promises deceived them in England that sente

him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high

esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on

till all men saw his vanity.  For he could not doe any

thing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them

yt were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a

misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and

made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their

eys, till they discerned his sutltie.  The next yere he

was sente to Cap-Anne, and ye pans were set up ther

wher the fishing was; but before somer was out, he

burte the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it

spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was

the end of that chargable bussines.

     The 3d. eminente person (which ye letters before men-

tion) was ye minister which they sent over, by name

Mr. John Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be

more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I

can.  When this man first came a shore, he saluted

them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to

be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed

and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                205

 

hands if they would have [118] suffered him; * yea,

he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had

brought him to see their faces; and admiring ye things

they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been

made all of love, and ye humblest person in ye world.

And all ye while (if we may judg by his after cariags)

he was but like him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10.  That

croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by

his might.  Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell, ! who,

when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and

mette them yt were coming to offer incence in ye house

of ye Lord; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to

slay them.  They gave him ye best entertainment yey

could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of

food out of ye store then any other had, and as the

Govr had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with

their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assist-

ants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with

them in their waightiest bussineses.  Ater some short

time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to ye

church hear, and was accordingly received.  He made

a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledge-

mente of his former disorderly walking, and his being

intangled with many corruptions, which had been

a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this

opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye ye ordi-

nances of God in puritie among his people, with many

 

*Of wch were many witneses.         ! Jer. 41. 6.


206                      HISTORY OF                        [Book II.

 

more such like expressions.  I must hear speake a word

also of Mr. John Oldom, who was a copartner with

him in his after courses.  He had bene a cheefe sticler

in ye former faction among ye perticulers, and an

intelligencer to those in England.  But now, since the

coming of this ship and he saw ye supply that came,

he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of ye

cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done

them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into

England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God

to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which

made his hart smite him, neither should those in Eng-

land ever use him as an instrumente any longer against

them in any thing; he also desired former things

might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon

him as one that desired to close with them in all

things, with such like expressions.  Now whether this

was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of

conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows.

Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love,

and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called

him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as ye

other, without any distrust at all.

      Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and

smothly on amongst them, at which they did much

rejoyce; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom

and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of

great malignancie, drawing as many into faction as


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                207

 

they could; were they never so vile or profane, they

did nourish & back them in all their doings; so they

would but cleave to them and speak against ye church

hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and

whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves &

others with what they should bring to pass in England

by the faction of their freinds their, which brought

others as well as them selves into a fools paradise.

Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both

their doings & sayings were discovered, yet outwardly

they still set a faire face of things.

     At lenght when ye ship was ready to goe, it was

observed Liford was long in writing, & sente many

letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his

intimats such things as made them laugh in their

sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand suffi-

ciently.  The Govr and some other of his freinds know-

ing how things stood in England, and what hurt these

things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with

the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords

& Oldums letters.  Mr. William Peirce being mr. of

ye ship, (and knew well their evil I dealing both in

England & here,) afforded him all ye assistance he

could.  He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many

of them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations,

tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine

& utter subversion.  Most of the letters they let pas,

only tooke copys of them, but some of ye most materiall


208                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

they sent true copyes of them, and kept ye originalls,

least he should deney them, and that they might

produce his owne hand against him.  Amongst his let-

ters they found ye coppyes of tow letters which he

sent inclosed in a leter of his to Mr. John Pember-

ton, a minster, and a great opposite of theirs.  These

2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of

them write by a gentle-man in England to Mr. Brewster

here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in

Holand, at his coming away, as ye ship lay at Gravs-

end.  They lying sealed in ye great cabin, (whilst

Mr. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of ye ship,)

this slye marchante taks & opens them, taks these

coppys, & seals them up againe; and not only sends

the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adver-

sarie, but adds thertoo in ye margente many scurrilous

and flouting anotations.  This ship went out towards

eving, and in the night ye Govr retured.  They were

somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when

they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever,

thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone

currente, and that the Govr went but to dispatch his

owne letters.  The reason why the Govr & rest con-

cealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen,

that they [120] might ye better discover their intents

and see who were their adherents.  And ye rather

because amongst ye rest they found a letter of one of

their confederats, in wch was writen that Mr. Oldame

 


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                209

 

& Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and

commone wealth; and, as soone as the ship was gone,

they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacre-

ments, &c.

    For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he

was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,)

yet he was as deepe in ye mischeefe as the other.  And

I thinking they were now strong enough, they begane

to pick quarells at every thing.  Oldame being called

to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell

out with ye Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly,

raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him;

though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille

termes, but with all fairnes required him to doe his

duty.  The Govr, hearing ye tumulte, sent to quiet it,

but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man,

and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other

such foule language as I am ashamed to remember;

but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him

selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe

upon his behaviour for further censure.

    But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this

esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever

speaking one word either to ye Govr, Church, or Elder,

withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting

aparte, on ye Lord's day; with sundry such insolente

cariages, too long here to relate, begining now pub-

likly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting.


210                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

    It was now thought high time (to prevent further

mischeefe) to calle them to accounte; so ye Govr

called a courte and sumoned the whol company to

appeare.  And then charged Lyford & Oldom with

such things as they were guilty of.  But they were

stiffe, & stood resolutly upon ye deneyall of most

things, and required proofe.  They first alledged what

was write to them out of England, compared with

their doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they

joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their

peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state,

which was most injurious; for both they and all ye

world knew they came hither to injoye ye libertie of

their conscience and ye free use of Gods ordinances;

and for yt end had ventured their lives and passed

throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and

their freinds had borne the charg of these beginings,

which was not small.  And that Lyford for his parte

was sent over on this charge, and that both he and

his great family was maintained on ye same, and also

was joyned to ye church, & a member of them; and

for him to plote against them & seek their ruine,

was most unjust & perfidious.  And for [121] Oldam

or any other that came over at their owne charge, and

were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in

curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to

seeke shelter & protection under their wings, not being

able to stand alone, that they, (according to ye fable,)


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                211

 

like the Hedghogg whom ye conny in a stormy day in

pittie received into her borrow, would not be content

to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp

pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne bor-

row; so these men with the like injustice indevored to

doe ye same to thos that entertained them.

     Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with

them in England, or knew of their courses, and made

other things as strange that he was charged with.

Then his letters were prodused & some of them read,

at which he was struck mute.  But Oldam begane to

rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened

his letters, threatening them in very high language,

and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up

& caled upon ye people, saying, My maisters, wher is

your harts?  now shew your courage, you have oft

complained. to me so & so; now is ye time, if. you will

doe any thing, I wIll stand by you, &c.  Thinking yt

everyone (knowing his humor) that had soothed and

flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered

any thing unto him, would now side wth him in open

rebellion.  But he was deceived, for not a man opened

his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the

injustice of ye thing.  Then ye Govr turned his speech

to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had

done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, &

would not say a word, well knowing what they might

reply.  Then ye Govr shewed the people he did it as


212                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to

prevent ye mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and

plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony.  But

he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly

with his freinds yt trusted him, & stole their letters

& opened them, and sent coppies of them, with dis-

gracefull anotations, to his freinds in England.  And

then ye Govr produced them and his other letters un-

der his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and

caused them to be read before all ye people; at which

all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.

     It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his

letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I

have them by me.  I shall only note a few of ye

cheefe things collected out of them, with ye answers

to them as they were then given; and but a few of

those many, only for instance, by which the rest may

be judged of.

     [121*]  1.  First, he saith, the church would have

none to live hear but them selves.  21y.  Neither are

any willing so to doe if they had company to live els-

wher.

     Ans:  Their answer was, that this was false, in both

ye parts of it; for they were willing & desirous yt any

honest men may live with them, that will cary them

selves peacably, and seek ye comone good, or at least

doe them no hurte.  And againe, ther are many that

 

          *121 is repeated in the paging of the original.


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                213

 

will not live els wher so long as they may live with

them.

     2.  That if ther come over any honest men that are

not of ye seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.

     A.  Ther answer was as before, that it was a false

callumniation, for they had many amongst them that

they liked well of, and were glad of their company;

and should be of any such like that should come

amongst them.

     3.  That they excepted against him for these  2. doc-

trins raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7.  First, that ministers

must sume times perticulerly apply their doctrine to

spetiall persons; 2ly, that great men may be reproved

as well as meaner.

     A.  Their answer was, that both these were without

either truth or colour of ye same (as was proved to

his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these

things long before they knew Mr. Liford.

      4.  That they utterly sought ye ruine of ye perticu-

lers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer

any of ye generall either to buy or sell with them, or

to exchaing one comioditie for another.

     Ans:  This was a most malicious slander and voyd

of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all

men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing

with them as often as they had any occation.  Yea,

and allso both lend & give to them when they wanted;

and this the perticuler persons them selves could not


214                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

deney, but freely confest in open court.  But ye

ground from whence this arose made it much worse,

for he was in counsell with them.  When one was

called before them, and questioned for receiving pow-

der and bisket from ye guner of ye small ship, which

was ye companys and had it put in at his window in

the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had

no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being

one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating

his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds

this mischeeous & most false slander:  That because

they would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo,

they sought their utter ruine.  Bad logick for a devine.

     5.  Next he writs, that he chocked them with this;

that they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and

then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all

means of subsistance.

     A.  To this was answered, he did them manifest

wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler; it

was their owne importunitie and ernest desire that

moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it.  And

they apealed to ye persons them selves for ye truth

hereof.  And they testified the same against him be-

fore all present, as allso that they had no cause to

complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.

    6.  He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and

writeth, that it was a strang difference, that some have

bene alowed 16li. of meale by ye weeke, and others


1624.]                  PLYOUTH  PLANTATION.                    215

 

but 4li.  And then ( floutingly) saith, it seems some

mens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over

others.

     Ans:  This might seeme strange indeed to those to

whom he write his leters in England, which knew not

ye reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could

not be strange, who knew how things stood.  For the

first comers had none at all, but lived on their corne.

Those wch came in ye Anne, ye August before, & were

to live 13. months of the provissions they brought,

had as good alowance in meal & pease as it would

extend too, ye most part of ye year; but a litle be-

fore harvest, when they had not only fish, but other

fruits began to come in, they had but 4li. having

their libertie to make their owne provisions.  But

some of these which came last, as ye ship carpenter,

and samiers, the salte-men & others that were to fol-

low constante imployments, and had not an howers

time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing

above their alowance; they had at first, 16li alowed

them, and afterwards as fish, & other food coued be

gott, they had as balemente, to 14. &. 12. yea some

of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary.  And

yet those which followed planting and their owne

occasions, and had but 4li. of meall a week, lived better

then ye other, as was well knowne to all.  And yet

it must be remembered that Lyford & his had allwais

the highest alowance.


216                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     Many other things (in his letters) he accused them

of, with many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding

great wast of tools & vesseles; & this, when it came

to be examened, all ye instance he could give was, that

he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces,

and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in ye feilds by

some.  Though he also knew that a godly, honest man

was appointed to looke to these things.  But these

things & such like was write of by him, to cast dis-

grace & prejudice upon them; as thinking what came

from a [123] minister would pass for currente.  Then

he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther

was not above 7. of ye adventurers yt souight ye

good of ye collony.  That Mr. Oldam & him selfe had

had much to doe with them, and that ye faction here

might match ye Jesuits for politie.  With many ye like

greevious complaints & accusations.

     1.  Then, in the next place, he comes to. give his

freinds counsell and directtion.  And first, that ye

Leyden company (Mr. Robinson & ye rest) must still

be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled.  And least

any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on

ye coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,)

they must chaing the mr. of ye ship (Mr. William

Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead, for

marchante, or els it would not be prevented.

    2.  Then he would have such a number provided as

might oversway them hear.  And that ye perticulers


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                217

 

should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be

free to bear any office.  And that every perticuler

should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a

servante; some other venturing 10li., ye bill may be

taken out in ye servants name, and then assigned to

ye party whose money it was, and good covenants

drawn betweene them for ye clearing of ye matter;

and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen

this side ye more.

     3.  Then he tells them that if that Capten they

spoake of should come over hither as a generall, he

was perswaded he would be chosen Capten; for this

Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in

utter contempte.

     4.  Then he shows that if by ye forementioned

means they cannot be strengthened to cary & over-

bear things, it will be best for them to plant els

wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by

them that they might make choyse of any place that

they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shew-

ing ther were farr better places for plantation then

this.

      5.  And lastly he concluds, that if some number

came not over to bear them up here, then ther would

be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these

hear.  Then he adds:  Since I begane to write, ther

are letters come from your company, wherin they

would give sole authoritie in diverce things unto the


218                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Govr here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis.

But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that

nothing may pass in such a maner.  I suppose (saith

he) Mr. Oldame will write to you further of these

things.  I pray you conceall me in the discovery of

these things, &c.

     Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in

his leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding

with him.  After the reading of his leters before the

whole company, he was demanded what he could say

to these things.  [124] But all ye answer he made

was, that Billington and some others had informed him

of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which

they now deneyed.  He was againe asked if that was

a sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse

them by his letters, and never say word to them, con-

sidering the many bonds betweene them.  And so they

went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or

any of his freinds & confederats, not to spare them in

any thing; if he or they had any proofe or witnes

of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their

evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was

the whole company and sundery strangers.  He said

he had been abused by others in their informations, (as

he now well saw,) and so had abused them.  And this

was all the answer they could have, for none would

take his parte in any thing; but Billington, & any

whom he named, deneyed the things, and protested he


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                219

 

wronged them, and would have drawne them to such

& such things which they could not consente too,

though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings.

Then they delte with him aboute his dissembling with

them aboute ye church, and that he professed to concur

with them in all things, and what a large confession

he made at his admittance, and that he held not

him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, &c.

And yet now he contested against them, and drew a

company aparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would

goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caling)

without ever speaking a word unto them, either as

magistrats or bretheren.  In conclusion, he was fully

convicted, and burst out into tears, and "confest he

feared he was a reprobate, his sinns were so great

that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was

unsavorie salte, &c.; and that he had so wronged

them as he could never make them amends, con-

fessing all he had write against them was false &

nought, both for matter & maner." And all this

he did with as much fullnes as words & tears could

express.

     After their triall & conviction, the court censured

them to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though

his wife & family had liberty to stay all winter, or

longer, till he could make provission to remove them

comfortably.  Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months.

It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he


220                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his

repentance proved sound.  Lyford acknowledged his

censure was farr less then he deserved.

     Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in ye church,

with tears more largly then before.  I shall here put

it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it

from his owne words, as him selfe utered them.  Ac-

knowledging [125]  "That he had don very evill, and

slanderously abused them; and thinking most of ye

people would take parte with him, he thought to cary

all by violence and strong hand against them.  And

that God might justly lay inocente blood to his

charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come

of these his writings, and blest God they were stayed.

And that he spared not to take knowledg from any,

of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes &

ears against all the good; and if God should make

him a vacabund in ye earth, as was Caine, it was but

just, for he had sined in envie & malice against his

brethren as he did.  And he confessed 3. things to be

ye ground & causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-

glorie, & selfe love."  Amplifying these heads with

many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of

them.

     So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts

of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to

teach amongst them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a

deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                221

 

men amongst them, were so taken with his signes of

sorrow & repentance, as they professed they would

fall upon their knees to have his censure released.

    But that which made them all stand amased in the

end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear

ye same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,)

was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his for-

mer conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledg-

ments, both in ye face of ye church and whole company,

with so many tears & sadde censures of him selfe be-

fore God & men, he should goe againe to justifie what

he had done.

     For secretly he write a 2d. leter to ye adventurers

in England, in wch he justified all his former writings,

(save in some things which tended to their damage,)

the which, because it is brefer then ye former, I shall

here inserte.

 

     Worthy Srs:  Though the filth of mine owne doings may

justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my per-

petuall silence, yet that ye truth may not herby be injuried,

your selves any longer deluded, nor injurious* dealing caried

out still, with bould out faciugs, I have adventured once

more to write unto you.  Firest, I doe freely confess I delte

very indiscreetly in some of my perticuler leters wch I wrote

to private freinds, for ye courses in coming hither & the

like; which I doe in no sorte seeke to justifie, though stired

up ther unto in the beholding ye indirecte courses held by

*Inurious in MS.


222                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

others, both hear, & ther with you, for effecting their de-

signes.  But am hartily sory for it, and doe to ye glory

of God & mine owne shame acknowledg it.  Which leters

being intercepted by the Govr, I have for ye same under-

gone ye censure [126] of banishmente.  And had it not

been for ye respecte I have unto you, and some other mat-

ters of private regard, I had returned againe at this time by

ye pinass for England; for hear I purpose not to abide,

unless I receive better incouragmente from you, then from

ye church (as they call them selves) here I doe receive.  I

purposed before I came, to undergoe hardnes, therfore I shall

I hope cherf.ully bear ye conditions of ye place, though very

mean; and they have chainged my wages ten times allready.

I suppose my letters, or at least ye coppies of them, are

come to your hands, for so they hear reporte; which, if it

be so, I pray you take notice of this, that I have writen

nothing but what is certainly true, and I could make so

apeare planly to any indifferente men, whatsoever colours

be cast to darken ye truth, and some ther are very audatious

this way; besids many other matters which are farre out of

order hear.  My mind was not to enlarge my selfe any fur-

ther, but in respecte of diverse poore souls here, ye care of

whom in parte belongs to you, being here destitute of the

meas of salvation.  For how so ever ye church are provided

for, to their contente, who are ye smalest number in ye coll-

ony, and doe so appropriate ye ministrie to them selves,

houlding this principle, that ye Lord hath not appointed any

ordinary ministrie for ye conversion of those yt are without,

so yt some of ye poor souls have wth tears complained of this

to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall. 

Though in truth they have had no ministrie here since they

came, but such as may be performed by any of you, by their

owne possition, what soever great pretences they make; but

herin they equivocate, as in many other things they doe.


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                223

 

But I exceede ye bounds I set my selfe, therfore resting

thus, untill I hear further from you, so it be within ye time

limited me.  I rest, &c.,

Remaining yours ever,

JOHN LYFORD, Exille.

      Dated Aug: 22.  Ano: 1624.

 

      They made a breefe answer to some things in this

leter, but referred cheefly to their former.  The effecte

was to this purpose:  That if God in his providence

had not brought these things to their hands (both ye

former & later), they might have been thus abused,

tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and

never have knowne by whom, nor for what.  They

desired but this equall favoure, that they would be

pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accu-

sations, and waigh them in ye balance of justice &

reason, and then censure as they pleased.  They had

write breefly to ye heads of things before, and should

be ready to give further [127] answer as any occasion

should require; craving leave to adde a word or tow

to this last.

     1.  And first, they desire to examene what filth

that was yt he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne

in his face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall

silence; some great mater sure!  But if it be looked

into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscre-

tion, and thats all; and yet he licks of yt too with

this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by behold-


224                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ing ye indirecte course here.  But this point never

troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both

by him & his freinds, and put of with this, -- that

any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds

to come over for their best advantage.  All his sor-

row & tears here was for ye wrong & hurt he had done

us, and not at all for this he pretends to be done

to you:  it was not counted so much as indiscretion.

     2.  Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he

thinks he may lay load of us here.  And first com-

plains that we have changed his wages ten times.

We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made

any bargen at all with him, neither know of any

that you have made.  You sent him over to teach

amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used;

and more then this we know not.  That he hath

beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves

from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne

mouth.  If you please to looke upon that writing

of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which

he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth

otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears

us.  In ye latter end therof he hath these words.

I speak not this (saith he) out of any ill affection to

the men, for I have found them very kind & loving

to me.  You may ther see these to be his owne

words under his owne hand.  21y.  It will appere by

this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                225

 

out of ye store for him and his then any, and

clothing as his neede hath required; a dwelling in

one of our best houses, and a man wholy at his

owne comand to tend his private affairs.  What

cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and

what he means in his speech we know not, except

he aluds to yt of Jaacob & Laban.  If you have

promised him more or other wise, you may doe it

when you please.

     3.  Then with an impudente face he would have

you take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write

nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and he could

make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men.

This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to

tremble at ye deceitfullnes [128] and desperate wick-

ednes of mans harte.  This is to devoure holy things,

and after voues to enquire.  It is admirable that

after such publick confession, and acknowledgmente

in court, in church, before God, & men, with such

sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting

into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie

all againe.   If things had bene done in a corner, it

had been some thinge to deney them; but being done

in ye open view of ye cuntrie & before all men, it is

more then strange now to avow to make them plainly

appear to any indifferente men; and here wher things

were done, and all ye evidence that could be were

presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even


226                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

his freinds condemnd him & gave their voyce to his

censure, so grose were they; we leave your selves

to judge herein.  Yet least this man should triumph

in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him,

when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to

our charg, though we have done it sufficiently allready.

     4.  Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for

some poore souls here who are destiute of ye means

of salvation, &c.  But all his soothing is but that

you would use means, that his censure might be

released that he might here continue; and under

you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his

freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about &

effecte.  For such men pretend much for poor souls,

but they will looke to their wages & conditions; if

that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what

they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek

poore souls some wher els among richer bodys.

     Next he fals upon ye church, that indeed is ye

burthensome stone that troubls him.  First, he saith

they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not

apointed any ordinarie ministrie for ye converssion

of those without.  The church needs not be ashamed of

what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her

warrente; that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to

their flocks, Acts 20.28. and are not to be extrava-

gants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs

to shift for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves.


1624.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                227

 

But he perverts ye truth in this as in other things,

for ye Lord" hath as well appoynted them to con-

verte, as to feede in their several I charges; and he

wrongs ye church to say other wise.  Againe, he

saith he was taxed for preaching to all in gen-

erall.  This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler

knows that every Lords day some are appointed to

visite suspected places, & if any be found idling and

neglecte ye hearing of ye word, (through idlnes or

profanes,) they are punished for ye same.  Now to

procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him

for preaching to all, were to play ye mad men.

      [129]  6.  Next (he saith) they have had no min-

istrie since they came, what soever pretences they

make, &c.  We answer, the more is our wrong, that

our pastor is kept from us by these mens means,

and then reproach us for it when they have done. 

Yet have we not been wholy distitute of ye means of

salvation, as this man would make ye world beleeve;

for our reved Elder hath laboured diligently in dis-

pencing the word of God unto us, before he came;

and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe

in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without

ostentation, he is not inferriour to Mr. Lyford ( &

some of his betters) either in gifts or larning,

though he would never be perswaded to take higher

office upon him.  Nor ever was more pretended in

this matter.  For equivocating, he may take it to


228                      HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

him selfe; what ye church houlds, they have mani-

fested to ye world, in all plaines, both in open

confession, doctrine, & writing.

     This was ye sume of ther answer, and hear I will

let them rest for ye presente.  I have bene longer

in these things then I desired, and yet not so long

as the things might require, for I pass many things

in silence, and many more deserve to have been

more largly handled.  But I will returne to other

things, and leave ye rest to its place.

     The pinass that was left sunck & cast away near

Damarins-cove, as is before showed, some of ye fish-

ing maisters said it was a pity so fine a vessell

should be lost, and sent them word that, if they

would be at ye cost, they would both directe them

how to waygh her, and let them have their car-

penters to mend her.  They thanked them, & sente

men aboute it, and beaver to defray ye charge,

(without which all had been in vaine).  So they gott

coopers to trime, I know not how many tune of

cask, and being made tight and fastened to her at

low-water, they boyed her up; and then with many

hands hald her on shore in a conveniente place wher

she might be wrought upon; and then hired sundrie

carpenters to work upon her, and other to saw

planks, and at last fitted her & got her home.  But

she cost a great deale of money, in thus recovering

her, and buying riging & seails for her, both now


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                229

 

and when before she lost her mast; so as she proved

a chargable vessell to ye poor plantation.  So they

sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last

letter, in great secrecie; but ye party intrusted with

it gave it ye Govr.

     The winter was passed over in ther ordinarie

affairs, without any spetiall mater worth noteing;

saveing that many who before stood something of

from ye church, now seeing Lyfords unrighteous deal-

ing, and malignitie against ye church, now tendered

them selves to ye church, and were joyned to ye

same; proffessing that it was not out of ye dislike

of any thing that they had stood of so long, but a

desire to fitte them selves beter for such a state, and

they saw now ye Lord cald for their help.  [130]

And so these troubls prodused a quite contrary effecte

in sundrie hear, then these adversaries hoped for. 

Which was looked at as a great worke of God, to

draw on men by unlickly means; and that in reason

which might rather have set them further of.  And

thus I shall end tills year.

 

Anno Dom: 1625.

     AT ye spring of ye year, about ye time of their

Election Court, Oldam came againe amongst them; and

though it was a part of his censure for his former

mutinye and miscariage, not to returne without leave

first obtained, yet in his dareing spirite, he presumed


230                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

without any leave at all, being also set on & hardened

by ye ill counsell of others.  And not only so, but

suffered his unruly passion to rune beyond ye limits

of all reason and modestie; in so much that some

strangers which came with him were ashamed of his

outrage, and rebuked him; but all reprofes were but

as oyle to ye fire, and made ye flame of his coller

greater.  He caled them all to nought, in this his

mad furie, and a hundred rebells and traytors, and

I know not what.  But in conclusion they comited

him till he was tamer, and then apointed a gard of

musketers wch he was to pass throw, and ever one

was ordered to give him a thump on ye brich, with

ye but end of his musket, and then was conveied to

ye water side, wher a boat was ready to cary him

away.  Then they bid him goe & mende his maners.

    Whilst this was a doing, Mr. William Peirce and

Mr. Winslow came up from ye water side, being come

from England; but they were so busie with Oldam,

as they never saw them till they came thus upon

them.  They bid them not spare either him or Liford,

for they had played ye vilans with them.  But that I

may hear make an end with him, I shall hear once

for all relate what befell concerning him in ye future,

& yt breefly.  After ye removall of his familie from

hence, he fell into some straits, (as some others did,)

and aboute a year or more afterwards, towards win-

ter, he intended a vioage for Virginia; but it so


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                231

 

pleased God that ye barke that caried him, and many

other passengers, was in that danger, as they dis-

paired of life; so as many of them, as they fell to

prayer,  so also did they begine to examine their con-

sciences [131] and confess such sins as did most

burthen them.  And Mr. Ouldame did make a free

and large confession of ye wrongs and hurt he had

done to ye people and church here, in many pertic-

ulers, that as he had sought their mine, so God had

now mette with him and might destroy him; yea, he

feared they all fared ye worce for his sake; he prayed

God to forgive him, and made vowes that, if ye Lord

spard his life, he would become otherwise, and ye

like.  This I had from some of good credite, yet

living in ye Bay, and were them selves partners in

the same dangers on ye shoulds of Cap-Codd, and

heard it from his owne mouth.  It pleased God to

spare their lives, though they lost their viage; and

in time after wards, Ouldam caried him selfe fairly

towards them, and acknowledged ye hand of God to

be with them, and seemed to have an honourable

respecte of them; and so farr made his peace with

them, as he in after time had libertie to goe and

come, and converse with them, at his pleasure.  He

went after this to Virginia, and had ther a great sick-

nes but recovered and came back againe to his familie

in ye Bay, and ther lived till some store of people

came over.  At lenght going a trading in a smale ves-


232                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

sell among ye Indians, and being weakly mand, upon

some quarell they knockt him on ye head with a

hatched, so as he fell downe dead, & never spake

word more.  2. litle boys that were his kinsmen were

saved, but had some hurte, and ye vessell was strangly

recovered from ye Indeans by another that belonged

to ye Bay of Massachusets; and this his death was

one ground of the Pequente warr which followed.

     I am now come to Mr. Lyford.  His time being

now expired, his censure was to take place.  He was

so farre from answering their hopes by amendmente

in ye time, as he had dubled his evill, as is before

noted.  But first behold ye hand of God conceiring

him, wherin that of ye Psalmist is verified. Psa:

7. 15. He hath made a pitte, & digged it, and is

fallen into the pitte he made.  He thought to bring

shame and disgrace upon them, but in stead therof

opens his owne to all ye world.  For when he was

delte with all aboute his second letter, his wife was

so affected with his doings, as she could no longer

conceaill her greefe and sorrow of minde, but opens

ye same to one of their deacons & some other of her

freinds, & after uttered ye same to Mr. Peirce upon

his arrivall.  Which was to this purpose, that she

feared some great judgment of God would fall upon

them, and upon her, for her husbands cause; now

that they were to remove, she feared to fall into ye

Indeans hands, and to be defiled by them, as he had


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                233

 

defiled other women; or some shuch like [132] judg-

mente, as God had threatened David, 2. Sam. 12.11.

I will raise up evill against ye, and will take thy

wives & give them, &c.  And upon it showed how

he had wronged her, as first he had a bastard by

another before they were maried, & she having some

inkling of some ill cariage that way, when he was

a suitor to her, she tould him what she heard,

& deneyd him; but she not certainly knowing ye

thing, other wise then by some darke & secrete mut-

erings, he not only stifly denied it, but to satisfie

her tooke a solemne oath ther was no shuch matter.

Upon which she gave consente, and maried with him;

but afterwards it was found true, and ye bastard

brought home to them.  She then charged him with

his oath, but he prayed pardon, and said he should

els not have had her.  And yet afterwards she could

keep no maids but he would be medling with them,

and some time she hath taken him in ye manner, as

they lay at their beds feete, with shuch other cir-

cumstances as I am ashamed to relate.  The woman

being a grave matron, & of good cariage all ye while

she was hear, and spoake these things out of ye sor-

row of her harte, sparingly, and yet wth some further

intimations.  And that which did most seeme to

affecte her (as they conceived) was, to see his for-

mer cariage in his repentance, not only hear with

ye church, but formerly about these things; sheding


234                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

tears, and using great & sade expressions, and yet

eftsone fall into the like things.

     Another thing of ye same nature did strangly con-

curr herewith.  When Mr. Winslow & Mr. Peirce were

come over, Mr. Winslow informed them that they had

had ye like bickering with Lyfords freinds in England,

as they had with him selfe and his freinds hear,

aboute his letters & accusations in them.  And many

meetings and much clamour was made by his freinds

theraboute, crying out, a minister, a man so godly, to

be so esteemed & taxed they held a great skandale,

and threated to prosecute law against them for it. 

But things being referred to a further meeting of most

of ye adventurers, to heare ye case and decide ye mat-

ters, they agreed to chose 2. eminente men for mod-

erators in the bussines.  Lyfords faction chose Mr.

White, a counselor at law, the other parte chose Reved.

Mr. Hooker, ye minister, and many freinds on both

sids were brought in, so as ther was a great assemblie.

In ye mean time, God in his providence had detected

Lyford's evill cariage in Ireland to some freinds amongst

ye company, who made it knowne to Mr. Winslow, and

directed him to 2. godly and grave witnesses, who would

testifie ye same (if caled therunto) upon their oath.

The thing was this; he being gott into Ireland, had

wound him selfe into ye esteeme of sundry godly &

zelous profess ours in those parts, who, having been

burthened with ye ceremonies in England, found ther


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                235

 

some more liberty to their consciences; amongst whom

were these 2. men, which gave [133] this evidence.

Amongst ye rest of his hearers, ther was a godly yonge

man that intended to marie, and cast his affection on

a maide which lived their aboute; but desiring to chose

in ye Lord, and preferred ye fear of God before all

other things, before he suffered his affection to rune too

farr, he resolved to take Mr. Lyfords advise and judg-

mente of this maide, (being ye minister of ye place,)

and so broak ye matter unto him; & he promised

faithfully to informe him, but would first take better

knowledg of her, and have private conferance with her;

and so had sundry times; and in conclusion comended

her highly to ye yong man as a very fitte wife for him.

So they were maried togeather; but some time after

mariage the woman was much troubled in mind, and

afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weepe and

mourne, and long it was before her husband could get

of her what was ye cause.  But at length she dis-

covered ye thing, and prayed him to forgive her, for

Lyford had overcome her, and defiled her body before

marriage, after he had comended him unto her for

a husband, and she resolved to have him, when he

came to her in that private way.  The circumstances

I forbear, for they would offend chast ears to hear

them related, (for though he satisfied his lust on her,

yet he indeaoured to hinder conception.)  These things

being thus discovered, ye womas husband tooke some


236                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

godly freinds with him, to deale with Liford for this

evill.  At length he confest it, with a great deale of

seeming sorrow & repentance, but was forct to leave

Irland upon it, partly for shame, and partly for fear

of further punishmente, for ye godly withdrew them

selves from him upon it; and so coming into England

unhapily he was light upon & sente hither.

     But in this great assembly, and before ye moderators,

in handling ye former matters aboute ye letters, upon

provocation, in some heate of replie to some of Lyfords

defenders, Mr. Winslow let fall these words, That he

had delte knavishly; upon which on of his freinds

tooke hold, & caled for witneses, that he cald a minister

of ye gospell knave, and would prosecute law upon it,

which made a great tumulte, upon which (to be shorte)

this matter broke out, and the witnes were prodused,

whose persons were so grave, and evidence so plaine,

and ye facte so foule, yet delivered in such modest

& chast terms, and with such circumstances, as strucke

all his freinds mute, and made them all ashamed; inso-

much as ye moderators with great gravitie declared

that ye former matters gave them cause enough to

refuse him & to deal with him as they had done, but

these made him unmeete for ever to bear ministrie any

more, what repentance soever he should pretend; with

much more to like effecte, and so wisht his freinds to

rest quiete.  Thus was this matter ended.

     From hence Lyford wente to Natasco, in ye Bay of


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                237

 

ye Massachusets, with some other of his freinds with

him, wher Oldom allso lived.  From thence he removed

to Namkeke, since called Salem; but after ther came

some people over, wheather for hope of greater profite,

or what ends els I know not, he left his freinds that

followed him, and went from thence to Virginia, wher

he shortly after dyed, and so I leave him to ye Lord. 

His wife afterwards returned againe to this cuntry, and

thus much of this matter.

     [134] This storme being thus blowne over, yet sun-

drie sad effects followed ye same; for the Company

of Adventurers broake in peeces here upon, and ye

greatest parte wholy deserted ye colony in regarde of

any further supply, or care of their subsistance.  And

not only so, but some of Lyfords & Oldoms freinds,

and their adherents, set out a shipe on fishing, on

their owne accounte, and getting ye starte of ye ships

that came to the plantation, they tooke away their

stage, & other necessary provisions that they had made

for fishing at Cap-Anne ye year before, at their great

charge, and would not restore ye same, excepte they

would fight for it.  But ye Govr sent some of ye planters

to help ye fisher men to build a new one, and so let

them keepe it.  This shipe also brought them some

small supply, of little value; but they made so pore

a bussines of their fishing, (neither could these men

make them any returne for ye supply sente,) so as, after

this year, they never looked more after them.


238                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     Also by this ship, they, some of them, sent (in ye

name of ye rest) certaine reasons of their breaking of

from ye plantation, and some tenders, upon certaine con-

ditions, of reuniting againe.  The which because they

are longe & tedious, and most of them aboute the former

things already touched, I shall omite them; only give-

ing an instance in one, or tow.  1. reason, they charged

them for dissembling with his majestie in their petition,

and with ye adventurers about ye French discipline, &c.

2ly, for receiving* a man ! into their church, that in

his conffession renownced all, universaIl, nationall, and

diocessan churches, &c., by which (say they) it appears,

that though they deney the name of Browists, yet they

practiss ye same, &c.  And therfore they should sine

against God in building up such a people.

     Then they adde:  Our dislikes thus laid downe, that

we may goe on in trade wth better contente & credite,

our desires are as followeth.  First, that as we are

partners in trade, so we may be in Govrt ther, as the

patente doth give us power, &c.

     2.  That the French discipline may be practised in the

plantation, as well in the circumstances theirof, as in ye

substance; wherby ye scandallous name of ye Brownists,

and other church differences, may be taken away.

      3.  Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his company may

not goe over to our plantation, unless he and they

 

*Receive in the manuscript.

! This was Lyford himselfe.

 


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                239

 

will reconcile themselves to our church by a recantation

under their hands, &c.

      Their answer in part to these things was then as

foloweth.

    

     Wheras you taxe us for dissembling with his majestie &

ye adventurers aboute ye French discipline, you doe us wrong,

for we both hold & practice ye discipline of ye French & other

reformed churches, (as they have published ye same in ye

Harmony of Confessions,) according to our means, in effecte

& substance.  But wheras you would tye us to the French

discipline in every circumstance, you derogate from ye libertie

we have in Christ Jesus.  The Apostle Paule would have

none to follow him in any thing but wherin he follows Christ,

much less ought any Christian or church in ye world to doe

it.  The French may erre, we may erre, and other churches

may erre, and doubtless doe in many circumstances.  That

honour therfore belongs only to ye infallible word of God,

and pure Testamente of Christ, to be propounded and fol-

lowed as ye only rule and pattern for direction herin to all

churches & Christians.  And it is too great arrogancie for

any man, or church [135] to thinke yt he or they have so

sounded ye word of God to ye bottome, as precislie to sett

downe ye churches discipline, without error in substance or

circumstance, as yt no other without blame may digress or

differ in any thing from ye same.  And it is not difficulte to

shew, yt the reformed churches differ in many circumstances :

amongest them selves.

 

     The rest I omitte, for brevities sake, and so leave to

prosecute these men or their doings any further, but

shall returne to ye rest of their freinds of ye company,

wch stuck to them.  And I shall first inserte some part


240                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

of their letters as followeth; for I thinke it best to ren-

der their minds in ther owne words.

 

To our loving freinds, &c.

     Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and ye evill

we strove against have overtaken us, yet we cannot forgett

you, nor our freindship and fellowship which togeather we

have had some years; wherin though our expressions have

been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown

by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea,

to our owne selves.  And though this your freind Mr. Wins-

low can tell you ye state of things hear, yet least we should

seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderfull providence

of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once

more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen,

and ye resons of it; as also our purposes & desirs toward you

for hereafter.

     The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dis-

solved from what it was; and wheras you & we were for-

merly sharers and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way

is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke our

sellves what course to take in ye future, that your lives &

our monies be not lost.

     The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these.

First and mainly, ye many losses and crosses at sea, and

abuses of sea-men, wch have caused us to rune into so much

charge, debts, & ingagements, as our estats & means were

not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except

our estats had been greater, and our associats cloven beter

unto us.  2ly, as here hath been a faction and siding amongst

us now more then 2. years, so now there is an uter breach

and sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full

dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or pur-

pose of medling more with you. And though we are per-


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                241

 

swaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of

money, (for neede wherof men use to make many excuses,)

yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists,

&c.  Now what use you or we ought to make of these things,

it remaineth to be considered, for we know ye hand of God to

be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some

thing therby, and to looke what is amise.  And allthough it

be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay these things,

yet it is* not to late to exercise patience, wisdom, and con-

science in bearing them, and in caring our selves in & under

them for ye time to come.

     [136] And as we our selves stand ready to imbrace all

occasions that may tend to ye furthrance of so hopefull a

work, rather admiring of what is, then grudging for what is

not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe.  And

if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie

& conscience be still approved, & lose not one jote of your

innocencie, amids your crosses & afflictions.  And surly if

you upon this allteration behave your selves wisly, and goe

on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall

need no other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when

your righteousnes is revealled as ye light, they shall cover

their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your over-

throw.

     Now we thinke it but reason, that all such things as ther

apertaine to the generall, be kept & preserved togeather, and

rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled

away for any private ends or intents whatsoever.  And after

your necessities are served, you gather togeather such comodi-

ties as ye cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts &

clear ingagements hear, which are not less then 1400li. And

we hope you will doe your best to free our ingagements, &c.

Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see

*Is it not in the MS.


242                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence

will worke for us.  We still are perswaded you are ye people

that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all

others faile and returne.  And your experience of Gods provi-

dence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts

will not faile you, though your freinds should forsake you

(which we our selves shall not doe whilst we live, so long

as your honestie so well appereth).  Yet surly help would

arise from some other place whilst you waite on God, with

uprightnes, though we should leave you allso.

     And lastly be you all intreated to walke circumspectly, and

carry your selves so uprightly in all your ways, as yt no man

may make just exceptions against you.  And more espetially

that ye favour and countenance of God may be so toward you,

as yt you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribu-

lations, that you may say with David, Though my father &

mother should forsake me, yet ye Lord would take me up.

     We have sent you bear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes,

leather, &c., but in another nature then formerly, as it stood

us in hand to doe; we have comitted them to ye charge

& custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, as our factours,

at whose discretion they are to be sould, and comodities to

be taken for them, as is fitting.  And by how much ye more

they will be chargable unto you, the better* they had need to

be husbanded, &c.  Goe on, good freinds, comfortably, pluck

up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your

difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of

men, yet ye work may goe on you are aboute, and not be

neglected.  Which is so much for ye glorie of God, and the

furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with

more comforte [137] spend his life in it, then live ye life

of Mathusala, in wasting ye plentie of a tilled land, or eating

ye fruite of a growne tree.  Thus with harry salutations to

*Bet- in MS.


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                243

 

you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our

leaves, this 18. of Des: 1624.

Your assured freinds to our powers,

J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. &c.

 

    By this leter it appears in what state ye affairs of ye

plantation stood at this time.  These goods they bought,

but they were at deare rates, for they put 40. in ye hun-

dred upon them, for profite and adventure, outward

bound; and because of ye vnture of ye paiment home-

ward, they would have 30.* in ye 100. more, which was

in all 70. pr. cent; a thing thought unreasonable by some,

and too great an oppression upon ye poore people, as their

case stood.  The catle were ye best goods, for ye other

being ventured ware, were neither at ye best (some of

them) nor at ye best prises.  Sundrie of their freinds

disliked these high rates, but coming from many hands,

they could not help it.

     They sent over also 2. ships on fishing on their owne

acounte; the one was ye pinass that was cast away ye last

year hear in ye cuntrie, and recovered by ye planters, (as

was before related,) who, after she came home, was at-

tached by one of ye company for his perticuler debte, and

now sent againe on this accounte.  The other was a great

ship, who was well fitted with an experienced mr. & com-

pany of fisher-men, to make a viage, & to goe to Bilbo

or Sabastians with her fish; the lesser, her order was

 

            *If I mistake not, it was not much less. [30li in the manuscript.]


244                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to load with cor-fish, and to bring the beaver home for

England, yt should be received for ye goods sould to ye

plantation.  This bigger ship made a great viage of good

drie fish, the which, if they had gone to a market wth,

would have yeelded them (as such fish was sould yt

season) 1800li. which would have enriched them.  But

because ther was a bruite of warr with France, ye mr.

neglected (through timerousnes) his order, and put first

into Plimoth, & after into Portsmouth, and so lost their

opportunitie, and came by the loss.  The lesser ship had

as ill success, though she was as hopfull as ye other for

ye marchants profite; for they had fild her with goodly

cor-fish taken upon ye banke, as full as she could swime;

and besids she had some 800li. weaight of beaver, besids

other furrs to a good value from ye plantation.  The mr.

seeing so much goods come, put it abord ye biger ship,

for more saftie; but Mr. Winslow (their factor in this

busines) was bound in a bond of 500li. to send it to Lon-

don in ye smale ship; ther was some contending between

ye mr. & him aboute it.  But he tould ye mr. he would

follow his order aboute it; if he would take it out after-

ward, it should be at his perill.  So it went in ye smale

ship, and he sent bills of lading in both.  The mr. was

so carfull being both so well laden, as they went joyfully

home togeather, for he towed ye leser ship at his sterne

all ye way over bound, and they had such fayr weather

as he never cast her of till they were shott deep in to

ye English Chanell, almost within ye sight of Plimoth;


1625.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                245

 

and yet ther she was unhaply taken by a Turks man

of warr, and carried into Saly, wher ye mr. and men

were made slaves, and many of ye beaver skins were

sould for 4d. a peece.  [138] T hus was all their hops

dasht, and the joyfull news they ment to cary home

turned to heavie tidings.  Some thought this a hand of

God for their too great exaction of ye poore plantation,

but Gods judgments are unseerchabIe, neither dare I be

bould therwith; but however it shows us ye uncertainty

of all humane things, and what litle cause ther is of

joying in them or trusting to them.

      In ye bigger of these ships was sent over Captine Stan-

dish from ye plantation, wth leters & instructions, both

to their freinds of ye company which still clave to them,

and also to ye Honourable Counsell of New-England.

To ye company to desire yt seeing that they ment only

to let them have goods upon sale, that they might have

them upon easier termes, for they should never be able

to bear such high interest, or to allow so much per cent;

also that what they would doe in yt way that it might

be disburst in money, or such goods as were fitte and

needful1 for them, & bought at best hand; and to

aquainte them with ye contents of his leters to ye Counsell

above said, which was to this purpose, to desire their

favour & help; that such of ye adventurers as had thus

forsaken & deserted them, might be brought to some

order, and not to keepe them bound, and them selves be

free.  But that they might either stand to ther former


246                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

covenants, or ells come to some faire end, by dividente,

or composition.  But he came in a very bad time, for

ye Stat was full of trouble, and ye plague very hote in

London, so as no bussines could be done; yet he spake

with some of ye Honourd Counsell, who promised all

helpfullnes to ye plantation which lay in them.  And

sundrie of their freinds ye adventurers were so weakened

with their losses ye last year, by ye losse of ye ship

taken by the Turks, and ye loss of their fish, wch by rea-

son of ye warrs they were forcte to land at Portsmouth,

and so came to litle; so as, though their wills were

good, yet theyr power was litle.  And ther dyed such

multituds weekly of ye plague, as all trade was dead,

and litle money stirring.  Yet with much adooe he

tooke up 150li. (& spent a good deal of it in expences)

at 50. per cent. which he bestowed in trading goods

& such other most needfull comodities as he knew

requiset for their use; and so returned passenger in

a fhishing ship, haveing prepared a good way for ye

compossition that was afterward made.

     In ye mean time it pleased ye Lord to give ye plan-

tation peace and health and contented minds, and so to

blese ther labours, as they had corne sufficient, (and

some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever

had they any supply of foode but what they first brought

with them.  After harvest this year, they sende out

a boats load of corne 40. or 50. leagues to ye east-

ward, up a river called Kenibeck; it being one of those


1626.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                247

 

2. shalops which their carpenter had built them ye year

before; for bigger vessell had they none.  They had

laid a litle deck over her midships to keepe ye corne

drie, but ye men were faine to stand it out all weathers

without shelter; and yt time [139] of ye year begins to

growe tempestious.  But God preserved them, and gave

them good success, for they brought home 700li, of beaver,

besids some other furrs, having litle or nothing els but

this corne, which them selves had raised out of ye earth.

This viage was made by Mr. Winslow & some of ye old

standards,* for seamen they had none.

 

Anno Dom: 1626.

     ABOUT ye begining of Aprill they heard of Captain

Standish his arrivall, and sent a boat to fetch him home,

and ye things he had brought.  Welcome he was, but

ye news he broughte was sadd in many regards; not

only in regarde of the former losses, before related,

which their freinds had suffered, by which some in a

maner were undon, others much disabled from doing

any further help, and some dead of ye plague, but also

yt Mr. Robinson, their pastor, was dead, which struck

them with much sorrow & sadnes, as they had cause.

His and their adversaries had been long & continually

plotting how they might hinder his coming hither, but

ye Lord had appointed him a better place; concerning

*First written as in the text, then altered to standerss,


248                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

whose death & the maner therof, it will appere by

these few lines write to ye Govr. & Mr. Brewster.

 

     Loving & kind frinds, &c.  I know not whether this will

ever come to your hands, or miscarie, as other my letters have

done; yet in regard of ye Lords dealing with us hear, I have

had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to

bear a parte with us, both in our joyes, & sorrows, as we doe

wth you.  These are therfore to give you to understand, that

it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vaell of tears,

your and our loving & faithfull pastor, and my dear & Reved

brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some 8. days.  He

begane to be sick on Saturday in ye morning, yet ye next day

(being the Lords day) he taught us twise.  And so ye weeke

after grew weaker, every day more then other; yet he felt

no paine but weaknes all ye time of his sicknes.  The phisick

he tooke wrought kindly in mans judgmente, but he grew

weaker every day, feeling litle or no paine, aud sensible to

ye very last.  He fell sicke ye 22. of Feb: and departed this

life ye 1. of March.  He had a continuall inwarde ague, but

free from infection, so yt all his freinds came freely to him.

And if either prayers, tears, or means, would have saved his

life, he had not gone hence.  But he having faithfully finished

his course, and performed his worke which ye Lord had

appointed him here to doe, he now resteth with ye Lord

in eternall hapines.  We wanting him & all Church Govrs,

yet we still (by ye mercie of God) continue & hould close

togeather, in peace and quietnes; and so hope we shall doe,

though we be very weake.  Wishing (if such were ye will of

God) that you & we were againe united togeather in one,

either ther or here; but seeing it is ye will of ye Lord thus

to dispose of things, we must labour wth patience to rest

contented, till it please ye Lord otherwise to dispose.  For

[140] news, is here not much; only as in England we have


1626.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                249

 

lost our old king James, who departed this life aboute a

month agoe, so here they have lost ye old prince, Grave

Mourise; who both departed this life since my brother Robin-

son.  And as in England we have a new-king Charls, of

whom ther is great hope, so hear they have made prince

Hendrick Generall in his brothers place, &c.  Thus with my

love remembred, I take leave & rest,

Your assured loving freind,

ROGER WHITE.

Leyden, Aprill 28.

Ano: 1625.

 

      Thus these too great princes, and their pastor, left this

world near aboute one time.  Death maks no difference.

He further brought them notice of ye death of their

anciente freind, Mr. Cush-man, whom ye Lord tooke

away allso this year, & aboute this time, who was as their

right hand with their freinds ye adventurers, and for

diverce years had done & agitated all their bussines with

them to ther great advantage.  He had write to ye Gover

but some few months before, of ye sore sicknes of Mr.

James Sherley, who was a cheefe freind to ye plantation,

and lay at ye pointe of death, declaring his love & help-

fullnes, in all things; and much bemoned the loss they

should have of him, if God should now take him away,

as being ye stay & life of ye whole bussines.  As allso his

owne purposs this year to come over, and spend his days

with them.  But he that thus write of anothers sicknes,

knew not yt his owne death was so near.  It shows allso

that a mas ways are not in his owne power, but in his


250                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

hands who hath ye issues of life and death.  Man may

purpose, but God doth dispose.

     Their other freinds from Leyden writ many leters to

them full of sad laments for ther heavie loss; and though

their wills were good to come to them, yet they saw no

probabilitie of means, how it might be effected, but con-

cluded (as it were) that all their hopes were cutt of; and

many, being aged, begane to drop away by death.

     All which things (before related) being well weighed

and laied togither, it could not but strick them with great

perplexitie; and to looke humanly on ye state of things

as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell

it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them.  But

they gathered up their spirits, and ye Lord so helped

them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they

were at lowest* they begane to rise againe, and being

striped (in a maner) of all humane helps and hops, he

brought things aboute other wise, in his devine provi-

dence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but

their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others;

as by ye sequell will more appeare, if ye Lord spare me

life & time to declare ye same.

     Haveing now no fishing busines, or other things to

intend, but only their trading & planting, they sett them

selves to follow the same with ye best industrie they

could.  The planters finding their corne, what they could

spare from ther necessities, to be a comoditie, (for they

 

*Note.


1626.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                251

 

sould it at 6s. a bushell,) used great dilligence in planting

ye same.  And ye Gover and such as were designed to

manage the trade, (for it was retained for ye generall

good, [141] and none were to trade in perticuler,) they

followed it to the best advantage they could; and want-

ing trading goods, they understoode that a plantation

which was at Monhigen, & belonged to some marchants

of Plimoth was to breake up, and diverse usefull goods

was ther to be sould; the Gover and Mr. Winslow tooke

a boat and some hands and went thither.  But Mr. David

Thomson, who lived at Pascataway, understanding their

purpose, tooke oppertunitie to goe with them, which was

some hinderance to them both; for they, perceiveing their

joynte desires to buy, held their goods at higher rates;

and not only so, but would not sell a parcell of their

trading goods, excepte they sould all.  So, lest they

should further prejudice one an other, they agreed to buy

all, & devid them equally between them.  They bought

allso a parcell of goats, which they distributed at home

as they saw neede & occasion, and tooke corne for them

of ye people, which gave them good content.  Their

moyety of ye goods came to above 400li. starling.  Ther

was allso that spring a French ship cast away at Saca-

fahock, in wch were many Biscaie ruggs & other comodi-

ties, which were falen into these mens hands, & some

other fisher men at Damerins-cove, which were allso ,

bought in partnership, and made their parte arise to

above 500li.  This they made shift to pay for, for ye most


252                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

part, with ye beaver & comodities they had gott ye winter

before, & what they had gathered up yt somer.  Mr.

Thomson having some thing overcharged him selfe, de-

sired they would take some of his, but they refused

except he would let them have his French goods only;

and ye marchant (who was one of Bristol) would take

their bill for to be paid ye next year.  They were both

willing, so they became ingaged for them & tooke them.

By which means they became very well furnished for

trade; and tooke of therby some other ingagments wch

lay upon them, as the money taken up by Captaine

Standish, and ye remains of former debts.  With these

goods, and their corne after harvest, they gott good store

of trade, so as they were enabled to pay their ingage-

ments against ye time, & to get some cloathing for ye

people, and had some comodities before hand.  But now

they begane to be envied, and others wente and fild ye

Indeans with corne, and beat downe ye prise, giveing

them twise as much as they had done, and under traded

them in other comodities allso.

     This year they sent Mr. Allerton into England, and

gave him order to make a composition with ye adventur-

ers, upon as good termes as he could (unto which some

way had ben made ye year before by Captaine Standish);

but yet injoyned him not to conclud absolutly till they

knew ye termes, and had well considered of them; but

to drive it to as good an issew as he could, and referr

ye conclusion to them.  Also they gave him a comission


1626.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                253

 

under their hands & seals to take up some money, pro-

vided it exeeded not such a sume specified, for which

they engaged them selves, and gave him order how to

layout ye same for ye use of ye plantation.

    And finding they rane a great hazard to goe so long

viages in a smale open boat, espetialy ye winter season,

they begane to thinke how they might gett a small

pinass; as for ye reason afforesaid, so also because

others had raised ye prise with ye lndeans above ye

halfe of what they had formerly given, so as in such

a boat they could not [143*] carry a quantity suffi-

cient to answer their ends.  They had no ship-carpen-

ter amongst them, neither knew how to get one at

presente; but they having an ingenious man that was

a house carpenter, who also had wrought with ye ship

carpenter (that was dead) when he built their boats,

at their request he put forth him selfe to make a triall

that way of his skill; and tooke one of ye bigest of

ther shalops and sawed her in ye midle, and so lenth-

ened her some 5. or 6. foote, and strengthened her

with timbers, and so builte her up, and laid a deck

on her; and so made her a conveniente and wholsome

vessell, very fitt & comfortable for their use, which

did them servise 7. years after; and they gott her

finished, and fitted with sayles & anchors, ye insuing

year.  And thus passed ye affairs of this year.

 

  *Here occurs another error in the paging of the original; 142 is omitted.

 


254                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Anno Dom: 1627.

     AT ye usuall season of ye coming of ships Mr. Aller-

ton returned, and brought some usfull goods with him,

according to ye order given him.  For upon his com-

mission he tooke up 200li. which he now gott at 30.

per cent.  The which goods they gott safly home,

and well conditioned, which was much to the comfort

& contente of ye plantation.  He declared unto them,

allso, how, with much adoe and no small trouble, he

had made a composition with ye adventurers, by the

help of sundrie of their faithfull freinds ther, who had

allso tooke much pains ther about.  The agreement or

bargen he had brought a draught of, with a list of ther

names ther too annexed, drawne by the best counsell

of law they could get, to make it firme.  The heads

wherof I shall here inserte.

 

     To all Christian people, greeting, &c.  Wheras at a meeting

ye 26. of October last past, diverse & sundrie persons, whose

names to ye one part of these presents are subscribed in a

schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New-Plimoth in

New-England in America, were contented and agreed, in con-

sideration of the sume of one thousand and eight hundred

pounds sterling to be paid, (in maner and forme folling,) to

sell, and make sale of all & every ye stocks, shares, lands,

marchandise, and chatles, what soever, to ye said adventurers,

and other ther fellow adventurers to New Plimoth aforesaid,

any way accruing, or belonging to ye generalitie of ye said

adventurers aforesaid; as well by reason of any sume or sumes


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 255

 

of money, or marchandise, at any time heretofore adventured

or disbursed by them, or other wise howsoever; for ye better

expression and setting forth of which said agreemente, the

parties to these presents subscribing, doe for [144] them selves

severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargan, alien, sell,

and transfere all & every ye said shares, goods, lands, mar-

chandice, and chatles to them belonging as aforesaid, unto

Isaack Alerton, one of ye planters resident at Plimoth affore-

said, assigned, and sent over as agente for ye rest of ye

planters ther, and to such other planters at Plimoth afforesaid

as ye said Isack, his heirs, or assignes, at his or ther arrivall,

shall by writing or otherwise thinke fitte to joyne or partake

in ye premisses, their heirs, & assignes, in as large, ample,

and beneficiall maner and forme, to all intents and purposes,

as ye said subscribing adventurers here could or may doe, or

performe.  All which stocks, shares, lands, &c. to the said

adven:  in severallitie alloted, apportioned, or any way belong-

ing, the said adven: doe warrant & defend unto the said

Isaack Allerton, his heirs and assignes, against them, their

heirs and assignes, by these presents.  And therfore ye said

Isaack Allerton doth, for him, his heirs & assigns, covenant,

promise, & grant too & with ye adven:  whose names are here

unto subscribed, ther heirs, &c. well & truly to pay, or cause

to be payed, unto ye said adven: or 5. of them which were, at

yt meeting afforsaid, nominated & deputed, viz. John Pocock,

John Beachamp, Robart Keane, Edward Base, and James

Sherley, marchants, their heirs, &c. too and for ye use of ye

generallitie of them, the sume of 1800li. of lawfull money

of England, at ye place appoynted for ye receipts of money

on the west side of ye Royall Exchaing in London, by 200li.

yearly, and every year, on ye feast of St. Migchell, the first

paiment to be made Ano: 1628. &c.  Allso ye said Isaack is

to indeavor to procure & obtaine from ye planters of N. P.

aforesaid, securitie, by severall obligations, or writings oblig-


256                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

atory, to make paiment of ye said sume of 1800li. in forme

afforsaid, according to ye true meaning of these presents.  In

testimonie wherof to this part of these presents remaining with

ye said Isaack Allerton, ye said subscribing adven: have sett

to their names,* &c.  And to ye other part remaining with

ye said adven: the said Isaack Allerton hath subscribed his

name, ye 15. Novbr. Ano: 1626. in ye 2. year of his Majesties

raigne.

 

*Below are the names of the adventurers subscribed to this paper, taken

from Bradford's Letter-Book, 1 Mass. Hist. ColI., III. 48; being forty-two in

number.  The names of six of these persons are found subsequently among

the members of the Massachusetts Company, viz. John White, John Pocock,

Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, John Revell, and Thomas Andrews. Mr.

Haven, who edited the Records of the Massachusetts Company, is of opinion

that the first person on the list is the celebrated clergyman of Dorchester, the

reputed anthor of the Planter's Plea.  Emnu. Alltham is probably the same

person named in the Council Records, under date January 21, 1622-3 : "Emanuel

Altum to command the Pinnace built for Mr. Peirce's Plantation." Smith

speaks of "Captaine Altom" as commanding this vessell, but Morton says the

name of the master of the Little James was Mr. Bridges, who it appears was

drowned at Damariscove, in March, 1624.  See ColI. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc.,

III. 26, 62, Preface; Felt's MS. Memoranda from the Council Records; Smith's

Generall Historie, p. 239; Morton's Memorial, p. 48.

 

John White,                  Samuel Sharpe,            Thomas Hudson,

John Pocock,               Robert Holland,            Thomas Andrews,

Robert Kean,               James Sherley, Thomas Ward,

Edward Bass,               Thomas Mott,               Fria. Newbald,

William Hobson,           Thomas Fletcher,          Thomas Heath,

William Penington,        Timothy Hatherly,         Joseph Tilden,

William Quarles,           Thomas Brewer,           William Perrin,

Daniel Poynton,            John Thorned, Eliza Knight,

Richard Andrews,         Myles Knowles,           Thomas Coventry,

Newman Rookes,         William Collier,             Robert Allden,

Henry Browning,          John Revell,                  Lawrence Anthony,

Richard Wright,            Peter Gudburn,             John Knight,

John Ling,                     Emnu. Alltham,             Matthew Thornhill,

Thomas Goffe, John Beanchamp,         Thomas Millsop.

 


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                257

 

     This agreemente was very well liked of, & approved

by all ye plantation, and consented unto; though they

knew not well how to raise ye payment, and discharge

their other ingagements, and supply the yearly wants

of ye plantation, seeing they were forced for their

necessities to take up money or goods at so high in-

trests.  Yet they undertooke it, and 7. or 8. of ye

cheefe of ye place became joyntly bound for ye pai-

mente of this 1800li. (in ye behalfe of ye rest) at ye

severall days.  In which they rane a great adventure,

as their present state stood, having many other heavie

burthens allready upon them, and all things in an un-

certaine condition amongst them.  So ye next returne

it was absolutly confirmed on both sids, and ye bargen

fairly ingrossed in partchmente and in many things put

into better forme, by ye advice of ye learnedest counsell

they could gett; and least any forfeiture should fall on

ye whole for none paimente at any of ye days, it rane

thus:  to forfite 30s. a weeke if they missed ye time;

and was concluded under their hands & seals, as may

be seen at large by ye deed it selfe. I

     [145] Now though they had some unto warde per-

sons mixed amongst them from the first, which came

out of England, and more afterwards by some of ye

adventurers, as freindship or other affections led them,

-- though sundrie were gone, some for Virginia, and

some to other places, -- yet diverse were still mingled

amongst them, about whom ye Gover & counsell with


258                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

other of their cheefe freinds had serious consideration,

how to setle things in regard of this new bargen or

purchas made, in respecte of ye distribution of things

both for ye presente and future.  For ye present, ex-

cepte peace and union were preserved, they should be

able to doe nothing, but indanger to over throw all,

now that other tyes & bonds were taken away.  Ther-

fore they resolved, for sundrie reasons, to take in all

amongst them, that were either heads of families, or

single yonge men, that were of abillity, and free, (and

able to governe them selvs with meete descretion, and

their affairs, so as to be helpfull in ye comone-welth,)

into this partnership or purchass.  First, yey consid-

ered that they had need of men & strength both for

defence and carrying on of bussinesses.  2ly, most of

them had borne ther parts in former miseries & wants

with them, and therfore (in some sort) but equall to

partake in a better condition, if ye Lord be pleased to

give it.  But cheefly they saw not how peace would

be preserved without so doing, but danger & great dis-

turbance might grow to their great hurte & prejudice

other wise.  Yet they resolved to keep such a mean in

distribution of lands, and other courses, as should not

hinder their growth in others coming to them.

    So they caled ye company togeather, and conferred

with them, and came to this conclusion, that ye trade

should be managed as before, to help to pay the debts;

and all such persons as were above named should be


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                259

 

reputed and inrouled for purchasers; single free men

to have a single share, and every father of a familie to

be alowed to purchass so many shares as he had per-

sons in his family; that is to say, one for him selfe,

and one for his wife, and for every child that he had

living with him, one.  As for servants, they had none,

but what either their maisters should give them out

of theirs, or their deservings should obtaine from ye com-

pany afterwards.  Thus all were to be cast into single

shares according to the order abovesaid; and so every

one was to pay his part according to his proportion

towards ye purchass, & all other debts, what ye profite

of ye trade would not reach too; viz. a single man for

a single share, a maister of a famalie for so many as

he had.  This gave all good contente.  And first ac-

cordingly the few catle which they had were devided,

which arose to this proportion; a cowe to 6. persons

or shars, & 2. goats to ye same, which were first

equalised for age & goodnes, and then lotted for;

single persons consorting with others, as they thought

good, & smaler familys likwise; and swine though

more [146] in number, yet by ye same rule.  Then

they agreed that every person or share should have

20. acres of land devided unto them, besids ye single

acres they had allready; and they appoynted were to

begin first on ye one side of ye towne, & how farr to

goe; and then on ye other side in like maner; and

so to devid it by lotte; and appointed sundrie by


260                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

name to doe it, and tyed them to certaine ruls to pro-

ceed by; as that they should only layout settable or

tillable land, at least such of it as should butt on ye

water side, (as ye most they were to layout did,) and

pass by ye rest as refuse and comune; and what they

judged fitte should be so taken.  And they were first

to agree of ye goodnes & fitnes of it before the lott

was drawne, and so it might as well prove some of

ther owne, as an other mans; and this course they

were to hould throwout.  But yet seekeing to keepe

ye people togither, as much as might be, they allso

agreed upon this order, by mutuall consente, before

any lots were cast: that whose lotts soever should fall

next ye towne, or most conveninte for nearnes, they

should take to them a neigboure or tow, whom they

best liked; and should suffer them to plant corne with

them for 4. years; and afterwards they might use as

much of theirs for as long time, if they would.  Allso

every share or 20. acers was to be laid out 5. acres

in breadth by ye water side, and 4. acres in lenght,

excepting nooks & corners, which were to be measured

as yey would bear to best advantage.  But no meadows

were to be laid out at all, nor were not of many years

after, because they were but streight of meadow grounds;

and if they had bene now given out, it would have

hindred all addition to them afterwards; but, every

season all were appoynted. wher they should mowe,

according to ye proportion of catle they had.  This


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                261

 

distribution gave generally good contente, and setled

mens minds.  Also they gave ye Gover & 4. or 5. of

ye spetiall men amongst them, ye houses they lived in;

ye rest were valued & equalised at an indiferent rate,

and so every man kept his owne, and he that had a

better alowed some thing to him that had a worse, as

ye valuation wente.

    Ther is one thing that fell out in ye begining of ye

winter before, which I have refferred to this place, that

I may handle ye whole matter togeither.  Ther was a

ship, with many passengers in her and sundrie goods,

bound for Virginia.  They had lost them selves at sea,

either by ye insufficiencie of ye maister, or his ilnes;

for he was sick & lame of ye scurvie, so that he could

but lye in ye cabin dore, & give direction; and it should

seeme was badly assisted either wth mate or mariners;

or else ye fear and unrulines of ye passengers were such,

as they made them stear a course betweene ye southwest

& ye norwest, that they might fall with some land,

what soever it was they cared not.  For they had been

6. weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere, nor any

woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske;

only one of ye company had a hogshead of wine or 2.

which was allso allmost spente, so as they feared they

should be starved at sea, or consumed with diseases,

which made them rune this desperate course.  But it

plased God that though they came so neare ye shoulds

of Cap-Codd [147] or else ran stumbling over them in


262                                         HISTORY OF              [BOOK II.

 

ye night, they knew not how, they came right before

a small blind harbore, that lyes about ye midle of Mana-

moyake Bay, to ye southward of Cap-Codd, with a small

gale of wind; and about highwater toucht upon a barr

of sand that lyes before it, but had no hurte, ye sea

being smoth; so they laid out an anchore.  But towards

the eveing the wind sprunge up at sea, and was so

rough, as broake their cable, & beat them over the barr

into ye harbor, wher they saved their lives & goods,

though much were hurte with salt water; for wth beating

they had sprung ye but end of a planke or too, & beat

out ther occome; but they were soone over, and ran

on a drie flate within the harbor, close by a beach; so

at low water they gatt out their goods on drie shore,

and dried those that were wette, and saved most of

their things without any great loss; neither was ye ship

much hurt, but shee might be mended, and made ser-

visable againe.  But though they were not a litle glad

that they had thus saved their lives, yet when they had

a litle refreshed them selves, and begane to thinke on

their condition, not knowing wher they were, nor

what they should doe, they begane to be strucken

with sadnes.  But shortly after they saw some Indians

come to them in canows, which made them stand

upon their gard.  But when they heard some of ye

Indeans speake English unto them, they were not a

litle revived, especially when they heard them demand

if they were the Gover of Plimoths men, or freinds;


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                263

 

and yt they would bring them to ye English houses, or

carry their letters.

     They feasted these Indeans, and gave them many

giftes; and sente 2. men and a letter with them to ye

Gover, and did intreat him to send a boat unto them

with some pitch, & occume, and spiks, wth divers other

necessaries for ye mending of ther ship (which was re-

coverable).  Al1so they besought him to help them with

some corne and sundrie other things they wanted, to

enable them to make their viage to Virginia; and they

should be much bound to him, and would make satis-

faction for any thing they had, in any comodities they

had abord.  After ye Govr was well informed by ye

messengers of their condition, he caused a boate to be

made ready, and such things to be provided as they

write for; and because others were abroad upon trading,

and such other affairs, as had been fitte to send unto

them, he went him selfe, & allso carried some trading

comodities, to buy them corne of ye Indeans.  It was

no season of ye year to goe withoute ye Cape, but

understanding wher ye ship lay, he went into ye bottom

of ye bay, on ye inside, and put into a crick called

Naumskachett, wher it is not much above 2. mile over

[148] land to ye bay wher they were, wher he had

ye Indeans ready to cary over any thing to them.  Of

his arrivall they were very glad, and received the

things to mend ther ship, & other necessaries.  Allso

he bought them as much corne as they would have;


264                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

and wheras some of their sea-men were rune away

amonge the Indeans, he procured their returne to ye

ship, and so left them well furnished and contented,

being very thankfull for ye curtesies they receaved. But

after the Gover thus left them, he went into some other

harbors ther aboute and loaded his boat with corne

which he traded, and so went home.  But he had not

been at home many days, but he had notice from them,

that by the violence of a great storme, and ye bad

morring of their ship (after she was mended) she was

put a shore, and so beatten and shaken as she was now

wholy unfitte to goe to sea.  And so their request was

that they might have leave to repaire to them, and

soujourne with them, till they could have means to

convey them selves to Virginia; and that they might

have means to trasport their goods, and they would

pay for ye same, or any thing els wher with ye plan-

tation should releeve them.  Considering their distres,

their requests were granted, and all helpfullnes done

unto them; their goods transported, and them selves

& goods sheltered in their houses as well as they could.

The cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells

and Mr. Sibsie, which had many servants belonging

unto them, many of them being Irish.  Some others

ther were yt had a servante or 2. a peece; but ye most

were servants, and such as were ingaged to the former

persons, who allso had ye most goods.  Affter they

were hither come, and some thing setled, the maisters


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 265

 

desired some ground to imploye ther servants upon;

seing it was like to be ye latter end of ye year before

they could have passage for Virginia, and they had

now ye winter before them; they might clear some

ground, and plant a crope (seeing they had tools,

& necessaries for ye same) to help to bear their charge,

and keep their servants in imployment; and if they

had oppertunitie to departe before the same was ripe,

they would sell it on ye ground.  So they had ground

appointed them in convenient places, and Fells & some

other of them raised a great deall of corne, which they

sould at their departure.  This Fells, amongst his other

servants, had a maid servante which kept his house

& did his household affairs, and by the intimation of

some that belonged unto him, he was suspected to keep

her, as his concubine; and both of them were examined

ther upon, but nothing could be proved, and they stood

upon their justification; so with admonition they were

dismiste.  But afterward it appeard she was with child,

so he gott a small boat, & ran away with her, for

fear of punishmente.  First he went to Cap-Anne, and

after into ye bay of ye Massachussets, but could get no

passage, and had like to have been cast away; and

was forst to come againe and submite him selfe; but

they pact him away & those that belonged unto him by

the first oppertunitie, and dismiste all the rest as soone

as could, being many untoward people amongst them;

though ther were allso some that caried them selves


266                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

very orderly all ye time they stayed.  And the [149]

plantation had some benefite by them, in selling them

corne & other provisions of food for cloathing; for they

had of diverse kinds, as cloath, perpetuanes, & other

stuffs, besids hose, & shoes~ and such like comodities as

ye planters stood in need of.  So they both did good,

and received good one from another; and a cuple of

barks caried them away at ye later end of somer.  And

sundrie of them have acknowledged their thankfullnes

since from Virginia.

      That they might ye better take all convenient oppor-

tunitie to follow their trade, both to maintaine them

selves, and to disingage them of those great sumes

which they stood charged with, and bound for, they

resoloved to build a smale pinass at Manamet, a place

20. mile from ye plantation, standing on ye sea to ye

southward of them, unto which, by an other creeke on

this side, they could cary their goods, within 4. or 5.

miles, and then trasport them over land to their ves-

sell; and so avoyd the compasing of Cap-Codd, and

those deangerous shoulds, and so make any vioage to

ye southward in much shorter time, and with farr less

danger.  Also for ye saftie of their vessell & goods,

they builte a house their, and kept some servants, who

also planted corne, and reared some swine, and were

allwayes ready to goe out with ye barke when ther was

occasion.  All which tooke good effecte, and turned to

their profite.


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                267

 

They now sent (with ye returne of ye ships) Mr.

Allerton againe into England, giveing him full power,

under their hands & seals, to conclude the former bar-

gaine with ye adventurers; and sent ther bonds for ye

paimente of the money.  Allso they sent what beaver

they could spare to pay some of their ingagementes,

& to defray his chargs; for those deepe interests still

kepte them low.  Also he had order to procure a patente

for a fitt trading place in ye river of Kenebec; for being

emulated both by the planters at Pascataway & other

places to ye eastward of them, and allso by ye fishing

ships, which used to draw much profite from ye Indeans

of those parts, they threatened to procure a grante,

& shutte them out from thence; espetially after they

saw them so well furnished with comodities, as to carie

the trade from them.  They thought it but needfull to

prevente such a thing, at least that they might not be

excluded from free trade ther, wher them selves had

first begune and discovered the same, ad brought it to

so good effecte.  This year allso they had letters, and

messengers from ye Dutch-plantation, sent unto them

from ye Govr ther, writen both in Dutch & French.

The Dutch had traded in these southerne parts, diverse

years before they came; but they begane no plantation.

hear till 4. or 5. years after their coming, and here

begining.  Ther letters were as followeth.  It being

their maner to be full of complementall titles.


268                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     Eedele, Eerenfeste Wyse Voorsinnige Heeren, den Goveer-

neur, ende Raeden in Nieu-Pliemuen residerende; onse seer

Goede vrinden den directeur ende Raed van Nieu-Nederlande,

wensen vwe Edn:  eerenfesten, ende wijse voorsinnige geluck

salichitt [gelukzaligheid?], In Christi Jesu onsen Heere; met

goede voorspoet, ende gesonthijt, naer siele, ende lichaem.

Amen.*

 

    The rest I shall render in English, leaving out the

repetition of superfluous titles.

 

     [150] We have often before this wished for an opportunitie

or an occasion to congratulate you, and your prosperous and

praise-worthy undertakeings, and Goverment of your colony

ther.  And the more, in that we also have made a good

begining to pitch ye founda.tion of a collonie hear; and seeing

our native countrie lyes not farr from yours, and our fore-

fathers (diverse hundred years agoe) have made and held

frendship and alliance with your ancestours, as sufficently

appears by ye old contractes, and entrecourses, confirmed

under ye hands of kings & princes, in ye pointe of warr &

trafick; as may be seene and read by all ye world in ye old

chronakles.  The which are not only by the king now reign-

ing confirmed, but it hath pleased his majesty, upon mature

deliberation, to make a new covenante, (and to take up

armes,) with ye States Generall of our dear native country,

against our comone enemie the Spaniards, who seeke nothing

   *The orthography of some of these words differs from the modern way

of spelling them; and we have no means of ascertaining the accuracy of

Bradford's copy from the original letter.  This passage may be rendered

thus:--

     "Noble, worshipful, wise, and prudent Lords, the Governor and Council-

lors residing in New Plymouth, our very dear friends: -- The Director and

Council of New Netherland wish to your Lordships, worshipful, wise, and

prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus our Lord, with prosperity and health, in

soul and body."


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                269

 

else but to usurpe and overcome other Christian kings and

princes lands, that so he might obtaine and possess his pre-

tended monarchie over all Christendom; and so to rule and

comand, after his owne pleasure, over ye consciences of so

many hundred thousand sowles, which God forbid.

     And also seeing it hath some time since been reported unto

us, by some of our people, that by occasion came so farr

northward with their shalop, and met with sundry of ye

Indeans, who tould them that they were within halfe a days

journey of your plantation, and offered ther service to cary

letters unto you; therfore we could not forbear to salute you

with these few lines, with presentation of our good will and

servise unto you, in all frendly-kindnes & neighbourhood.

And if it so fall out that any goods that comes to our hands

from our native countrie, may be serviceable unto you, we

shall take our selves bound to help and accomadate you ther

with; either for beaver or any other wares or marchandise

that you should be pleased to deale for.  And if in case we

have no comodity at present that may give you contente,

if you please to sell us any beaver, or otter, or such like

comodities as may be usefull for us, for ready money, and

let us understand therof by this bearer in writing, (whom we

have apoynted to stay 3. or 4. days for your answer,) when

we understand your minds therin, we shall depute one to

deale with you, at such place as you shall appointe.  In ye

mean time we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured

good freinds and neighbours, into his holy protection.

          By the appointment of ye Govr and Counsell, &c.

ISAAK DE RASIER, Secrectaris.

From ye Manhatas, in ye fort Amsterdam,

March 9. Ano: 1627.

 

     To this they returned answer as followeth, on ye

other side.


270                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

      [151] To the Honoured, &c.

      The Gover & Counsell of New-Plim:  wisheth, &c.  We have

received your leters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills

& frendship towards us; but is expresed wth over high titls,

more then belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive.  But

for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in

these smale beginings of our poore colonie, we are much

bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledg ye

same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and

for a certaine testimoney of your love and good neighbourhood.

     Now these are further to give your Worpps to understand,

that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath

not only bene pleased to confirme yt ancient amitie, aliance,

and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified

by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe

(as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the

better to resist ye prid of yt comone enemy ye Spaniard, from

whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native coun-

tries.  Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us

togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our deal-

ings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and

curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; have-

ing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente,

as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for which we,

and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your

Nation, and shall never forgett ye same, but shall hartily

desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever.

     Likwise for your freindly tender, & offer to acomodate

and help us with any comodities or marchandise you have,

or shall come to you, either for beaver, otters, or other wares,

it is to us very acceptable, and we doubte not but in short

time we may have profitable comerce & trade togeather.

But for this year we are fully supplyed with all necessaries,

both for cloathing and other things; but hereafter it is like


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                271

 

we shall deale with you, if your rates be reasonable.  And

therfore when you please to send to us againe by any of

yours, we desire to know how you will take beaver, by ye

pounde, & otters, by ye skine; and how you will deale per

cent. for other comodities, and what you can furnishe us

with.  As likwise what other commodities from us may be

acceptable unto you, as tobaco, fish, corne, or other things,

and what prises you will give, &c.

     Thus hoping that you will pardon & excuse us for our rude

and imperfecte writing in your language, and take it in good

parte, because [152] for wante of use we cannot so well

express that we understand, nor hapily understand every thing

so fully as we should.  And so we humbly pray the Lord for

his mercie sake, that he will take both us and you into his

keeping & gratious protection.

         By ye Gover and Counsell of New-Plimoth,

                   Your Worpps very good freinds & neigbours, &c.

New-Plim: March 19.

 

     After this ther was many passages betweene them

both by letters and other entercourse; and they had

some profitable commerce togither for diverce years, till

other occasions interrupted ye same, as may happily

appear afterwards, more at large.

     Before they sent Mr. Allerton away for England this

year, ye Gover and some of their cheefe freinds had

serious consideration, not only how they might discharge

those great ingagments which lay so heavily upon them,

as is affore mentioned, but also how they mIght (if pos-

siblie they could) devise means to help some of their

freinds and breethren of Leyden over unto them, who


272                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

desired so much to come to them, ad they desired as

much their company.  To effecte which, they resolved

to rune a high course, and of great adventure, not

knowing otherwise how to bring it aboute.  Which was

to hire ye trade of ye company for certaine years, and

in that time to undertake to pay that 1800li. and all ye

rest of ye debts that then lay upon ye plantation, which

was aboute some 600li. more; and so to set them free,

and returne the trade to ye generalitie againe at ye

end of ye terme.  Upon which resolution they called

ye company togeither, and made it clearly appear unto

all what their debts were, and upon what terms they

would undertake to pay them all in such a time, and

sett them clear.  But their other ends they were faine

to keepe secrete, haveing only privatly acquaynted some

of their trusty freinds therwith; which were glad of ye

same, but doubted how they would be able to performe

it.  So after some agitation of the thing wth ye com-

pany, it was yeelded unto, and the agreemente made

upon ye conditions following.

    

   Articles of agreemente betweene ye collony of New-Plimoth

      of ye one partie, and William Bradford, Captein Myles

      Standish, Isaack Allerton, &c. one ye other partie; and

      shuch others as they shall thinke good to take as part-

      ners and undertakers with them, concerning the trade

      for beaver & other furrs & comodities, &c. made July,

      1627.

   First, it is agreed and covenanted betweexte ye said

parties, that ye afforsaid William Bradford, Captain Myles


1627.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                273

 

Standish, & Isaack Allerton, &c. have undertaken, and doe

by these presents, covenante and agree to pay discharge

and acquite ye said collony of all ye debtes both due for

ye purchass, or any other belonging to them, at ye day of

ye date of these presents.

      [153] Secondly, ye above-said parties are to have and

freely injoye ye pinass latly builte, the boat at Manamett,

and ye shalop, called ye Bass-boat, with all other implements

to them belonging, that is in ye store of ye said company;

with all ye whole stock of furrs, fells, beads, corne, wam-

pam peak, hatchets, knives, &c. that is now in ye storre, or

any way due unto ye same uppon accounte.

     31y.  That ye above said parties have ye whole trade to them

selves, their heires and assignes, with all ye privileges therof,

as ye said collonie doth now, or may use the same, for 6. full

years, to begine ye last of September next insuing.

     41y.  In furder consideration of ye discharge of ye said

debtes, every severall purchaser doth promise and covenante

yearly to pay, or cause to be payed, to the above said par-

ties, during ye full terme of ye said 6. years, 3. bushells of

corne, or 6li. of tobaco, at ye undertakers choyse.

     51y.  The said undertakers shall dureing ye afforesaid terme

bestow 50li. per annum, in hose and shoese, to be brought

over for ye collonies use, to be sould unto them for corne

at 6s. per bushell.

      61y.  That at ye end of ye said terme of 6. years, the whole

trade shall returne to ye use and benefite of ye said collonie,

as before.

     Lastly, if ye afforesaid undertakers, after they have aquainted

their freinds in England with these covenants, doe (upon ye first

returne) resolve to performe them, and undertake to dis-

charge ye debtes of ye said collony, according to ye true mean-

ing & intente of these presents, then they are (upon such

notice given) to stand in full force; otherwise all things to


274                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

remaine as formerly they were, and a true accounte to be

given to ye said collonie, of the disposing of all things

according to the former order.

 

      Mr. Allerton carried a coppy of this agreemente with

him into England, and amongst other his instructions

had order given him to deale with some of their special

freinds, to joyne with them in this trade upon ye above

recited conditions; as allso to imparte their further

ends that moved them to take this course, namly, the

helping over of some of their freinds from Leyden, as

they should be able; in which if any of them would

joyne with them they should thankfully acceptt of their

love and partnership herein.  And with all (by their

letters) gave them some grounds of their hops of the

accomplishmente of these things with some advantage.

 

Anno Dom: 1628.

     AFTER Mr. Allertons arivall in England, he aquainted

them with his comission and full power to conclude ye

forementioned bargan & purchas; upon [154] the veiw

wherof, and ye delivery of ye bonds for ye paymente of

ye money yearly, (as is before mentioned,) it was fully

concluded, and a deede* fairly ingrossed in partch-

mente was delivered him, under their hands & seals

confirming the same.  Morover he delte with them

aboute other things according to his instructions.  As

 

*Nov. 6. 1627.  Page 238. [Reference is here made to the page of the

original manuscript.]

 

 


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                275

 

to admitt some of these their good freinds into this

purchass if they pleased, and to deale with them for

moneys at better rates, &c.  Touching which I shall

hear inserte a letter of Mr. Sherleys, giving light to

what followed therof, writ to ye Govr as followeth.

 

     Sr: I have received yours of ye 26. of May by Mr. Gibs,

& Mr. Goffe, with ye barrell of otter skins, according to ye

contents; for which I got a bill of store, and so tooke them

up, and sould them togeather at 78li. 12s. sterling; and

since, Mr. Allerton hath received ye money, as will apear by

the accounte.  It is true (as you write) that your ingag-

ments are great, not only the purchass, but you are yet

necessitated to take up ye stock you work upon; and yt not

at 6. or 8. pr cent. as it is here let out, but at 30. 40. yea,

& some at 50. pr cent. which, were not your gaines great,

and Gods blessing on your honest indeaours more then

ordinarie, it could not be yt you should longe subsiste in ye

maintaining of, & upholding of your worldly affaires.  And

this your honest & discreete agente, Mr. Allerton, hath seri-

ously considered, & deeply laid to mind, how to ease you

of it.  He tould me you were contented to accepte of me

& some few others, to joyne with yon in ye purchass, as

partners; for which I kindly thanke you and all ye rest,

and doe willingly accepte of it.  And though absente, shall

willingly be at shuch charge as you & ye rest shall thinke

meete; and this year am contented to forbear my former 501i.

and 2. years increase for ye venture, both which now makes

it 80li. without any bargaine or condition for ye profite, you

(I mean ye generalitie) stand to ye adventure, outward, and

homeward.  I have perswaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp

to doe ye like, so as you are eased of ye high rate, you were

at ye other 2. yeares; I say we leave it freely to your selves


276                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to alow us what you please, and as God shall blesse.  What course

I rune, Mr. Beachamp desireth to doe ye same; and

though he have been or seemed somwhat harsh heretofore,

yet now you shall find he is new moulded.  I allso see by

your letter, you desire I should be your agente or factore

hear.  I have eyer found you so faithfull, honest, and upright

men, as I have even resolyed with my selfe (God assisting

me) to doe you all ye good lyeth in my power; and therfore

if you please to make choyse of so weak a man, both for

abillities and body, to performe your bussines, I promise

(ye Lord enabling me) to doe ye best I can according to those

abillities he hath given me; and wherin I faile, blame your

selves, yt you made no better choyce.  Now, because I am

sickly, and we are all mortall, I have advised Mr. Allerton

to joyne Mr. Beachamp with me in your deputation, which

I conceive to be very necessary & good for you; your charge

shall be no more, for it is not your salarie maks me under-

take your [156*] bussines.  Thus comending you & yours,

and all Gods people, unto ye guidance and protection of ye

Allmightie, I ever rest,

Your faithfull loving freind,

London, Nov. 17. 1628.                              JAMES SHERLEY.!

      *155 omitted in original MS. -- COM.

      ! Another leter of his, that should have bene placed before: --

We cannot but take notice how ye Lord hath been pleased to crosse our

proseedings, and caused many disasters to befale us therin.  I conceive ye

only reason to be, we, or many of us, aimed at other ends then Gods glorie;

but now I hope yt cause is taken away; the bargen being fully concluded, as

farr as our powers will reach, and confirmed under our hands & seals, to

Mr. Allerton & ye rest of his & your copartners.  But for my owne parte,

I confess as I was loath to hinder ye full confirming of it, being ye first pro-

pounder ther of at our meeting; so on ye other side, I was as unwilling to

set my hand to ye sale, being ye receiver of most part of ye adventurs, and

a second causer of much of ye ingagments; and one more threatened, being

most envied & aimed at (if they could find any stepe to ground their malice

on) then any other whosoever. I profess I know no just cause they ever


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                277

    With this leter they sent a draught of a formall depu-

tation to be hear sealed and sent back unto them, to

authorise them as their agents, according to what is

mentioned in ye above said letter; and because some

inconvenience grue therby afterward I shall here in-

serte it.

had, or have, so to doe; neither shall it ever be proved yt I have wronged

them or any of ye adventurers, wittingly or willingly, one peny in ye dis-

bursing of so many pounds in those 2, year's trouble.  No, ye sole cause why

they maligne me (as I & others conceived) was yt I would not side with

them against you, & the going over of ye Leyden people.  But as I then card

not, so now I litle fear what they can doe; yet charge & trouble I know they

may cause me to be at.  And for these reasons, I would gladly have per-

swaded the other 4. to have sealed to this bargaine, and left me out, but they

would not; so rather then it should faile,  Mr. Alerton having taken so much

pains, I have sealed wth ye rest; with this proviso & promise of his, yt if any

trouble arise hear, you are to bear halfe ye charge.  Wherfore now I doubt

not but you will give your generallitie good contente, and setle peace amongst

your selves, and peace with the natives; and then no doubt but ye God of

Peace will blese your going out & your returning, and cause all yt you sett

your hands unto to prosper; the which I shall ever pray ye Lord to grante

if it be his blessed will.  Asuredly unless ye Lord be mercifull unto us & ye

whole land in generall, our estate & condition is farr worse then yours.

Wherfore if ye Lord should send persecution or trouble hear, (which is much

to be feared,) and so should put into our minds to flye for refuge, I know

no place safer then to come to you, (for all Europ is at varience one with

another, but cheefly wth us,) not doubting but to find such frendly enter-

tainmente as shall be honest & conscionable, notwithstanding what hath latly

passed.  For I profess in ye word of an honest man, had it not been to pro-

cure your peace & quiet from some turbulent spirites hear, I would not have

sealed to this last deed; though you would have given me all my adventure

and debte ready downe.  Thus desiring ye Lord to blesse & prosper you,

I cease ever resting,

Your faithfull & loving freind,

to my power,

Des: 27.                                                                       JAMES SHERLEY.

     [The above letter was written on the reverse of page 154 of the original   

manuscript.]


278                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     To all to whom these prets shall come greeting; know yee

that we, William Bradford, Govr of Plimoth, in N. E. in

America, Isaak Allertoll, Myles Standish, William Brewster,

& Ed: Winslow, of Plimoth aforesaid, marchants, doe by

these presents for us & in our names, make, substitute, &

appointe James Sherley, Goldsmith, & John Beachamp, Salter,

citizens of London, our true & lawfull agents, factors, sub-

stitutes, & assignes; as well to take and receive all such

goods, wares, & marchandise what soever as to our said

substitutes or either of them, or to ye citie of London, or

other place of ye Relme of Engl: shall be sente, transported,

or come from us or any of us, as allso to vend, sell, barter,

or exchaing ye said goods, wares, and marchandise so from

time to time to be sent to such person or persons upon

credite, or other wise in such maner as to our said agents

& factors joyently, or to either of them severally shall seeme

meete.  And further we doe make & ordaine our said sub-

stituts & assignes joyntly & severally for us, & to our uses,

& accounts, to buy and consigne for and to us into New-

Engl: aforesaid, such goods and marchandise to be provided

here, and to be returned hence, as by our said assignes, or

either of them, shall be thought fitt.  And to recover, receive,

and demand for us & in our names all such debtes & sumes

of money, as now are or hereafter shall be due incidente

accruing or belonging to us, or any of us, by any wayes

or means; and to acquite, discharge, or compound for any

debte or sume of money, which now or hereafter shall be

due or oweing by any person or persons to us, or any of us.

And generally for us & in our names to doe, performe, and

execute every acte & thing which to our said assignes, or

either of them, shall see me meete to be done in or aboute ye

premissies, as fully & effectually, to all intents & purposes,

as if we or any of us were in person presente.  And what-

soever our said agents & factors joyntly or severally shall


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                279

 

doe, or cause to be done, in or aboute ye premisses, we will

& doe, & every of us doth ratife, alow, & confirme, by

these presents.  In wittnes wherof we have here unto put

our hands & seals.         Dated 18. Novbr 1628.

 

This was accordingly confirmed by the above named,

and 4. more of the cheefe of them under their hands

& seals, and delivered unto them.  Also Mr. Allerton

formerly had authoritie under their hands & seals for

ye transacting of ye former bussines, and taking up of

moneys, &c. which still he retained whilst he was

imployed in these affaires; they mistrusting neither

him nor any of their freinds faithfullnes, which made

them more remisse in looking to shuch acts as had

passed under their hands, as necessarie for ye time;

but letting them rune on to long unminded or recaled,

it turned to their harme afterwards, as will appere in

its place.

    [157] Mr. Allerton having setled all things thus in

a good and hopfull way, he made hast to returne in ye

first of ye spring to be hear with their suppLy for trade,

(for ye fishermen with whom he came used to sett forth

in winter & be here betimes.)  He brought a resonable

supply of goods for ye plantation, and without those

great interests as before is noted; and brought an

accounte of ye beaver sould, and how ye money was

disposed for goods, & ye paymente of other debtes,

having paid all debts abroad to others, save to Mr.

Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, & Mr. Andrews; from whom


280                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

likwise he brought an accounte which to them all

amounted not to above 400li. for which he had passed

bonds.  Allso he had rayed the first paymente for ye

purchass, being due for this year, viz. 200li. and brought

them ye bonae for ye same canselled; so as they now

had no more foreine debtes but ye abovesaid 400li. and

odde pownds, and ye rest of ye yearly purchass monie.

Some other debtes they had in ye cuntrie, but they

were without any intrest, & they had wherwith to dis-

charge them when they were due.  To this pass the

Lord had brought things for them.  Also he brought

them further notice that their freinds, the abovenamed,

& some others that would joyne with them in ye

trad & purchass, did intend for to send over to Leyden,

for a competente number of them, to be hear the next

year without fayle, if ye Lord pleased to blesse their

journey.  He allso brought them a patente for Kene-

beck, but it was so straite & ill bounded, as they were

faine to renew & in large it the next year, as allso that

which they had at home, to their great charge, as will

after appeare.  Hithertoo Mr. Allerton did them good

and faithfull service; and well had it been if he had

so continued, or els they had now ceased for imploy-

ing him any longer thus into England.  But of this

more afterwards.

     Having procured a patente (as is above said) for

Kenebeck, they now erected a house up above in ye

river in ye most convenientest place for trade, as they


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                281

 

conceived, and furnished the same with comodities for

yt end, both winter & somer, not only with corne, but

also with such other commodities as ye fishermen had

traded with them, as coats, shirts, ruggs, & blankets,

biskett, pease, prunes, &c.; and what they could not

have out of England, they bought of the fishing ships,

and so carried on their bussines as well as they could.

     This year the Dutch sent againe unto them from

their plantation, both kind leterss, and also diverse

comodities, as suger, linen cloth, Holand finer &

courser stufes, &c.  They came up with their barke

to Manamete, to their house ther, in which came their

Secretarie Rasier; who was accompanied with a noyse

of trumpeters, and some other attendants; and desired

that they would send a boat for him, for he could

not travill so farr over land.  So they sent a boat

to Manonscussett, and brought him to ye plantation,

with ye cheefe of his company.  And after some few

days entertainmente, he returned to his barke, and

some of them wente with him, and bought sundry of

his goods; after which begining thus made, they sente

often times to ye same place, and had entercourse to-

geather for diverce years; and amongst other comodi-

ties, they vended [158] much tobaco for linen cloath,

stuffs, &c., which was a good benefite to ye people,

till the Virginians found out their plantation.  But

that which turned most to their profite, in time, was

an entrance into the trade of Wampampeake; for they


282                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

now bought aboute 50li. worth, of it of them; and they

tould them how vendable it was at their forte Orania;

and did perswade them they would find it so at Kene-

beck; and so it came to pass in time, though at first

it stuck, & it was 2. years before they could put of

this small quantity, till ye inland people knew of it;

and afterwards they could scarce ever gett enough for

them, for many years togeather.  And so this, with

their other provissions, cutt of they trade quite from

ye fisher-men, and in great part from other of ye strag-

ling planters.  And strange it was to see the great all-

teration it made in a few years amonge ye Indeans

them selves; for all the Indeans of these parts, & ye

Massachussets, had none or very litle of it,* but ye

sachems & some spetiall persons that wore a litle of

it for ornamente.  Only it was made & kepte amonge

ye Nariganssets, & Pequents, which grew rich & potent

by it, and these people were poore & begerly, and had

no use of it.  Neither did the English of this planta-

tion, or any other in ye land, till now that they had

knowledg of it from ye Dutch, so much as know what

it was, much less yt it was a comoditie of that worth

& valew.  But after it grue thus to be a comoditie

in these parts, these Indeans fell into it allso, and to

learne how to make it; for ye Narigansets doe geather

ye shells of which yey make it from their shors.  And

it hath now continued a current comoditie aboute this

 

* Peag.


1628                    PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                283

 

20. years, and it may prove a drugg in time.  In ye

mean time it maks ye Indeans of these parts rich &

power full and also prowd therby; and fills them with

peeces, powder, and shote, which no laws can restraine

by reasone of ye bassnes of sundry unworthy persons,

both English, Dutch, & French, which may turne to

ye ruine of many.  Hithertoo ye Indeans of these parts

had no peeces nor other armes but their bowes &

arrowes, nor of many years after; nether durst they

scarce handle a gune, so much were they affraid of

them; and ye very sight of one (though out of kilter)

was a terrour unto them.  But those Indeans to ye east

parts, which had comerce with ye French, got peces of

them, and they in ye end made a commone trade of it;

and in time our English fisher-men, led with ye like

covetoussnes, followed their example, for their owne

gaine; but upon complainte against them, it pleased

the kings ,majestie to prohibite ye same by a stricte

proclaimation, commanding that no sorte of armes, or

munition, should by any of his subjects be traded with

them.

     Aboute some 3. or 4. years before this time, ther

came over one Captaine Wolastone,  (a man of pretie

parts,)  and with him 3. or 4. more of some eminencie,

who brought with them a great many servants, with

provissions & other implements for to begine a planta-

tion;  and pitched them selves in a place within the 

Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains


284                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

name, Mount-Wollaston.  Amongst whom was one Mr.

Morton, who, it should seeme, had some small adventure

(of his owne or other mens) amongst them; but had

litle respecte [159] amongst them, and was sleghted

by ye meanest servants.  Haveing continued ther some

time, and not finding things to answer their expecta-

tions, nor profite to arise as they looked for, Captaine

Wollaston takes a great part of ye sarvants, and trans-

ports them to Virginia, wher he puts them of at good

rates, selling their time to other men; and writs back

to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his cheefe partners, and

accounted their marchant, to bring another parte of

them to Verginia likewise, intending to put them of

ther as he had done ye rest.  And he, wth ye consente

of ye said Rasdall, appoynted one Fitcher to be his

Livetenante, and governe ye remaines of ye planta-

tion, till he or Rasdall returned to take further order

theraboute.  But this Morton abovesaid, haveing more

craft then honestie, (who had been a kind of petie-

fogger,  of Furnefells Inne, in ye other absence

watches an oppertunitie,  (commons being but hard

amongst them,) and gott some strong drinck & other

junkats, & made them a feast;. and after they were

merie, he begane to tell them, he would give them

good counsell.  You see (saith he) that many of your

fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till

this Rasdall returne, you will also be carried away

and sould for slaves with ye rest.  Therfore I would


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                285

 

advise you to thruste out this Levetenant Fitcher. and

I, having a parte in the plantation, will receive you

as my partners and consociats; so may you be free

from service, and we will converse, trad, plante, &

live togeather as equalls, & supporte & protecte one

another, or to like effecte.  This counsell was easily

received; so they tooke oppertunitie, and thrust Leve-

tenante Fitcher out a dores, and would suffer him to

come no more amongst them, but forct him to seeke

bread to eate, and other releefe from his neigbours,

till he could gett passages for England.  After this

they fell to great licenciousnes, and led a dissolute

life, powering out them selves into all profanenes.

And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained

(as it were) a schoole of Athisme.  And after they

had gott some good into their hands, and gott much

by trading with ye Indeans, they spent it as vainly,

in quaffing & drinking both wine & strong waters in

great exsess, and, as some reported, 10li. worth in a

morning.  They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and

dancing aboute it many days togeather, inviting the

Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisk-

ing togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,)

and worse practises.  As if they had anew revived &

celebrated the feasts of ye Roman Goddes Flora, or

ye beasly practieses of ye madd Bacchinalians.  Mor-

ton likwise (to shew his poetrie) compose sundry

rimes & verses, tending to lasciviousness, and

 


286                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

others to ye detraction & scandall of some persons,

which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle.  They

chainged allso the name of their place, and in stead

of calling it Mounte Wollaston, they call it Merie-

mounte, [160] as if this joylity would have lasted

ever.  But this continued not long, for after Morton

was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,)

shortly after came over that worthy gentlman, Mr.

John Indecott, who brought over a patent under ye

broad seall, for ye govermente of ye Massachusets, who

visiting those parts caused yt May-polle to be cutt

downe, and rebuked them for their profannes, and

admonished them to looke ther should be better walk-

ing; so they now, or others, changed ye name of their

place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon.

     Now to maintaine this riotous prodigallitie and pro-

fuse excess, Morton, thinking him selfe lawless, and

hearing what gaine ye French & fisher-men made by

trading of peeces, powder, & shotte to ye Indeans, he,

as ye head of this consortship, begane ye practise of ye

same in these parts; and first he taught them how to

use them, to charge, & discharg, and what proportion

of powder to give ye peece, according to ye sise or

bignes of ye same; and what shotte to use for foule,

and what for deare.  And having thus instructed them,

he imployed some of them to hunte & fowle for him,

so as they became farr more active in that imploy-

mente then any of ye, English, by reason of ther


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                287

 

swiftnes of foote, & nimblnes of body, being also

quick-sighted, and by continuall exercise well know-

ing ye hants of all sorts of game.  So as when they

saw ye execution that a peece would doe, and ye bene-

fite that might come by ye same, they became madd,

as it were, after them, and would not stick to give

any prise they could attaine too for them; account-

ing their bowes & arrowes but bables in comparison

of them.

     And here I may take occasion to bewaile ye mis-

chefe that this wicked man began in these parts, and

which since base covetousnes prevailing in men that

should know better, has now at length gott ye upper

hand, and made this thing comone, notwithstanding any

laws to ye contrary; so as ye Indeans are full of peeces

all over, both fouling peeces, muskets, pistols, &c.

They have also their moulds to make shotte, of all

sorts, as muskett bulletts, pistoll bullets, swane & gose

shote, & of smaler sorts; yea, some have seen them

have their scruplats to make scrupins them selves, when

they wante them, with sundery other implements, wher-

with they are ordinarily better fited & furnished then

ye English them selves.  Yea, it is well knowne that

they will have powder & shot, when the English want

it, nor cannot gett it; and yt in a time of warr or

danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead

hath been scarce, and men for their owne defence would

gladly have given a groat a li., which is dear enoughe,


288                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

yet hath it bene bought up & sent to other places,

and sould to shuch as trade it with ye Indeans, at

12. pence ye li.; and it is like they give 3. or 4.s. ye

pound, for they will have it at any rate.  And these

things have been done in ye same times, when some of

their neigbours & freinds are daly killed by ye Indeans,

or are in deanger therof, and live but at ye Indeans

mercie.  [161] Yea, some (as they have aquainted them

with all other things) have tould them how gunpowder

is made, and all ye materialls in it, and that they are

to be had in their owne land; and I am confidente,

could they attaine to make saltpeter, they would teach

them to make powder.  O the horiblnes of this vilanie!

how many both Dutch & English have been latly slaine

by those Indeans, thus furnished; and no remedie pro-

vided, nay, ye evill more increased, and ye blood of

their brethren sould for gaine, as is to be feared; and

in what danger all these colonies are in is too well

known.  Oh! that princes & parlements would take

some timly order to prevente this mischeefe, and at

length to suppress it, by some exemplerie punishmente

upon some of these gaine thirstie murderers, (for they

deserve no better title,) before their collonies in these

parts be over throwne by these barbarous savages,_thus

armed with their owne weapons, by these evill instru-

ments, and traytors to their neigbors and cuntrie.  But

I have forgott my selfe, and have been to longe in this

digression; but now to returne.  This Morton having


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATI0N.                 289

 

thus taught them ye use of peeces, he sould them all

he could spare; and he and his consorts detirmined

to send for many out of England, and had by some

of ye ships sente for above a score.  The which being

knowne, and his neigbours meeting ye Indeans in ye

woods armed with guns in this sorte, it was a terrour

unto them, who lived straglingly, and were of no

strenght in any place.  And other places (though more

remote) saw this mischeefe would quietly spread over

all, if not prevented.  Besides, they saw they should

keep no servants, for Morton would entertaine any,

how vile soever, and all ye scume of ye countrie, or

any discontents, would flock to him from all places,

if this nest was not broken; and they should stand

in more fear of their lives & goods (in short time)

from this wicked & deboste crue, then from ye sal-

vages them selves.

      So sundrie of ye cheefe of ye stragling plantations,

meeting togither, agreed by mutuall consente to sollissite

those of Plimoth (who were then of more strength then

them all) to joyne with them, to prevente ye further

grouth of this mischeefe, and suppress Morton & his

consortes before yey grewe to further head and strength.

Those that joyned in this acction (and after contributed

to ye charge of sending him for England) were from

Pascatataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett,

Natasco, and other places where any English were seated.

Those of Plimoth being thus sought too by their mes-


290                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

sengers & letters, and waying both their reasons, and

the comone danger, were, willing to afford them their

help; though them selves had least cause of fear or

hurte.  So, to be short, they first resolved joyntly to

write to him, and in a freindly & neigborly way

to admonish him to forbear these courses, & sent

a messenger with their letters to bring his answer.

But he was so highe as he scorned all advise, and

asked who had to doe with him; he had and would

trade peeces with ye Indeans in dispite of all, with

many other scurillous termes full of disdaine.  They

sente to him a second time, and bad him be better

advised, and more temperate in his termes, for ye

countrie could not beare ye injure he did; it was

against their comone saftie, and against ye king's proc-

lamation.  He answerd in high terms as before, and

that ye kings proclaimation was no law; demanding

what penaltie was upon it.  It was answered, more

then he could [162] bear, his majesties displeasure.

But insolently he persisted, and said ye king was dead

and his displeasure with him & many ye like things;

and threatened withall that if any came to molest

him, let them looke to them selves, for he would pre-

pare for them.  Upon which they saw ther was ,no

way but to take him by force; and having so farr

proceeded, now to give over would make him farr

more hautie & insolente.  So they mutually resolved to

proceed, and obtained of ye Govr of Plimoth to send


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                291

 

Captaine Standish, & some other aide with him, to

take Morton by force.  The which accordingly was

done; but they found him to stand stifly in bis de-

fence, having made fast his dors, armed his consorts,

set diverse dishes of powder & bullets ready on ye

table; and if they had not been over armed with drinke,

more hurt might have been done.  They somaned him

to yeeld, but he kept his house, and they could gett

nothing but scofes & scorns from him; but at length,

fearing they would doe some violence to ye house, he

and some of his crue came out, but not to yeeld, but

to shoote; but they were so steeld with drinke as their

peeces were to heavie for tbem; him selfe with a car-

bine (over charged & allmost halfe fild with powder

& shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot

Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, & put by his

peece, & tooke him.  Neither was ther any hurte done

to any of either side, save yt one was so drunke yt he

rane his owne nose upon ye pointe of a sword yt one

held before him as he entred ye house; but he lost

but a litle of his hott blood.  Morton they brought

away to Plimoth, wher he was kepte, till a ship went

from ye Ile of Shols for England, with which he was

sent to ye Counsell of New England; and letters writen

to give them information of his course & cariage; and

also one was sent at their comone charge to informe

their Hors more perticulerly, & to prosecute against

him.  But he foold of ye messenger, after he was_gone


292                                HISTORY  OF                       [BOOK II.

 

from hence, and though he wente for England, yet

nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte for

ought was heard; but returned ye nexte year.  Some

of ye worst of ye company were disperst, and some

of ye more modest kepte ye house till he should be

heard from.  But I have been too long about so un-

worthy a person, and bad a cause.

    This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man

for a minister to ye people hear, wheather upon his

owne head, or at ye motion of some freinds ther, I

well know not, but it was without ye churches send-

ing; for they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as

they desired to know ye person well whom they should

invite amongst them.  His name was Mr. Rogers; but

they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in

his braille; so they were faine to be at further charge

to send him back againe ye nexte year, and loose all

ye charge that was expended in his hither bringing,

which was not smalle by Mr. Allerton's accounte, in

provissions, aparell, bedding, &c.  After his returne

he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton's was much

blamed yt he would bring such a man over, they hav-

ing charge enough otherwise.

      Mr. Allerton, in ye years before, had brought over

some small quantie of goods, upon his owne perticuler,

and sould them for his owne private benefite; which

was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted.

But because he had other wise done them good ser-


1628.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                293

 

vice, and also he sould them among ye people at ye

plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and

he aledged it was the [163] love of Mr. Sherley and

some other freinds that would needs trust him with

some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good,

and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past

over.  But this year he brought over a greater quan-

titie, and they were so intermixte with ye goods of

ye generall, as they knew not which were theirs, &

wch was his, being pact up together; so as they well

saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might

have laid ye whole on them, if he would; for ther was

no distinction.  Allso what was most vendible, and

would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and

he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine

places, which, considering their comone course, they

began to dislike.  Yet because love thinkes no evill,

nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for ex-

cuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for

England; considering how well he had done ye former

bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their

freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds

from Leyden were sente for, which would or might

be much furthered by his means.  Againe, seeing the

patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of

ye former mistaks in the bounding of it, and it was

conceived, in a maner, ye same charge would serve to

inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane


294                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ye former ye last year would be ye fittest to effecte

this; so they gave him instructions and sente him

for England this year againe.  And in his instructions

bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte,

but 50li. in hose & shoes, and some linen cloth, (as

yey were bound by covenante when they tooke ye

trad;) also some trading goods to such a value; and

in no case to exseed his instructions, nor rune them

into any further charge; he well knowing how their

state stood.  Also yt he should so provide yt their

trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever

was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it

selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods

to be mixed with theirs.  For so he prayed them to

give him such instructions as they saw good, and he

would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther

offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes.  And

thus they conceived they had well provided for all

things.

 

Anno Dom. 1629.

     MR. ALLERTON safly arriving in England, and deliv-

ering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting them

with his instructions, found good acceptation with

them, and they were very forward & willing to joyne

with them in ye partnership of trade, & in ye  charge

to send over ye Leyden people; a company wherof

were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to

come over, and so were sent away before Mr. Allerton


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                295

 

could be ready to come.  They had passage with ye

ships that came to Salem, that brought over many

godly persons to begine ye plantations & churches of

Christ ther, & in ye Bay of Massachussets; so their

long stay & keeping back [164] was recompensed by

ye Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing,

in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther

late expectation, (when all their hops seemed to be

cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds

& Christian breethren, as ye begining of a larger har-

vest unto ye Lord, in ye increase of his churches &

people in these parts, to ye admiration of many, and

allmost wonder of ye world; that of so small begin-

ings so great things should insue, as time after mani-

fested; and that here should be a resting place for so

many of ye Lords people, when so sharp a scourge

came upon their owne nation.  But it was ye Lords

doing, & it ought to be marvellous in our eyes.

     But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters,

which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir

proceedings.

 

A leter of Mr. Sherleys to ye Govr.

May 25,1629.*

     Sr: &c.  Here are now many of your and our freinds

from Leyden coming over, who, though for ye most parte

be but a weak company, yet herein is a good parte of that

 

      *1629, May 25, the first letter concerning the former company of Leyden

people. -- Prince.


296                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

end obtained which was aimed at, and which hath been so

strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers.  But

God hath his working in these things, which man cannot

frustrate.  With them we have allso sent some servants in

ye ship called the Talbut, that wente hence latly; but these

come in ye May-flower.  Mr. Beachamp & my selfe, with

Mr. Andrews & Mr. Hatherly, are, with your love and lik-

ing, joyned partners with you, &c.

 

     Your deputation we have received, and ye goods have

been taken up & sould by your freind & agente, Mr. Aller-

ton, my selfe having bine nere 3. months in Holland, at

Amsterdam & other parts in ye Low-Countries. I see further

the agreemente you have made with ye generallitie, in which

I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for

them & you, and also for your freinds at Leyden.  Mr.

Beachamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, & my selfe, doe

so like and approve of it, as we are willing to joyne with

you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting

and helpfull to you, ye best yt possiblie we can.  Nay, had

you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should

accomplish ye end you first aimed at, and some others in-

devored these years past.  We know it must keep us from

ye profite, which otherwise by ye blessing of God and your

indeaours, might be gained; for most of those that came

in May, & these now sente, though I hope honest & good

people, yet not like to be help full to raise profite, but rather,

ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to you & us;

at which it is lickly, had not this wise & discreete course

been taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged.

Againe, you say well in your letter, and I make no doubte

but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on

whom ye burthen must be, you will both menage it ye beter,

and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontente nor


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                297

 

contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection

and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your

honest labours & indeavors.  And therfore in all respects

I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, &

advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good con-

tente;  I mean yt are reasonable & honest men, such as

make conscience of giving ye best satisfaction they be able

for their debts, and yt regard not their owne perticuler so

much as ye accomplishing of yt good end for which this

bussines was first intended, &c.  Thus desiring ye Lord

to blese & prosper you, & all yours, and all our honest

endeavors, I rest

Your unfained & ever loving freind,

          JAMES SHERLEY.

Lon:  March 8. 1629.*

 

       [165] That I may handle things together, I have

put these 2. companies that came from Leyden in this

place; though they came at 2. severall times, yet they

both came out of England this year.  The former com-

pany, being 35. persons, were shiped in May, and

arived here aboute August.  The later were shiped in

ye begining of March, and arived hear ye later end of

May, 1630.  Mr. Sherleys 2. letters, ye effect wherof

I have before related, (as much of them as is perti-

nente,) mentions both.  Their charge, as Mr. Allerton

brought it in afterwards on accounte, came to above

550li. besids ther fetching hither from Salem & ye

Bay, wher they and their goods were landed; viz.

 

* 1629-30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company of

Leyden people. -- Prince.


298                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

their transportation from Holland to England, & their

charges lying ther, and passages hither, with clothing

provided for them. For I find by accounte for ye one

company, 125. yeards of karsey, 127. ellons of linen

cloath, shoes, 66. pr, with many other perticulers.  The

charge of ye other company is reckoned on ye severall

families, some 50li., some 40li., some 30li., and so more

or less, as their number & expencess were.  And besids

all this charg, their freinds & bretheren here were to

provid corne & other provissions for them, till they

could reap a crope which was long before.  Those that

came in May were thus maintained upward of 16. or 18.

months, before they had any harvest of their owne, &

ye other by proportion.  And all they could doe in ye

mean time was to gett them some housing, and prepare

them grounds to plant on, against the season.  And

this charg of maintaining them all this while was litle

less then ye former sume.  These things I note more

perticulerly, for sundry regards.  First, to shew a rare

example herein of brotherly love, and Christian care

in performing their promises and covenants to their

bretheren, too, & in a sorte beyonde their power;

that they should venture so desperatly to ingage them

selves to accomplish this thing, and bear it so cheer-

fully; for they never demanded, much less had, any

repaymente of all these great sumes thus disbursed.

2ly.  It must needs be that ther was more then of man

in these acheevements, that should thus readily stire up


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 299

 

ye harts of shuch able frinds to joyne in partnership

with them in shuch a case, and cleave so faithfullie

to them as these did, in so great adventures; and the

more because the most of them never saw their faces

to this day; ther being neither kindred, aliance, or

other acquaintance or relations betweene any of them,

then hath been before mentioned; it must needs be

therfore the spetiall worke and hand of God.  3ly.

That these poore people here in a wilderness should,

notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these

ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon

them through the unfaithfullnes of some, and many

other great losses which they sustained, which will be

made manifest, if ye Lord be pleased to give life and

time.  In ye mean time, I cannot but admire his ways

and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire

to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo.

     [166] The Leyden people being thus come over,

and sundry of ye generalitie seeing & hearing how great ye

charg was like to be that was that way to be expended,

they begane to murmure and repine at it, notwith-

standing ye burden lay on other mens shoulders;

espetialIy at ye paying of ye 3. bushells of corne

a year, according to ye former agreemente, when ye

trad was lett for ye 6. years aforesaid.  But to give

them contente herein allso, it was promised them, that

if they could doe it in ye time without it, they would

never demand it of them; which gave them good con-


300                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

tente.  And indeed it never was paid, as will appeare

by ye sequell.

      Concerning Mr. Allertons proceedings about ye in-

larging & confirming of their patent, both yt at home

& Kenebeck, will best appere by another leter of

Mr. Sherleys; for though much time & money was

expended aboute it, yet he left it unaccomplisht this

year, and came without it.  See Mr. Sherleys letter.

 

Most worthy & loving freinds, &c.

     Some of your letters I received in July, & some since

by Mr. Peirce, but till our maine bussines, ye patent, was

granted, I could not setle my mind nor pen to writing.  Mr.

Allerton was so turrmoyled about it, as verily I would not

nor could not have undergone it, if I might have had a

thousand pounds; but ye Lord so blessed his labours (even

beyond expectation in these evill days) as he obtained ye

love & favore of great men in repute & place.  He got

granted from ye Earle of Warwick & Sr. Ferdinandou Gorge

all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters to me, & more

also, which I leave to him to relate.  Then he sued to ye

king to confirme their grante, and to make you a corporation,

and so to inable you to make & execute lawes, in such

large & ample maner as ye Massachusett plantation hath it;

which ye king graciously granted, referring it to ye Lord

Keeper to give order to ye solisiter to draw it up, if ther

were a presidente for it.  So ye Lord Keeper furthered it all

he could, and allso ye solissiter but as Festus said to Paule,

With no small sume of money obtained I this freedom; for

by ye way many ridells must be resolved, and many locks

must be opened with ye silver, ney, ye golden key.  Then

it was to come to ye Lord Treasurer, to have his warrente


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                301

 

for freeing ye custume for a certaine time; but he would not

doe it, but refferd it to ye Counsell table.  And ther

Mr. Allerton atended day by day, when they sate, but could

not gett his petition read.  And by reason of Mr. Peirce

his staying with all ye passengers at Bristoll, he was forct

to leave ye further prosecuting of it to a solissiter.  But ther

is no fear nor doubte but it will be granted, for he hath ye

cheefe of them to freind; yet it will be marvelously need-

full for him to returne by ye first ship yt comes from thence;

for if you had this confirmed, then were you compleate,

and might bear such sway & goverment as were fitt for

your ranke & place yt God hath called you unto; and stope

ye moueths of base and scurrulous fellowes, yt are ready

to question & threaten you in every action you [167] doe.

And besids, if you have ye custome free for 7. years inward,

& 21. outward, ye charge of ye patent will be soone re-

covered, and ther is no fear of obtaining* it.  But such

things must work by degrees; men cannot hasten it as they

would; werefore we (I write in behalfe of all our partners

here) desire you to be ernest with Mr. Allerton to come,

and his wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this

great & waighty bussines, which we conceive will be much

for your good, & I hope for your posteritie, and for many

generations to come.

 

     Thus much of this letter.  It was dated ye 19. March,

1629.

     By which it appears what progress was made herein,

& in part what charge it was, and how left unfinished,

and some reason of ye same; but in truth (as was

 

* This word is here substituted for recovering in the manuscript, on the

authority of Bradford's Letter-Book.


302                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

afterwards appehended) the meaine reason was Mr.

Allerton's policie, to have an opportunitie to be sent

over againe, for other regards; and for that end pro-

cured them thus to write.  For it might then well

enough have been finshed, if not with yt clause aboute

ye custumes, which was Mr. Allertons & Mr. Sherleys

device, and not at all thought on by ye colony here,

nor much regarded, yet it might have been done with-

out it, without all queston, having passed ye kings hand;

nay it was conceived it might then have beene done

with it, if he had pleased; but covetousnes never brings

ought home, as ye proverb is, for this oppertunytie

being lost, it was never accomplished, but a great deale

of money veainly & lavishly cast away aboute it, as

doth appear upon their accounts. But of this more in

its place.

     Mr. Alerton gave them great and just ofence in this

(which I had omited* and almost forgotten), -- in

bringing over this year, for base gaine, that unworthy

man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who was

sent home but ye year before for his misdemenors.  He

not only brought him over, but to ye towne (as it were

to nose them), and lodged him at his owne house, and

for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines,

till he was caused to pack him a way.  So he wente to

his old nest in ye Massachusets, wher it was not long

 

    * This paragraph is written on the reverse of the page immediately pre-

ceding, in the original manuscript.


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                303

 

but by his miscariage he gave them just occation to

lay hands on him; and he was by them againe sent

prisoner into England, wher he lay a good while in

Exeter Jeole.  For besids his miscariage here, he was

vemently suspected for ye murder of a man that had

adventured moneys with him, when he came first, into

New-England.  And a warrente was sente from ye Lord

Cheefe Justice to apprehend him, by vertue wherof he

was by the Govr of ye Massachusets sent into England;

and for other his misdemenors amongst them, they

demolisht his house, that it might be no longer a roost

for shuch unclaine birds to nestle in.  Yet he got free

againe, and write an infamouse & scurillous booke

against many godly & cheefe men of ye cuntrie; full

of lyes & slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies

against their names and persons, and ye ways of

God.  After sundry years, when ye warrs were hott

in England, he came againe into ye cuntrie, and was

implisoned at Boston for this booke and other things,

being grown old in wickednes.

      Concerning ye rest of Mr. Allertons instructions, in

which they strictly injoyned him not to exceed above

yt 50li. in ye goods before mentioned, not to bring any

but trading comodities, he followed them not at all,

but did the quite contrarie; bringing over many other

sorts of retaile goods, selling what he could by the

way on his owne accounte, and delivering the rest,

which he said to be theirs, into ye store; and for


304                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

trading goods brought but title in comparison; excusing

the matter, they had laid out much about ye Laiden

people, & patent, &c.  And for other goods, they had

much of them of ther owne dealings, without present

disbursemente, & to like effect.  And as for passing

his bounds & instructions, he laid it on Mr. Sherley,

&c., who, he said, they might see his mind in his

leters; also that they had sett out Ashley at great

charg; but next year they should have what trading

goods they would send for, if things were now well

setled, &c.  And thus were they put off; indeed Mr.

Sherley write things tending this way, but it is like he

was overruled by Mr. Allerton, and harkened more to

him then to their letters from hence.

     Thus he further writs in ye former leter.

 

     I see what you write in your leters concerning ye over-

coming & paying of our debts, which I confess are great,

and had need be carfully looked unto; yet no doubt but

we, joyning in love, may soone over-come them; but we

must follow it roundly & to purposs, for if we pedle out

ye time of our trad, others will step in and nose us.  But

we know yt you have yt aquaintance & experience in ye coun-

trie, as none have the like; wherfore, freinds & partners, be

no way discouraged with ye greatnes of ye debt, &c., but let

us not fulfill ye proverbe, to bestow 12d. on a purse, and put

6d. [168] in it; but as you and we have been at great charg,

and undergone much for setling you ther, and to gaine ex-

perience, so as God shall enable us, let us make use of it.

And think not with 50li. pound a yeare sent you over, to

rayse shuch means as to pay our debts.  We see a possi-


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLAKTATION.                305

 

billitie of good if you be well supplied, and fully furnished;

and cheefly if you lovingly agree.  I know I write to godly

and wise men, such as have lerned to bear one an others

infirmities, and rejoyce at any ones prosperities; and if

I were able I would press this more, because it is hoped

by some of your enimies, that you will fail out one with

another, and so over throw your hopfull bussines.  Nay,

I have heard it crediblie reported, yt some have said, that

till you be disjoynted by discontents & factions* amongst

your sellves, it bootes not any to goe over, in hope of getting

or doing good in those parts.  But we hope beter things of

you, and that you will not only bear one with another, but

banish such thoughts, and not suffer them to lodg in your

brests.  God grant you may disappointe ye hopes of your

foes, and procure ye hartie desire of your selves & freinds

in this perticuler.

 

     By this it appears that ther was a kind of concurrance

betweene Mr. Allerton and them in these things, and

that they gave more regard to his way & course in

these things, then to ye advise from hence; which made

him bould to presume above his instructions, and to

rune on in ye course he did, to their greater hurt after-

wards, as will appear.  These things did much trouble

them hear, but they well knew not how to help it,

being loath to make any breach or contention hear

aboute; being so premonished as before in ye leter

above recited.  An other more secrete cause was here-

with concurrente; Mr. Allerton had maried ye daughter

of their Reverend Elder, Mr. Brewster (a man beloved

*Fractions in the manuscript.


306                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

& honoured amongst them, and who tooke great paines

in teaching & dispenceing ye word of God unto them),

whom they were loath to greeve or any way offend,

so as they bore with much in that respecte.  And with

all Mr. Allerton carried so faire with him, and procured

such leters from Mr. Sherley to him, with shuch ap-

plause of Mr. Allertons wisdom, care, and faithfullnes,

in ye bussines; and as things stood none were so fitte

to send aboute them as he; and if any should suggest

other wise, it was rather out of envie, or some other

sinister respecte then other wise.  Besids, though pri-

vate gaine, I doe perswade my selfe, was some cause

to lead Mr. Allerton aside in these beginings, yet I

thinke, or at least charitie caries me to hope, that he

intended to deale faithfully with them in ye maine, and

had such an opinion of his owne abillitie, and some

experience of ye benefite that he had made in this

singuler way, as he conceived he might both raise him

selfe an estate, and allso be a means to bring in such

profite to Mr. Sherley, (and. it may be ye rest,) as

might be as lickly to bring in their moneys againe

with advantage, and it may be sooner then from the

generall way; or at least it was looked upon by some

of them to be a good help ther unto; and that neither

he nor any other did intend to charge ye generall

accounte with any thing that rane in perticuler; or

yt Mr. Sherley or any other did purposs but yt ye

generall should be first & fully supplyed.  I say charitie


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                307

 

makes me thus conceive; though things fell out other

wise, and they missed of their aimes, and ye generall

suffered abundantly hereby, as will afterwards apear.

     [169] Togeither herewith sorted an other bussines

contrived by Mr. Allerton and them ther, wthout any

knowledg of ye partners, and so farr proceeded in as

they were constrained to allow therof, and joyne in

ye same, though they had no great liking of it, but

feared what might be ye evente of ye same.  I shall

relate it in a further part of Mr. Sherley's leter as

foloweth.

 

     I am to aquainte you that we have thought good to joyne

with one Edward Ashley (a man I thinke yt some of you

know); but it is only of yt place wherof he hath a patente

in Mr. Beachamps name; and to that end have furnished

him with larg provissions, &c.  Now if you please to be

partners with us in this, we are willing you shall; for after

we heard how forward Bristoll men (and as I hear some

able men of his owne kindrid) have been to stock & sup-

ply him, hoping of profite, we thought it fitter for us to lay

hould of such an opportunitie, and to keep a kind of runing

plantation, then others who have not borne ye burthen of

setling a plantation, as we have done.  And he, on ye other

side, like an understanding yonge man, thought it better to

joyne with those yt had means by a plantation to supply

& back him ther, rather then strangers, that looke but only

after profite.  Now it is not knowne that you are partners

with him; but only we 4., Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, my

selfe, & Mr. Hatherley, who desired to have ye patente, in

consideration of our great loss we have allready sustained

in setling ye first plantation ther; so we agreed togeather to


308                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

take it in our names.  And now, as I said before, if you

please to joyne with us, we are willing you should.  Mr.

Allerton had no power from you to make this new con-

tracte, neither was he willing to doe any thing therin with-

out your consente & approbation.  Mr. William Peirce is

joyned with us in this, for we thought it very conveniente,

because of landing Ashley and his goods ther, if God please;

and he will bend his course accordingly.  He hath a new

boate with him, and boards to make another, with 4. or 5.

lustie fellowes, wherof one is a carpenter.  Now in case

you are not willing in this perticuler to joyne with us, fear-

ing ye charge & doubting ye success, yet thus much we in-

treate of you, to afford him all the help you can, either by

men, commodities, or boats; yet not but yt we will pay

you for any thing he hath.  And we desire you to keep

ye accounts apart, though you joyne with us; becase ther

is, as you see, other partners in this then ye other; so, for

all mens wages, boats-hire, or comodities, which we shall

have of you, make him debtore for it; and what you shall

have of him, make ye plantation or your selves debtore

for it to him, and so ther will need no mingling of ye ac-

counts.

     And now, loving freinds & partners, if you joyne in Ashles

patent & bussines, though we have laid out ye money and

taken up much to stock this bussines & the other, yet I

thinke it conscionable and reasonable yt you should beare

your shares and proportion of ye stock, if not by present

money, yet by securing us for so much as it shall come

too; for it is not barly ye interest yt is to be alowed & con-

sidered of, but allso ye adventure; though I hope in God,

by his blessing & your honest indeavors, it may soon be

payed; yet ye years yt this partnership holds is not long,

nor many; let all therfore lay it to harte, and make ye best

use of ye time that possiblie we cann, and let every man


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 309

 

put too his shoulder, and ye burthen will be the lighter. 

I know you are so honest & conscionable men, as you will

consider hereof, [170] and returne shuch an answer as may

give good satisfaction.  Ther is none of us that would ven-

ture as we have done, were it not to strengthen & setle you

more then our owne perticuler profite.

      Ther is no liclyhood of doing any good in buying ye debte

for ye purchas.  I know some will not abate ye interest, and

therfore let it rune its course; they are to be paied yearly,

and so I hope they shall, according to agreemente.  The

Lord grant yt our loves & affections may still be united,

and knit togeither; and so we rest your ever loving friends,

JAMES SHERLEY.

TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.

Bristoll, March 19. 1629.

 

      This mater of ye buying ye debts of ye purchass

was parte of Mr. Allertons instructions, and in many

of them it might have been done to good profite for

ready pay (as some were); but. Mr. Sherley had no

mind to it.  But this bussines aboute Ashley did not

a litle trouble them; for though he had wite & abillitie

enough to menage ye bussines, yet some of them knew

him to be a very profane yonge man; and he had for

some time lived amonge ye Indeans as a savage, &

wente naked amongst them, and used their maners (in

wch time he got their language), so they feared he

might still rune into evill courses (though he prom-

ised better), and God would not prosper his ways.

As soone as he was landed at ye place intended, caled

Penobscote, some 4. score leagues from this place, he


310                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

write (& afterwards came) for to desire to be sup-

plyed with Wampampeake, corne against winter, and

other things.  They considered these were of their

cheefe comodities, and would be continually needed by

him, and it would much prejudice their owne trade

at Kenebeck if they did not joyne with him in ye

ordering of things, if thus they should supply him;

and on ye other hand, if they refused to joyne with

him, and allso to afford any supply unto him, they

should greatly offend their above named friends, and

might hapily lose them hereby; and he and Mr. Aller-

ton, laying their craftie wits togither, might gett sup-

plies of these things els wher; besids, they considered

that if they joyned not in ye bussines, they knew Mr.

Allerton would be with them in it, & so would swime,

as it were, betweene both, to ye prejudice of boath,

but of them selves espetially.  For they had reason

to thinke this bussines was cheefly of his contriving,

and Ashley was a man fitte for his turne and dealings.

So they, to prevente a worse mischeefe, resolved to

joyne in ye bussines, and gave him supplies in what

they could, & overlooked his proceedings as well as

they could; the which they did ye better, by joyning

an honest yonge man,*  that came from Leyden, with

him as his fellow (in some sorte), and not merely as

a servante.  Which yonge man being discreete, and

one whom they could trust, they so instructed as

* Thomas Willett.


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                311

 

keept Ashley in some good mesure within bounds. 

And so they returned their answer to their freinds

in England, that they accepted of their motion, and

joyned with them in Ashleys bussines; and yet with-

all tould them what their fears were concerning

him.

     But when they came to have full notice of all ye

goods brought them that year, they saw they fell very

short of trading goods, and Ashley farr better sup-

pleyed then [171] themselves; so as they were forced

to buy of the fisher men to furnish them selves, yea,

& cottens & carseys & other such like cloath (for

want of trading cloath) of Mr. Allerton himselfe, and

so to put away a great parte of their beaver, at under

rate, in the countrie, which they should have sente

home, to help to discharge their great ingagementes;

which was to their great vexation; but Mr. Allerton

prayed them to be contente, and ye nexte yere they

might have what they would write for.  And their in-

gagmentes of this year were great indeed when they

came to know them, (which was not wholy till 2.

years after); and that which made them ye more, Mr.

Allerton had taken up some large sumes at Bristoll at

50. pr cent. againe, which he excused, that he was

forcte to it, because other wise he could at ye spring

of year get no goods transported, such were their

envie against their trade.  But wheither this was any

more then an excuse, some of them doubted; but how-


312                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ever, ye burden did lye on their backs, and they must

bear it, as they did many heavie loads more in ye

end.

     This paying of 50. pr cent. and di:ficulty of having

their goods trasported by ye fishing ships at ye first

of ye year, (as was beleeved,) which was ye cheefe

season for trade, put them upon another projecte.  Mr.

Allerton, after ye fishing season was over, light of a

bargan of salte, at a good fishing place, and bought

it; which came to aboute 113li.; and shortly after he

might have had 30li. cleare profite for it, without any

more trouble aboute it.  But Mr. Winslow coming that

way from Kenebeck, & some other of ther partners

with him in ye barke, they mett with Mr. Allerton,

and falling into discourse with him, they stayed him

from selling ye salte; and resolved, if it might please

ye rest, to keep it for them selves, and to hire a ship

in ye west cuntrie to come on :fishing for them, on

shares, according to ye coustome; and seeing she might

have her salte here ready, and a stage ready builte

& fitted wher the salt lay safely landed & housed.

In stead of bringing salte, they might stowe her full

of trading goods, as bread, pease, cloth, &c., and so

they might have a full supply of goods without paing

fraight, and in due season, which might turne greatly to

their advantage.  Coming home, this was propounded,

and considered on, and aproved by all but ye Govr,

who had no mind to it, seeing they had allway lost


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                313

 

by fishing; but ye rest were so ernest, as thinkeing

that they might gaine well by ye fishing in this way;

and if they should but save, yea, or lose some thing

by it, ye other benefite would be advantage inough;

so, seeing their ernestnes, he gave way, and it was

referd to their freinds in England to alow, or disalow

it.  Of which more in its place.

     Upon ye consideration of ye bussines about ye paten,

& in what state it was left, as is before remembred,

and Mr. Sherleys ernest pressing to have Mr. Allerto

to come over againe to finish it, & perfect ye accounts,

&c., it was concluded to send him over this year

againe; though it was with some fear & jeolocie; yet

he gave them fair words and promises of well perform-

ing all their bussineses according to their directions,

and to mend his former errors.  So he was accordingly

sent with full instructions for all things, with large let-

ters to Mr. Sherley & ye rest, both aboute Ashleys

bussines and their owne suply with trading comodities,

and how much it did concerne them to be furnished

therwith, & what ye had suffered for wante therof; and

of what litle use other goods were [172] in com-

parison therof; and so likewise aboute this fishing ship,

to be thus hired, and fraught with trading goods,

which might both supply them & Ashley, and ye

benefite therof; which was left to their consideration

to hire & set her out, or not; but in no case not to

send any, exepte she was thus fraighte with trading


314                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

goods.  But what these things came too will appere

in ye next years passages.

     I had like to have omited an other passage that

fell out ye begining of this year.  Ther was one Mr.

Ralfe Smith, & his wife & familie, yt came over into

ye Bay of ye Massachusets, and sojourned at presente

with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe; here

being a boat of this place putting in ther on some

occasion, he ernestly desired that they would give him

& his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as

they could well carrie; having before heard yt ther was

liklyhood he might procure house-roome for some time,

till he should resolve to setle ther, if he might, or

els-wher as God should disposs; for he was werie of

being in yt uncoth place, & in a poore house yt would

neither keep him nor his goods drie.  So, seeing him to

be a grave man, & understood he had been a minister,

though they had no order for any such thing, yet they

presumed and brought him.  He was here accordingly

kindly entertained & housed, & had ye rest of his goods

& servants sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst

them, and afterwards was chosen into ye ministrie, and

so remained for sundrie years.

     It was before noted that sundry of those that came

from Leyden, came over in the ships yt came to Salem,

wher Mr. Endecott had cheefe comand; and by infection

that grue amonge ye passengers at sea, it spread also

among them a shore, of which many dyed, some of ye


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                315

 

scurvie, other of an infectious feaoure, which continued

some time amongst them (though our people, through

Gods goodnes, escaped it).  Upon which occasion he

write hither for some help, understanding here was one

that had some skill yt way, & had cured diverse of ye

scurvie, and others of other diseases, by letting blood,

& other means.  Upon which his request ye Govr hear

sent him unto them, and also write to him, from whom

he received an answere; the which, because it is breefe,

and shows ye begining of their aquaintance, and closing

in ye truth & ways of God, I thought it not unmeete,

nor without use, hear to inserte it; and an other show-

ing ye begining of their fellowship & church estate ther.

     Being as followeth.

 

Right worthy Sr:

      It is a thing not usuall, that servants to one mr. and of ye

same houshold should be strangers; I assure you I desire it

not, nay, to speake more plainly, I cannot be so to you. 

Gods people are all marked with one and ye same marke,

and sealed with one and ye same seale, and have for ye maine,

one & ye same harte, guided by one & same spirite of

truth; and wher this is, ther can be no discorde, nay, here

must needs be sweete harmonie.  And ye same request (with

you) I make unto ye Lord, that we may, as Christian

breethren, be united by a heavenly & unfained love; bend-

ing all our harts and forces in furthering a worke be-

yond our strength, with reverence & fear, fastening our eyse

allways on him that only is able to directe and prosper all

our ways.  I acknowledge my selfe much bound to you for

your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us,

 


316                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

and rejoyce much yt I am by him satisfied touching your

judgments of ye outward forme of Gods worshipe.  It is, as

farr as [173] I can yet gather, no other then is warrented

by ye evidence of truth, and ye same which I have proffessed

and maintained ever since ye Lord in mercie revealed him

selfe unto me; being farr from ye commone reporte that

hath been spread of you touching that perticuler.  But Gods

children must not looke for less here below, and it is ye

great mercie of God, that he strengthens them to goe through

with it.  I shall not neede at this time to be tedious unto

you, for, God willing, I purpose to see your face shortly.

In ye mean time, I humbly take my leave of you, comiting

you to ye Lords blessed protection, & rest,

Your assured loving friend,

 JO:  ENDECOTT.

Naumkeak,  May 11. Ano. 1629.

 

     This second leter sheweth ther proceedings in their

church affaires at Salem, which was ye 2. church erected

in these parts; and afterwards ye Lord established many

more in sundrie places.

 

     Sr:  I make bould to trouble you with a few lines, for to

certifie you how it hath pleased God to deale with us, since

you heard from us.  How, notwithstanding all opposition

that hath been hear, & els wher, it hath pleased God to lay

a foundation, the which I hope is agreeable to his word in

evry thing.  The 20. of July, it pleased ye Lord to move

ye hart of our Govr to set it aparte for a solemne day of

humilliation for ye choyce of a pastor & teacher.  The former

parte of ye day being spente in praier & teaching, the later

parte aboute ye election, which was after this maner.  The

persons thought on (who had been ministers in England)


1629.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                317

 

were demanded concerning their callings; they acknowledged

ther was a towfould calling, the one an inward calling,

when ye Lord moved ye harte of a man to take yt calling

upon him, and fitted him with guiftes for ye same; the

second was an outward calling, which was from ye people,

when a company of beleevers are joyned togither in cove-

nante, to walke togither in all ye ways of God, and every

member (being men) are to have a free voyce in ye choyce

of their officers, &c.  Now, we being perswaded that these

2. men were so quallified, as ye apostle speaks to Timothy,

wher he saith,  A bishop must be blamles, sober, apte to

teach, &c.,  I thinke I may say, as ye eunuch said unto

Philip,  What should let from being baptised, seeing ther

was water? and he beleeved.  So these 2. servants of God,

clearing all things by their answers, (and being thus fitted,)

we saw noe reason but we might freely give our voyces for

their election, after this triall.  So Mr. Skelton was chosen

pastor, and Mr. Higgison to be teacher; and they accepting

ye choyce, Mr. Higgison, with 3. or 4. of ye gravest mem-

bers of ye church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using

prayer therwith.  This being done, ther was imposission of

hands on Mr. Higgison also.  And since that time, Thursday

(being, as I take it, ye 6. of August) is appoynted for

another day of humilliation, for ye choyce of elders &

deacons, & ordaining of them.

     And now, good Sr, I hope yt you & ye rest of Gods people

(who are aquainted with the ways of God) with you, will

say that hear was a right foundation layed, and that these 2.

blessed servants of ye Lord came in at ye dore, and not at ye

window.  Thus I have made bould to trouble you with these

few lines, desiring you to remember us, &c.  And so rest,

   At your service in what I may,

CHARLES GOTT.

     Salem, July 30. 1629.


318                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

[174] Anno Dom: 1630.

     ASHLEY, being well supplyed, had quickly gathered

a good parcell of beaver, and like a crafty pate he

sent it all home, and would not pay for ye goods he

had had of ye plantation hear, but lett them stand still

on ye score, and tooke up still more.  Now though

they well enough knew his aime, yet they let him goe

on, and write of it into England.  But partly ye beaver

they received, & sould, (of which they weer sencible,)

and partly by Mr. Al1ertons extolling of him, they cast

more how to supplie him then ye plantation, and some-

thing to upbraid them with it.  They were forct to

buy him a barke allso, and to furnish her wth a mr. &

men, to transporte his corne & provissions (of which

he put of much); for ye Indeans of those parts have

no corne growing, and at harvest, after corne is ready,

ye weather grows foule, and ye seas dangerous, so as

he could doe litle good with his shallope for yt pur-

poss.

      They looked ernestly for a timely supply this spring,

by the fishing ship which they expected, and had been

at charg to keepe a stage for her; but none came, nor

any supply heard of for them.  At length they heard

sume supply was sent to Ashley by a fishing ship, at

which they something marvelled, and the more yt they

had no letters either from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley;

so they went on in their bussines as well as ye could.


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                319

 

At last they heard of Mr. Peirce his arivall in ye Bay

of ye Massachusetts, who brought passengers & goods

thither.  They presently sent a shallop, conceiving they

should have some thing by him.  But he tould them

he had none; and a ship was sett out on fishing, but

after 11. weeks beating at sea, she mett with shuch

foull weather as she was forcte back againe for Eng-

land, and, ye season being over, gave off ye vioage.

Neither did he hear of much goods in her for ye plan-

tation, or yt she did belong to them, for he had heard

some thing from Mr. Allerton tending that way.  But

Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, and was to

come in her, and was to fish for bass to ye east-

ward, and to bring goods, &c.  These things did much

trouble them, and half astonish them.  Mr. Winslow

haveing been to ye eastward, brought nuese of the like

things, wth some more perticulers, and yt it was like

Mr. Allerton would be late before he came.  At length

they, having an oppertunitie, resolved to send Mr.

Winslow, with what beaver they had ready, into Eng-

land, to see how ye squars wente, being very jeolouse

of these things, & Mr. Allertons courses; and writ

shuch leters, and gave him shuch instructions, as they

thought meet; and if he found things not well, to dis-

charge Mr. Allerton for being any longer agent for

them, or to deal any more in ye bussines, and to see

how ye accounts stood, &c.

     Aboute ye midle of somer arrives Mr. Hatherley in


320                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ye Bay of ye Massachusetts, (being one of ye part-

ners,) and came over in ye same ship that was set

out on fhishing (called ye Frendship).  They presently

sent to him, making no question but now they had

goods come, and should know how all things stood.

But they found [175] the former news true, how this

ship had been so long at sea, and spente and spoyled

her provissions, and overthrowne ye viage.  And he

being sent over by ye rest of ye partners, to see how

things wente hear, being at Bristoll with Mr. Allerton;

in ye shipe bought (called ye White-Angell), ready to

set sayle, over night came a messenger from Bastable

to Mr. Allerton, and tould him of ye returne of ye

ship, and what had befallen.  And he not knowing

what to doe, having a great chareg under hand, ye

ship lying at his rates, and now ready to set sayle,

got him to goe and discharg ye ship, and take order

for ye goods.  To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley

some thing reserved, and troubled in him selfe, (Mr.

Allerton not being ther,) not knowing how to dispose

of ye goods till he came; but he heard he was arived

with ye other ship to ye eastward, and expected his

coming.  But he tould them ther was not much for

them in this ship, only 2. packs of Bastable ruggs, and

2. hoggsheads of meatheglin, drawne out in wooden

flackets (but when these flackets came to be received,

ther was left but 6. gallons of ye 2. hogsheads, it be-

ing drunke up under ye name leackage, and so lost).


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                321

 

But the ship was filled with goods for sundrie gentle-

men, & others, that were come to plant in ye Mas-

sachusets, for which they payed fraight by ye tun.

And this was all the satisfaction they could have at

presente, so they brought this small parcell of goods

& returned with this nues, and a letter as obscure;

which made them much to marvell therat.  The letter

was as followeth.

 

Gentle-men, partners, and loving friends, &c.

     Breefly thus:  wee have this year set forth a fishing ship,

and a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so

have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will

appeare by ye accounts.  And because this ship (called ye

White Angell) is to acte 2. parts, (as I may say,) fishing

for bass, and trading; and that while Mr. Allerton was im-

ployed aboute ye trading, the fishing might suffer by car-

lesnes or neglecte of ye sailors, we have entreated your and

our loving friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over with him,

knowing he will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to

you, to see a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to

ye bussines; and so great contente to us, that if it should

please God ye one should faile, (as God forbid,) yet ye other

would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte.  For we

are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte

you withall, &c.  When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred

pounds a peece, we looked not much after it, but left it to

you, & your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite .

thanks & comendations, both of you & us, for his pains,

&c.);  but now we are out double, nay, trible a peece, some

of us, &c.; which maks us both write, and send over our

friend, Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly,

of which we doubte not of.  The main end of sending him


322                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

is to see ye state and accounte of all ye bussines, of all which

we pray you informe him fully, though ye ship & bussines

wayte for it and him.  For we should take it very unkindly

that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that,

when it pleaseth God he returnes, he could not give us con-

tente & satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of

any of you.  [176] But we hope you will so order bussines,

as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to

doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, &c.  I

will not promise, but shall indeaour & hope to effecte ye full

desire and grant of your patente, & that ere it be longe. 

I would not have you take any thing unkindly.  I have

not write out of jeolocie of any unjuste dealing.  Be you

all kindly saluted in ye Lord, so I rest,

Yours in what I may,

JAMES SHERLEY.

March 25.1630.

 

     It needs not be thought strange, that these things

should amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing

ship should be set out, and fraight with other mens

goods, & scarce any of theirs; seeing their maine end

was (as is before remembred) to bring them a full

supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any

excepte this was done.  And now a ship to come on

their accounte, clean contrary to their both end & order,

was a misterie they could not understand; and so much

ye worse, seeing she had shuch ill success as to lose

both her vioage & provissions.  The 2. thing, that

another ship should be bought and sente out on new

designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                323

 

any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken

of by any here, either by word or letter, neither could

they imagine why this should be.  Bass fishing was

never lookt at by them, but as soone as ever they

heard on it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that

would certainly turne to loss.  And for Mr. Allerton

to follow any trade for them, it was never in their

thoughts.  And 3ly, that their frieds should complaine

of disbursements, and yet rune into such great things,

and charge of shiping & new projects of their owne

heads, not only without, but against, all order & advice,

was to them very strang.  And 4ly, that all these mat-

ters of so great charg & imployments should be thus

wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they knew

not what to make of it.  But amids all their doubts

they must have patience till Mr. Allerton & Mr.

Hatherley should come.  In ye mean time Mr. Winslow

was gone for England; and others of them were forst

to folow their imployments with ye best means they

had, till they could hear of better.

     At length Mr. Hatherley & Mr. Allerton came unto

them, (after they had delivered their goods,) and find-

ing them strucken with some sadnes aboute these

things, Mr. Allerton tould them that ye ship Whit-

Angele did not belong to them, nor their accounte,

neither neede they have any thing to doe with her,

excepte they would.  And Mr. Hatherley confirmed

ye same, and said that they would have had him to have


324                                HISTORY OF                        [Book II.

 

had a parte, but he refused; but he made question

whether they would not turne her upon ye generall

accounte, if ther came loss (as he now saw was like),

seeing Mr. Allerton laid downe this course, and put

them on this projecte.  But for ye fishing ship, he tould

them they need not be so much troubled, for he had

her accounts here, and showed them that her first set-

ing out came not much to exceed 600li. as they might

see by ye accounte, which he showed them; and for

this later viage, it would arrise to profite by ye fraight

of ye goods, and ye salle of some katle which he shiped

and had allready sould, & was to be paid for partly

here & partly by bills into England, so as they should

not have this put on their acounte at all, except they

[178]* would.  And for ye former, he had sould so

much goods out of her in England, and imployed ye

money in this 2. viage, as it, togeither with such goods

& implements as Mr. Allerton must need aboute his

fishing, would rise to a good parte of ye money; for he

must have ye sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c.;

all which would rise to nere 400li.; so, with ye bearing

of their parts of ye rest of ye loses (which would not

be much above 200li.), they would clear them of this

whole accounte.  Of which motion they were glad, not

being willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but

aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken

therunto, and demand of Mr. Hatherley how he could

* 177 is omitted in MS.


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                325

 

make this good, if they should agree their unto, he

tould them he was sent over as their agente, and had

this order from them, that whatsoever he and Mr.

Allerton did togeather, they would stand to it; but

they would not alow of what Mr. Allerton did alone,

except they liked it; but if he did it alone, they would

not gaine say it.  Upon which they sould to him & Mr.

Allerton all ye rest of ye goods, and gave them present

possession of them; and a writing was made, and con-

firmed under both Mr. Hatherleys and Mr. Allertons

hands, to ye effecte afforesaide.  And Mr. Allertone,

being best aquainted wth ye people, sould away presenly

all shuch goods as he had no need of for ye fishing,

as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and ye

roads for them being all new, with sundry such usefull

goods, for ready beaver, by Mr. Hatherleys allowance.

And thus they thought they had well provided for

them selvs.  Yet they rebuked Mr. Allerton very much

for runing into these courses, fearing ye success of them.

Mr. Allerton & Mr. Hatherley brought to ye towne with

them (after he had sould what he could abroad) a great

quantity of other goods besids trading comodities; as

linen cloath, bedticks, stockings, tape, pins, ruggs, &c.,

I and tould them they were to have them, if they would;

but they tould Mr. Allerton that they had forbid him

before for bringing any such on their accounte; it

would hinder their trade and returnes.  But he & Mr.

Hatherley said, if they would not have them, they


326                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

would sell them, them selves, and take corne for what

they could not otherwise sell.  They tould them they

might, if they had order for it.  The goods of one

sorte & other came to upward of 500li.

     After these things, Mr. Allerton wente to ye ship

aboute his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, (according

to his order,) after he tooke knowledg how things stood

at ye plantation, (of all which they informed him

fully,) he then desired a boate of them to goe and

visite ye trading houeses, both Kenebeck, and Ashley

at Penobscote; for so they in England had injoyned

him.  They accordingly furnished him with a boate &

men for ye viage, and aquainted him plainly & thorowly

with all things; by which he had good contente and

satisfaction, and saw plainly yt Mr. Allerton plaid his

owne game, and rane a course not only to ye great

wrong & detrimente of ye plantation, who imployed &

trusted him, but abused them in England also, in pos-

sessing them with prejudice against ye plantation; as

yt they would never be able to repaye their moneys

(in regard of their great charge), but if [179] they

would follow his advice and projects, he & Ashley

(being well supplyed) would qujckly bring in their

moneys with good advantage.  Mr. Hatherley disclosed

also a further projecte aboute ye setting out of this

ship, ye White-angell; how, she being wel fitted with

good ordnance, and known to have made a great fight

at sea (when she belongd to Bristoll) and caried away


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                327

 

ye victory, they had agreed (by Mr. Allerton's means)

that, after she had brought a fraight of goods here into

ye countrie, and fraight her selfe with fish, she should

goe from hence to Port of porte,* and ther be sould,

both ship, goods, and ordenance; and had, for this

end, had speech with a factore of those parts, before-

hand, to whom she should have been consigned.  But

this was prevented at this time, (after it was known,)

partly by ye contrary advice given by their freinds

hear to Mr. Allerton & Mr. Hatherley, showing how it

might insnare their friends in England, (being men

of estate,) if it should come to be knowne; and for

ye plantation, they did and would disalow it, and pro-

test against it; and partly by their bad viage, for

they both came too late to doe any good for fishing,

and allso had such a wicked and drunken company as

neither Mr. Allerton nor any els could rule; as Mr.

Hatherley, to his great greefe & shame, saw, & be-

held, and all others that came nere them.

     Ashley likwise was taken in a trape, (before Mr.

Hatherley returned,) tor trading powder & shote with

ye Indeans; and was ceased upon by some in author-

itie, who allso would have confiscated above a thousand

weight of beaver; but ye goods were freed, for ye

Govr here made it appere, by a bond under Ashleys

hand, wherin he was bound to them in 500li. not to

trade any munition with ye Indeans, or other wise

 

* Oporto, called by the Dutch Port a port.


328                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to abuse him selfe; it was also manifest against him

that he had comited uncleannes with Indean women,

(things that they feared at his first imployment, which

made them take this strict course with him in ye be-

gining); so, to be shorte, they gott their goods freed,

but he was sent home prisoner.  And that I may make

an end concerning him, after some time of imprison-

mente in ye Fleet, by ye means of friends he was set

at liberty, and intended to come over againe, but ye

Lord prevented it; for he had a motion made to him,

by some marchants, to goe into Russia, because he had

such good skill in ye beaver trade, the which he ac-

cepted of, and ill his returne home was cast away at

sea; this was his end. 

     Mr. Hatherley, fully understanding ye state of all

things, had good satisfaction, and could well informe

them how all things stood betweene Mr. Allerton and

ye plantation.  Yea, he found yt Mr. Allerton had gott

within him, and [180] got all ye goods into his owne

hands, for which Mr. Hatherley stood joyntly ingaged

to them hear, aboute ye ship-Freidship, as also most

of ye fraigte money, besids some of his owne perticuler

estate; about wch more will appear here after.  So he

returned into England, and they sente a good quantity

of beaver with him to ye rest of ye partners; so both

he and it was very wellcome unto them.

    Mr. Allerton followed his affaires, & returned with

his White Angell, being no more imployed by ye plan-


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                329

 

tation; but these bussinesses were not ended till many

years after, nor well understood of a longe time, but

foulded up in obscuritie, & kepte in ye clouds, to ye

great loss & vexation of ye plantation, who in ye end

were (for peace sake) forced to bear ye unjust burthen

of them, to their allmost undoing, as will appear, if

God give life to finish this history.

     They sent their letters also by Mr. Hatherley to ye

partners ther, to show them how Mr. Hatherley & Mr.

Allerton had discharged them of ye Friendships

accounte, and that they boath affirmed yt the White-

Angell did not at all belong to them; and therfore

desired that their accounte might not be charged ther-

with.  Also they write to Mr. Winslow, their agente,

that he in like maner should (in their names) protest

against it, if any such thing should be intended, for

they would never yeeld to ye same.  As allso to sig-

nifie to them that they renounsed Mr. Allerton wholy,

for being their agente, or to have any thing to doe in

any of their bussines.

     This year John Billinton ye elder (one that came

over with ye first) was arrained, and both by grand

& petie jurie found guilty of willfull murder, by plaine

& notorious evidence.  And was for the same accord-

ingly  executed.*  This, as it was ye first execution

 

     * Hubbard, on page 101, notices the execution of Billington as taking

place "about September" of this year.  "Tbe murtherer expected that,

either for want of power to execute for capital offences, or for waut of


330                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

amongst them, so was it a mater of great sadnes unto

them.  They used all due means about his triall, and

tooke ye advice of Mr. Winthrop and other ye ablest

gentle-men in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, that were

then new-ly come over, who concured with them yt he

ought to dye, and ye land to be purged from blood.

He and some of his had been often punished for mis-

cariags before, being one of ye profanest families amongst

them.  They came from London, and I know not by

what freinds shufled into their company.  His facte was,

that he way-laid a yong-man, one John New-comin,

(about a former quarell,) and shote him with a gune,

wherof he dyed.*

      Having by a providence a letter or to yt came to

my hands concerning the proceedings of their Red:

freinds in ye Bay of ye Massachusets, who were latly

come over, I thought it not amise here to inserte

them, (so farr as is pertenente, and may be usefull

for after times,) before I conclude this year.

 

     Sr:  Being at Salem ye 25. of July, being ye saboath, after

ye eveing exercise, Mr. Johnson received a letter from ye

 

people to increase the plantation, he should have his life spared; but jus-

tice otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first murtherer of his neigh-

bour there, with the deserved punishment of death, for a warning to others."

The first offence committed in the colony was by Billington, in 1621, who,

for contempt of the Captain's lawful command, with opprobrious speeches,

was adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together.  Prince, I. 103, from

Bradford's pocket-book.

      * This paragraph was written on the reverse of page 180 of the original manuscript, near this place.


1630.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                331

 

Govr, Mr. John Winthrop, manifesting ye hand of God to

be upon them, and against them at Charles-towne, in visit-

ing them with sicknes, and taking diverse from amongst

them, not sparing ye righteous, but partaking with ye wicked

in these bodily judgments.  It was therfore by his desire

taken into ye Godly consideration of ye best hear, what was

to be done to pacifie ye Lords wrath, &c.  Wher it was con-

cluded, that the Lord was to be sought in righteousnes; and

to that end, ye 6. day (being Friday) of this present weeke,

is set aparte, that they may humble them selves before God,

and seeke him in his ordenances; and that then also such

godly persons that are amongst them, and know each to

other, may publickly, at ye end of their exercise, make

known their Godly desire, and practise ye same, viz. solemly

to enter into [181] covenante with ye Lord to walke in his

ways.  And since they are so disposed of in their outward

estats, as to live in three distinct places, each having men

of abilitie amongst them, ther to observe ye day, and be-

come 3. distincte bodys; not then intending rashly to pro-

ceed to ye choyce of officers, or ye admitting of any other

to their societie then a few, to witte, such as are well knowne

unto them; promising after to receive in such by confession

of faith, as shall appeare to be fitly qualified for y estate.

They doe ernestly entreate that ye church of Plimoth would

set apparte ye same day, for ye same ends, beseeching ye

Lord, as to withdraw his hand of correction from them, so

also to establish and direct them in his wayes.  And though

ye time be shorte, we pray you be provocked to this godly

worke, seing ye causes are so urgente; wherin God will be

honoured, and they & we undoubtedly have sweete com-

forte.  Be you all kindly saluted, &c.

Your brethren in Christ, &c.

     Salem, July 26. 1630.


332                                HISTORY  OF                       [BOOK II.

 

Sr: &c.  The sadd news here is, that many are sicke, and

many are dead; ye Lord in mercie looke upon them.  Some

are here entered into church covenante; the first were 4.

namly, ye Govr, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dud-

ley, and Mr. Willson; since that 5. more are joyned unto

them, and others, it is like, will adde them selves to them

dayly; the Lord increase them, both in number and in holi-

nes for his mercie sake.  Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cot-

tington, (a Boston man,) who tould me, that Mr. Cottons

charge at Hamton was,. that they should take advise of

them at Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them.

Here are diverce honest Christians that are desirous to see

us, some out of love which they bear to us, and ye good

perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so

ill as they have heard of us.  We have a name of holines,

and love to God and his saincts; the Lord make us more

and more answerable, and that it may be more then a name,

or ela it will doe us no good.  Be you lovingly saluted, and

all the rest of our friends.  The Lord Jesus blese us, and ye

whole Israll of God.  Amen.

Your loving brother, &c.

    Charles-towne,  Aug. 2. 1630.

 

     Thus out of smalle beginings greater things have been

prodused by his hand yt made all things of nothing,

and gives being to all things that are; and as one

small candle may light a thousand, so ye light here

kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sorte to our

whole nation; let ye glorious name of Jehova have all

ye praise.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                333

 

[182] Anno Dom: 1631.

     ASHLEY being thus by ye hand of God taken away,

and Mr. Allerton discharged of his imploymente for

them, their bussines began againe to rune in one

chanell, and them selves better able to guide the same,

Penobscote being wholy now at their disposing.  And

though Mr. William Peirce had a parte ther as is before

noted, yet now, as things stood, he was glad to have

his money repayed him, and stand out.  Mr. Winslow,

whom they had sent over, sent them over some supply

as soone as he could; and afterwards when he came,

which was something longe by reason of bussines, he

brought a large supply of suitable goods with him,

by which ther trading was well carried on.  But by

no means either he, or ye letters yey write, could take

off Mr. Sherley & ye rest from putting both ye Friend-

ship and Whit-Angell on ye generall accounte; which

caused continuall contention betweene them, as will

more appeare.

     I shall inserte a leter of Mr. Winslow's about these

things, being as foloweth.

 

     Sr:  It fell out by Gods providence, yt  I received and

brought your leters pr Mr. Allerton from Bristoll, to London;

and doe much feare what will be ye event of things.  Mr.

Allerton intended to prepare ye ship againe, to set forth

upon fishing.  Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beachamp, & Mr. Andrews,

they renounce all perticulers, protesting but for us they


334                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

would never have adventured one penie into those parts;

Mr. Hatherley stands inclinable to either.  And wheras you

write that he and Mr. Allerton have taken ye Whit-Angell

upon them, for their partners here, they professe they neiver

gave any such order, nor will make it good; if them selves

will cleare ye accounte & doe it, all shall be well.  What

ye evente of these things will be, I know not.  The Lord

so directe and assiste us, as he may not be dishonoured by

our divissions.  I hear (pr a freind) that I was much blamed

for speaking wt *  I heard in ye spring of ye year, concerning

ye buying & setting forth of yt ship; ! sure, if I should not

have tould you what I heard so peremtorly reported (which

report I offered now to prove at Bristoll), I should have

been unworthy my imploymente.  And concerning ye comis-

sion so long since given to Mr. Allerton, the truth is, the

thing we feared is come upon us; for Mr. Sherley & ye rest

have it, and will not deliver it, that being ye ground of our

agents credite to procure shuch great sumes.  But I looke

for bitter words, hard thoughts, and sower looks, from

sundrie, as well for writing this, as reporting ye former.

I would I had a more thankfull imploymente; but I hope

a good conscience shall make it comefortable, &c.

 

     Thus farr he.           Dated Nov: 16. 1631.

     The comission above said was given by them under

their hand and seale, when Mr. Allerton was first

imployed by them, and redemanded of him in ye year

29.  when they begane to suspecte his course.  He

tould them it was amongst his papers, but he would

seeke it out & give it them before he wente.  But he

 

          *Wth in mannscript.

! This was about ye selling ye ship in Spaine.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                335

 

being ready to goe, it was demanded againe.  He said

he could not find it, but it was amongst his papers,

which he must take wth him, [183] and he would send

it by ye boat from ye eastward; but ther it could not

be had neither, but he would seeke it up at sea.  But

whether Mr. Sherley had it before or after, it is not cer-

taine; but having it, he would not let it goe, but keeps

it to this day.  Wherfore, even amongst freinds, men

had need be carfull whom they trust, and not lett

things of this nature lye long unrecaled.

 

Some parts of ( Mr. Sherley's letters aboute these things, in

which ye truth is best manifested.

     Sr:  Yours I have received by our loving friends, Mr. Aller-

ton & Mr. Hatherley, who, blesed be God, after a long &

dangerous passage with ye ship Angell, are safely come to

Bristoll.  Mr. Hatherley is come up, but Mr. Allerton I have

not yet seen.  We thanke you, and are very glad you have

disswaded him from his Spanish viage, and yt he did not

goe on in these designes he intended; for we did all uterly

dislick of that course, as allso of ye fishing yt ye Freindship

should have performed; for we wished him to sell ye salte,

and were unwilling to have him undertake so much bussines,

partly for ye ill success we formerly had in those affairs, and

partly being loath to disburse so much money.  But he per-

swaded us this must be one way yt must repay us, for ye

plantation would be long in doing of it; ney, to my remem-

berance, he doubted you could not be able, with ye trade

ther, to maintaine your charge & pay us.  And for this very

cause he brought us on yt bussines with Ed: Ashley, for he

was a stranger to us, &c.


336                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

For ye fishing ship, we are sorie it proves so heavie, and

will be willing to bear our parts.  What Mr. Hatherley &

Mr. Allerton have done, no doubt but them selves will make

good; * we gave them no order to make any composition,

to seperate you and us in this or any other.  And I thinke

you have no cause to forsake us, for we put you upon no

new thing, but what your agent perswaded us to, & you by

your letters desired.  If he exceede your order, I hope you

will not blame us, much less cast us of, when our moneys

be layed out, &c.  But I fear neither you nor we have been

well delte withall, for sure, as you write, halfe 4000li., nay, a

quarter, in fitting comodities, and in seasonable time, would

have furnished you beter then you were.  And yet for all

this, and much more I might write, I dare not but thinke

him honest, and that his desire and intente was good; but ye

wisest may faile.  Well, now yt it hath pleased God to give

us hope of meeting, doubte not but we will all indeavore

to perfecte these accounts just & right, as soone as possibly

we can.  And I supposs you sente over Mr. Winslow, and we

Mr. Hatherley, to certifie each other how ye state of things

stood.  We have received some contente upon Mr. Hath-

erley's returne, and I hope you will receive good contente

     *They were too short in resting on Mr. Hatherleys honest word, for his

order to discharg them from ye Friendship's acconnte, when he and Mr.

Allerton made ye bargane with them, and they delivered them the rest of ye

goods; and therby gave them oppertunitie also to receive all the fraight

of boath viages, without seeing an order (to have such power) under their

hands in writing, which they never doubted of, seeing he affirmed he had

power; and they both knew his honestie, and yt he was spetially imployed

for their agente at this time.  And he was as shorte in resting on a verball

order from them; which was now denyed, when it came to a perticuler of

loss; but he still affirmed the same.  But they were both now taught how

to deale in ye world, espetially with marchants, in such cases.  But in ye end

this light upon these here also, for Mr. Allerton had gott all into his owne

hand, and Mr. Hatherley was not able to pay it, except they would have

uterlie undon him, as ye sequell will manifest.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                337

 

upon Mr. Winslow's returne.  Now I should come to answer

more perticulerly your letter, but herin I shall be very breefe.

The coming of ye White Angele on your accounte could not

be more strang to you, then ye buying of her was to us;

for you gave him comission* that what he did you would

stand too; we gave him none, and yet for his credite, and

your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c.  For yt

I write she was to acte tow parts, fishing & trade; beleeve

me, I never so much as thought of any perticuler trade,

nor will side with any yt doth, if I conceive it may wrong

you; for I ever was against it, useing these words:  They

will eate up and destroy ye generall.

 

     Other things I omite as tedious, and not very perte-

nente.  This was dated Novr. 19. 1631.

     In an other leter bearing date ye 24. of this month,

being an answer to ye generall order, he hath these

words:

 

[184] For ye White Angell, against which you write so

ernestly, and say we thrust her upon you, contrary to ye

intente of ye buyer, herin we say you forgett your selves,

and doe us wrong.  We will not take uppon us to devine

what ye thougts or intents of ye buyer was, but what he

spack we heard, and that we will affirme, and make good

against any yt oppose it; which is, yt unles shee were

bought, and shuch a course taken, Ashley could not be

supplyed; and againe, if he weer not supplyed, we could

not be satisfied what we were out for you.  And further,

you were not able to doe it; and he gave some reasons

 

     *This comission is abused; he never had any for shuch end, as they well

knew, nether had they any to pay this money, nor would have paid a peny,

if they had not pleased for some other respecte.


338                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

which we spare to relate, unless by your unreasonable re-

fusall you will force us, and so hasten yt fire which is a

kindling too fast allready, &c.

 

Out of another of his, bearing date Jan. 2. 1631.

     We purpose to keep ye Freidship and ye Whit Angell,

for ye last year viages, on the generall accounte, hoping

togeither they will rather produse profite then loss, and

breed less confution in our accounts, and less disturbance

in our affections.  As for ye White Angell, though we layed

out ye money, and tooke bills of salle in our owne names,

yet none of us had so much as a thought (I dare say) of

deviding from you in any thing this year, because we would

not have ye world (I may say Bristoll) take notice of any

breach betwixte Mr. Allerton and you, and he and us; and

so disgrace him in his proceedings on* in his intended viage.

We have now let him ye ship at 30li. pr month, by charter-

partie, and bound him in a bond of a 1000li. to performe

covenants, and bring her to London (if God please).  And

what he brings in her for you, shall be marked wth your

marke, and bils of laden taken, & sent in Mr. Winslows

letter, who is this day riding to Bristoll about it.  So in

this viage, we deale & are with him as strangers.  He hath

brought in 3. books of accounts, one for ye company, an

other for Ashley's bussines, and ye third for ye Whit-Angell

and Freidship.  The books, or coppies, we purpose to send

you, for you may discover ye errours in them better then

we.  We can make it appear how much money he hath had

of us, and you can charg him with all ye beaver he hath had

of you.  The totall sume, as he hath put it, is 7103. 17. 1.

Of this he hath expended, and given to Mr. Vines & others,

aboute 543li. ode money, and then by your books you will

*o in MS.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                339

 

find whether you had such, & so much goods, as he chargeth

you with all; and this is all that I can say at presente con-

cerning these accounts.  He thought to dispatch them in

a few howers, but he and Straton & Fogge were above

a month aboute them; but he could not stay till we had

examined them, for losing his fishing viage, which I fear

he hath allready done, &c.

      We blese God, who put both you & us in mind to send

each to other, for verily had he rune on in that desperate

& chargable course one year more, we had not been able to

suport him; nay, both he and we must have lyen in ye

ditch, and sunck under ye burthen, &c.  Had ther been

an ordelly course taken, and your bussines better managed,

assuredly (by ye blessing of God) you had been ye ablest

plantation that, as we think, or know, hath been under-

taken by Englishmen, &c.

 

    Thus farr of these letters of Mr. Sherley's. *

    [185] A few observations from ye former letters,

and then I shall set downe the simple truth of ye

things (thus in controversie betweene them), at least

as farr as by any good evidence it could be made to

appeare; and so laboure to be breefe in so tedious

and intricate a bussines, which hunge in expostulation

betweene them many years before ye same was ended.

That though ther will be often occasion to touch these

things about other passages, yet I shall not neede to

be large therin; doing it hear once for all.

      First, it seemes to appere clearly that Ashley's

bussines, and ye buying of this ship, and ye courses

 

     * The last two words not found in the MS. but obviously intended.


340                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

framed ther upon, were first contrived and proposed

by Mr. Allerton, as also yt the pleaes and pretences

which he made, of ye inablitie of ye plantation to

repaye their moneys, &c., and ye hops he gave them

of doing it with profite, was more beleeved & rested

on by them (at least some of them) then any thing

ye plantation did or said.

      2.  It is like, though Mr. Allerton might thinke not

to wrong ye plantation in ye maine, yet his owne

gaine and private ends led him a side in these things;

for it came to be knowne, and I have it in a letter

under Mr. Sherley's hand, that in ye first 2. or 3.

years of his imploymente, he had cleared up 400li. and

put it into a brew-house of Mr. Colliers in London,

at first under Mr. Sherley's name, &c.; besids what

he might have other wise.  Againe, Mr. Sherley and

he had perticuler dealings in some things; for he

bought up ye beaver that sea-men & other passengers

brought over to Bristoll, and at other places, and

charged ye bills to London, which Mr. Sherley payed;

and they got some time 50li. a peece in a bargen, as

was made knowne by Mr. Hatherley & others, besids

what might be other wise; which might make Mr.

Sherley harken unto him in many things; and yet

I beleeve, as he in his forementioned leter write,

he never would side in any perticuler trade wch he

conceived would wrong ye plantation, and eate up &

destroy ye generall.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                341

 

     31y.  It may be perceived that, seeing they had done

so much for ye plantation, both in former adventures

and late disbursements, and allso that Mr. Allerton

was ye first occasioner of bringing them upon these

new designes, which at first seemed faire & profitable

unto them, and unto which they agreed; but now,

seeing them to turne to loss, and decline to greater

intanglments, they thought it more meete for ye plan-

tation to bear them, then them selves, who had borne

much in other things allready, and so tooke advan-

tage of such comission & power as Mr. Allerton had

formerly had as their agente, to devolve these things

upon them.

     41y.  With pitie and compassion (touching Mr. Aller-

ton) I may say with ye apostle to Timothy, 1. Tim.

6. 9.  They that will be rich fall into many temtations

and snares, &c., and pearce them selves throw with

many sorrows, &c.; for the love of money is ye roote of

all evill, v. 10.  God give him to see ye evill in his

failings, that he may find mercie by repentance for ye

wrongs he hath done to any, and this pore plantation

in spetiall.  They that doe such things doe not only

bring them selves into snares, and sorrows, but many

with them, (though in an other kind,) as lamentable

experience shows; and is too manifest in this bussines.

     [186]  Now about these ships & their setting forth,

the truth, as farr as could be learned, is this.  The

motion aboute setting forth ye fishing ship (caled ye


342                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Frindship) came first from ye plantation, and ye rea-

sons of it, as is before remembered; but wholy left to

them selves to doe or not to doe, as they saw cause.

But when it fell into consideration, and ye designe was

held to be profitable and hopefull, it was propounded

by some of them, why might not they doe it of them

selves, seeing they must disburse all ye money, and

what need they have any refferance to ye plantation

in yt; they might take ye profite them selves, towards

other losses, & need not let ye plantation share therin;

and if their ends were other wise answered for their

supplyes to come too them in time, it would be well

enough.  So they hired her, & set her out, and

fraighted her as full as she could carry with passen-

gers goods yt belonged to ye Massachussets, which rise

to a good sume of money; intending to send ye plan-

tations supply in ye other ship.  The effecte of this

Mr. Hatherley not only declared afterward upon occa-

sion, but affirmed upon othe, taken before ye Govr &

Dep: Govr of ye Massachusets, Mr. Winthrop & Mr.

Dudley:  That this ship-Frindship was not sett out nor

intended for ye joynt partnership of ye plantation, but

for ye perticuler accounte of Mr. James Sherley, Mr.

Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr: Allerton, & him selfe.

This deposition was taken at Boston ye 29. of Aug:

1639. as is to be seen under their hands; besids some

other concurente  testimonies declared at severall times

to sundrie of them.

 


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                343

 

About ye Whit-Angell, though she was first bought,

or at least the price beaten, by Mr. Allerton (at Bris-

toll), yet that had been nothing if Mr. Sherley had

not liked it, and disbursed ye money.  And that she

was not intended for ye plantation appears by sun-

drie evidences;* as, first, ye bills of sale, or charter-

parties, were taken in their owne names, without any

mention or refferance to ye plantation at all; viz. Mr.

Sherley, Mr. Beachampe, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison,

and Mr. Allerton; for Mr. Hatherley fell off, and

would not joyne with them in this.  That she was

not bought for their accounte, Mr. Hatherley tooke

his oath before ye parties afforesaid, ye day and year

above writen.

     Mr. Allerton tooke his oath to like effecte concerning

this ship, the Whit-Angell, before ye Govr & Deputie,

the 7. of Sep: 1639. and likewise deposed, ye same

time, that Mr. Hatherley and him selfe did, in the

behalfe of them selves and ye said Mr. Sherley, Mr.

Andrews, & Mr. Beachamp, agree and undertake to

discharge, and save harmless, all ye rest of ye partners

& purchasers, of and from ye said losses of Freindship

for 200li., which was to be discounted therupon; as by

ther depossitions (which are in writing) may appeare

more at large, and some other depositions & other

 

     * About ye Whit-Angell they all mette at a certaine taverne in London,

wher they had a diner prepared, and had a conference with a factore aboute

selling of her in Spaine, or at Port a porte, as hath been before mentioned;

as Mr. Hatherley manifested, & Mr. Allerton could not deney.


344                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

testemonies by Mr. Winslow,* &c.  But I suppose

these may be sufficente to evince the truth in these

things, against all pretences to ye contrary.  And yet

the burthen lay still upon ye plantation; or, to speake

more truly and rightly, upon those few that were

ingaged for all, for they were faine to wade through

these things without any help from any.

      [187] Concerning Mr. Allerton's accounts, they were

so larg and intrecate, as they could not well understand

them, much less examine & correcte them, without a

great deale of time & help, and his owne presence,

which was now hard to gett amongst them; and it was

2. or 3. years before they could bring them to any

good pass, but never make them perfecte.  I know

not how it came to pass, or what misterie was in it,

for he tooke upon him to make up all accounts till

this time, though Mr. Sherley was their agente to buy

& sell their goods, and did more then he therin; yet

he past in accounts in a maner for all disbursments,

both concerning goods bought, which he never saw,

 

     * Mr. Winslow deposed, ye same time, before ye Govr afore said, &c. that

when he came into England, and ye partners inquired of ye success of ye

Whit Angell, which should have been laden wth bass and so sent for Port,

of Porting-gall, and their ship & goods to be sould; having informed them

that they were like to faile in their lading of bass, that then Mr. James

Sherley used these termes:  Feck, we must make one accounte of all; and

ther upon presed him, as agente for ye partners in Neu-England, to accepte

ye said ship Whit-Angell, and her accounte, into ye joynte partner-ship; which

he refused, for many reasons; and after received instructions from New-Engl:

to refuse her if she should be offered, which instructions he shewed them;

and wheras he was often pressed to accept her, he ever refused her, &c.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                345

 

but were done when he was hear in ye cuntrie or at

sea; and all ye expences of ye Leyden people, done

by others in his absence; the charges aboute ye patente,

&c.  In all which he made them debtore to him above

300li. and demanded paimente of it.  But when things

came to scaning, he was found above 2000li, debtore

to them, (this wherin Mr. Hatherley & he being joyntly

ingaged, which he only had, being included,) besids

I know not how much yt could never be cleared; and

interest moneys which ate them up, which he never

accounted.  Also they were faine to alow such large

bills of charges as were intolerable; the charges of ye

patent came to above 500li. and yet nothing done in it

but what was done at first without any confirmation;

30li. given at a clape, and 50li, spent in a journey.  No

marvell therfore if Mr. Sherley said in his leter, if their

bussines had been better managed, they might have

been ye richest plantation of any English at yt time.

Yea, he scrued up his poore old father in law's accounte

to above 200li. and brought it on ye generall accounte,

and to befreind him made most of it to arise out of

those goods taken up by him at Bristoll, at 50. per

cent., because he knew they would never let it lye

on ye old man, when, alass! he, poore man, never

dreamte of any such thing, nor yt what he had could

arise nere yt valew; but thought that many of them

had been freely bestowed on him & his children by

Mr: Allerton.  Nither in truth did they come nere yt


346                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

valew in worth, but yt sume was blowne up by interest

& high prises, which ye company did for ye most parte

bear, (he deserving farr more,) being most sory that

he should have a name to have much, when he had in

effecte litle.

     This year also Mr. Sherley sent over an accounte,

which was in a maner but a cash accounte what Mr.

Allerton had had of them, and disbursed, for which

he referd to his accounts; besids an account of beaver

sould, which Mr. Winslow & some others had carried

over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. Winslow

had sent & brought over, all which was comprised in yt

accounte, and all ye disbursments aboute ye Freindship,

& Whit-Angell, and what concerned their accounts

from first to last; or any thing else he could charg

ye partners with.  So they were made debtor in ye

foote of that accounte 4770li. 19. 2.* besids 1000li. still

due for ye purchase yet unpayed; notwithstanding all

ye beaver, and returnes that both Ashley & they had

made, which were not small.

     [188]  In these accounts of Mr. Sherley's some things

were obscure, and some things twise charged, as a 100.

 

     * So as a while before, wheras their great care was how to pay the pur-

chase, and those other few debts which were upon them, now it was with

them as it was some times with Saule's -father, who left careing for ye Asses,

and sorrowed for his sonn. 1. Sam. 10. 2.  So that which before they looked

at as a heavie burthen, they now esteeme but a small thing and a light

mater, in comparison of what was now upon them.  And thus ye Lord

oftentimes deals with his people to teach them, and humble them, that he

may doe them good in ye later end.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                347

 

of Bastable ruggs which came in ye Freindship, & cost

75li., charged before by Mr. Allerton, and now by him

againe, with other perticulers of like nature doubtfull,

to be twise or thrise charged; as also a sume of 600li.

which Mr. Allerton deneyed, and they could never un-

derstand for what it was.  They sent a note of these

& such like things afterward to Mr. Sherley by Mr.

Winslow; but (I know not how it came to pass) could

never have them explained. 

      Into these deepe sumes had Mr. Allerton rune them

in tow years, for in ye later end of ye year 1628. all

their debts did not amounte to much above 400li., as

was then noted; and now come to so many thousands.

And wheras in ye year 1629.  Mr. Sherley & Mr. Hath-

erley being at Bristoll, and write a large letter from

thence, in which they had given an account of ye debts,

and what sumes were then disbursed, Mr. Allerton

never left begging & intreating of them till they had

put it out.  So they bloted out 2. lines in yt leter in

which ye sumes were contained, and write upon it so

as not a word could be perceived; as since by them

was confessed, and by ye leters may be seene.  And

thus were they kept hoodwinckte, till now they were

so deeply ingaged.  And wheras Mr. Sherley:  did so

ernestly press yt Mr. Allerton might be sent over to

finish ye great bussines aboute ye patente, as may

be seen in his leter write 1629. as is before recorded,

and yt they should be ernest wth his wife to suffer him


348                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to goe, &c., he hath since confessed by a letter under

my hands, that it was Mr. Allerton's owne doings, and

not his, and he made him write his words, & not his

owne.  The patent was but a pretence, and not ye

thing.  Thus were they abused in their simplicitie,

and no beter then bought & sould, as it may seeme.

     And to mend ye matter, Mr. Allerton doth in a sorte

wholy now deserte them; having brought them into ye

briers, he leaves them to gett out as they can.  But

God crost him mightily, for he having hired ye ship

of Mr. Sherly at 30li. a month, he set forth againe

with a most wicked and drunken crue, and for covet-

ousnes sake did so over lade her, not only filling her

hould, but so stufed her betweene decks, as she was

walte, and could not bear sayle, and they had like to

have been cast away at sea, and were forced to put

for Millford Havene, and new-stow her, & put some

of ther ordnance & more heavie goods in ye botome;

which lost them time, and made them come late into

ye countrie, lose ther season, and made a worse viage

then ye year before.  But being come into ye countrie,

he sells trading comodities to any yt will buy, to ye

great prejudice of ye plantation here; but that which

is worse, what he could not sell, he trustes; and sets

up a company of base felows and maks them traders,

to rune into every hole, & into ye river of Kenebeck,

to gleane away ye trade from ye house ther, aboute

ye patente & priviledge wherof he had dasht away so


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                349

 

much money of theirs here; [189] and now what in

him lay went aboute to take away ye benefite therof,

and to overthrow them.  Yea, not only this, but he

furnishes a company, and joyns with some consorts,

(being now deprived of Ashley at Penobscote,) and

sets up a trading house beyoned Penobscote, to cute

of ye trade from thence also.  But ye French perceiv-

ing that that would be greatly to their damage allso,

they came in their begining before they were well

setled, and displanted them, slue 2. of their men, and

tooke all their goods to a good valew, ye loss being

most, if not all, Mr. Allerton's; for though some of

them should have been his partners, yet he trusted

them for their partes; the rest of ye men were sent

into France, and this was the end of yt projecte.  The

rest of those he trusted, being lose and drunken fel-

lows, did for ye most parte but coussen & cheate him

of all they got into their hands; that howsoever he

did his friends some hurte hereby for ye presente, yet

he gate title good, but wente by ye loss by Gods just

hand.  After in time, when he came to Pliffioth, ye

church caled him to accounte for these, and other his

grosse miscarrages; he confessed his faulte, and prom-

ised better walking, and that he would wind him selfe

out of these courses as soone as he could, &c.

     This year also Mr. Sherley would needs send them

over a new-acountante; he had made mention of such

a thing ye year before, but they write him word, that


350                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

their charge was great allready, and they neede not

increase it, as this would; but if they were well delte

with, and had their goods well sent over, they could

keep their accounts hear them selves.  Yet he now

sente one, which they did not refuse, being a yonger

brother of Mr. Winslows, whom they had been at

charge to instructe at London before he came.  He

came over in the White Angell with Mr. Allerton,

and ther begane his first imploymente; for though

Mr. Sherley had so farr befreinded Mr. Allerton, as

to cause* Mr. Winslow to ship ye supply sente to ye

partners here in this ship, and give him 4li. pr tune,

wheras others carried for 3. and he made them pay

their fraight ready downe, before ye ship wente out of

ye harbore, wheras others payed upon certificate of ye

goods being delivered, and their fraight came to up-

ward of 6. score pounds, yet they had much adoe to

have their goods delivered, for some of them were

chainged, as bread & pease; they were forced to take

worse for better, neither could they ever gett all.

And if Josias Winslow had not been ther, it had been

worse; for he had ye invoyce, and order to send them

to ye trading houses.

     This year their house at Penobscott was robed by ye

French, and all their goods of any worth they carlied

away, to ye value of 400. or 500li. as ye cost first peny

worth; in beaver 300li. waight; and ye rest in trading

 

* This word is obscure in MS.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                351

 

goods, as coats, ruggs, blankett, biskett, &c.  It was

in this maner.  The mr. of ye house, and parte of ye

company with him, were come with their vessell to ye

westward to fecth a supply of goods which was brought

over for them.  In ye mean time comes a smale French

ship into ye harbore (and amongst ye company was a

false Scott); they pretended they were nuly come from

ye sea, and knew not wher they were, and that their

vesell was very leake, and desired they might hale her

a shore and stop their leaks.  And many French com-

plements they used, and congees they made; and in

ye ende, seeing but 3. or 4. simple men, yt were ser-

vants, and by this Scoth-man understanding that ye

maister & ye rest of ye company were gone from

home, they fell of comending their gunes and muskets,

that lay upon racks by ye wall side, and tooke them

downe to looke on them, asking if they were charged.

And when they were possesst of them, one presents

a peece ready charged against ye servants, and another

a pistoll; and bid them not sturr, but quietly deliver

them their goods, and carries some of ye men aborde,

& made ye other help to carry away ye goods.  And

when they had tooke what they pleased, they sett them

at liberty, and wente their way, with this mocke, bid-

ing them tell their mr. when he came, that some of

ye Ile of Rey gentlemen had been ther. *

     *.The above paragraph was written on the reverse of page 188 of the

original manuscript.


352                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     * This year, on Sr Christopher Gardener, being, as

him selfe said, descended of yt house yt the Bishop of

Winchester came of (who was so great a persecutor

of Gods saincts in Queene Maries days), and being a

great traveler, received his first honour of knighthood

at Jerusalem, being made Knight of ye Sepulcher ther.

He came into these parts under pretence of forsaking

ye world, and to live a private life, in a godly course,

not unwilling to put him selfe upon any meane imploy-

ments, and take any paines for his living; and some

time offered him selfe to joyne to ye churchs in sundry

places.  He brought over with him a servante or 2.

and a comly yonge. woman, whom be caled his cousin,

but it was suspected, she (after y0 Italian maner) was

his concubine.  Living at ye Massachusets, for some

miscariages which he should have answered, he fled

away from authority, and gott amonge ye Indeans of

these parts; they sent after him, but could not gett

him, and promissed some reward to those yt should

find him.  The Indeans came to ye Govr here, and

tould wher he was, and asked if they might kill him;

he tould them no, by no means, but if they could take

him and bring him hither, they should be payed for

their paines.  They said he had a gune & a rapier,

& he would kill them if yey went aboute it; and ye

 

     * The following acconnt of Sir Christopher Gardiner, with the documents

accompanying it, extending to page 357, does not appear in the text of the

original mannscript, -- having been perhaps inadvertently omitted, -- but was

written on the reverse of pages 189-191.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.                 353

 

Massachuset Indeans said they might kille him.  But

ye Govr tould them no, they should not kill him, but

watch their opportunitie, & take him.  And so they

did, for when they light of him by a river side, he

got into a canowe to get from them, & when they

came nere, him, whilst he presented his peece at them

to keep them of, the streame carried ye canow against

a rock, and tumbled both him & his peece & rapier

into ye water; yet he got out, and having a litle

dagger by his side, they durst not close with him, but

getting longe pols they soone beat his dagger out of

his hand, so he was glad to yeeld; and they brought

him to ye Govr.  But his hands and armes were swolen

& very sore with ye blowes they had given him.  So

he used him kindly, & sent him to a lodging wher his

armes were bathed and anoynted, and he was quickly

well againe, and blamed ye Indeans for beating him

so much.  They said that they did but a litle whip

him with sticks.  In his lodging, those yt made his

bed found a litle note booke that by accidente had

slipt out of his pockett, or some private place, in

which was a memoriall what day he was reconciled

to ye pope & church of Rome, and in what universitie

he tooke his scapula, and such & such degrees.  It

being brought to ye Govr, he kept it, and sent ye

Govr of ye Massachusets word of his taking, who sent

for him.  So ye Govr sent him and these notes to ye

Govr ther, who tooke it very thankfuly; but after he


354                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

gott for England, he shewed his malice, but God pre-

vented him.

     See ye Govr leter on ye other side.

 

    Sr:  It hath pleased God to bring Sr. Christopher Gardener

safe to us, with thos that came with him.  And howsoever I

never intended any hard measure to him, but to respecte and

use him according to his qualitie, yet I let him know your

care of him, and yt he shall speed ye better for your medi-

ation.  It was a spetiall providence of God to bring those

notes of his to our hands; I desire yt you will please to

speake to all yt are privie to them, not to discovere them

to anyone, for yt may frustrate ye means of any further

use to be made of them.  The good Lord our God who hath

allways ordered things for ye good of his poore churches

here, directe us in this arighte, and dispose it to a good

issue.  I am sorie we put you to so much trouble about this

gentleman, espetialy at this time of great imploymente, but

I know not how to avoyed it.  I must againe intreate you,

to let me know what charge & troble any of your people

have been at aboute him, yt it may be recompenced.  So

with the true affection of a frind, desiring all happines to

your selfe & yours, and to all my worthy friends with you

(whom I love in ye Lord), I comende you to his grace &

good providence, & rest

Your most assured friend,

JOHN WINTHROP.

    Boston, May 5. 1631.

 

By occation wherof I will take a litle libertie to

declare what fell out by this mans means & malice,

 

* That is, in the original mannscript.


1631.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                355

 

complying with others.  And though I doubt not but

it will be more fully done by my honourd friends,

whom it did more directly concerne, and have more

perticuler knowledg of ye matter, yet I will here give

a hinte of ye same, and Gods providence in preventing

ye hurte that might have come by ye same.  The

intelligence I had by a letter from my much hond

and beloved freind, Mr. John Winthrop, Govr of ye

Massachusets.

 

     Sr:  Upon a petition exhibited by Sr. Christo: Gardner, Sr.

Ferd: Gorges, Captaine Masson, &c., against you and us, the

cause was heard before ye lords of ye Privie Counsell, and

after reported to ye king, the sucsess wherof maks it evi-

dent to all, that ye Lord hath care of his people hear.  The

passages are admirable, and too long to write.  I hartily

wish an opportunitie to imparte them unto you, being may

sheets of paper.  But ye conclusion was (against all mens

expectation) an order for our incouragmente, and much blame

and disgrace upon ye adversaries, wch calls for much thank-

fullnes from us all, which we purpose (ye Lord willing) to

express in a day of thanks-giving to our mercifull God, 

(I doubt not but you will consider, if it be not fitt for you

to joyne in it,) who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor-

rection, so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing,

in our deliverance out of so desperate a danger; so as that

wch our enemies builte their hopes upon to ruine us by, He

hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, as I shall

further aquainte you, when occasion shall serve.

     The coppy of ye order follows.


356                                HISTORY  OF                       [BOOK II.

 

At ye courte at Whit-hall ye 19. Jan: 1632.

 

Present

Sigillum      Lord Privie Seale                    Lord Cottinton

Ea: of Dorsett                          Mr. Trer

Lo: Vi: Falkland                      Mr. Vic Chambr

Lo: Bp: of London                   Mr. Sec: Cooke

Maister Sec: Windebanck

 

      Wheras his Matie hath latly been informed of great dis-

traction and much disorder in yt plantation in ye parts of

America called New-England, which, if they be true, & suf-

fered to rune on, would tende to ye great dishonour of this

kingdome, and utter ruine of that plantation.  For pre-

vention wherof, and for ye orderly settling of goverment,

according to ye intention of those patents which have been

granted by his Matie and from his late royall father king

James, it hath pleased his Matie that ye lords & others of his

most honourable Privie Counsell, should take ye same into

consideration.  Their lordships in ye first place thought fitt

to make a comitie of this bord, to take examination of ye

matters informed; which comitties having called diverse of

ye principall adventurers in yt plantation, and heard those

that are complanants against them, most of the things in-

formed being deneyed, and resting to be proved by parties

that must be called from yt place, which reqaired a long

expence of time; and at presente their lordships finding the

adventurers were upon dispatch of men, victles, and mar-

chandice for yt place, all which would be at a stand, if ye

adventurers should have discouragmente, or take suspition

that the state hear had no good opinion of yt plantation;

their lordships, not laying the faulte or fancies (if any be)

of some perticuler men upou the generall govermente, or

principall adventurers, (which in due time is further to be


1632.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                357

 

inquired into,) have thought fitt in ye meane time to declare,

that the appearences were so faire, and hopes so greate, yt

the countrie would prove both beneficiall to this kingdom,

and profitable to the perticuler adventurers, as yt the ad-

venturers had cause to goe on cherfully with their under-

takings, and rest assured, if things were carried as was

pretended when ye patents were granted, and accordingly as

by the patentes it is appointed, his Majestie would not only

maintaine the liberties & privileges heretofore granted, but

supply any thing further that might tend to the good gover-

mente, prosperitie, and comforte of his people ther of that

place, &c.

WILLIAM TRUMBALL.

 

Anno Dom: 1632.

     MR. ALLERTON, returning for England, litle regarded

his bound of a 1000li. to performe covenants; for

wheras he was bound by ye same to bring ye ship to

[190] London, and to pay 30li. per month for her hire,

he did neither of boath, for he carried her to Bristoll

againe, from whence he intended to sett her out againe,

and so did ye 3. time, into these parts (as after will

appear); and though she had been 10. months upon

ye former viage, at 30li. pr month, yet he never payed

peney for hire.  It should seeme he knew well enough

how to deale with Mr. Sherley.  And Mr. Sherley,

though he would needs tye her & her accounte upon

ye generall, yet he would dispose of her as him selfe

pleased; for though Mr. Winslow had in their names

protested against ye receiving her on yt accounte, or if


358                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ever they should hope to preveile in shuch a thing, yet

never to suffer Mr. Allerton to have any more to doe

in her, yet he ye last year let her wholy unto him,

and injoyned them to send all their supplye in her to

their prejudice, as is before noted.  And now, though

he broke his bonds, kepte no covenante, paid no hire,

nor was ever like to keep covenants, yet now he goes

and sells him all, both ship, & all her accounts, from

first to last (and in effecte he might as well have given

him ye same); and not only this, but he doth as good as

provide a sanctuary for him, for he gives him

one years time to prepare his accounte, and then to

give up ye same to them here; and then another year

for him to make pay mente of what should be due upon

yt accounte.  And in ye mean time writs ernestly to

them not to interupte or hinder him from his bussines,

or stay him aboute clearing accounts, &c.; so as he

in ye mean time gathers up all monies due for fraighte,

and any other debtes belonging either to her, or ye

Frindship's accounts, as his owne perticuler; and after,

sells ship, & ordnans, fish, & what he had raised, in

Spaine, according to ye first designe, in effecte; and

who had, or what became of ye money, he best knows.

In ye mean time their hands were bound, and could doe

nothing but looke on, till he had made all away into

other mens hands (save a few catle & a litle land &

some small maters he had here at Plimoth), and so in

ye end removed, as he had allready his person, so all


1632.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                359

 

his from hence.  This will better appere by Mr. Sher-

ley's leter.

 

     Sr:  These few lines are further to give you to understand,

that seeing you & we, that never differed yet but aboute ye

White-Angell, which somewhat troubleth us, as I perceive

it doth you.  And now Mr. Allerton beeing here, we have

had some confferance with him about her, and find him very

willing to give you & us all contente yt possiblie he can,

though he burthen him selfe.  He is contente to take ye

White-Angell wholy on him selfe, notwithstanding he mett

with pirates nere ye coast of lerland, which tooke away his

best sayles & other provissions from her; so as verily if we

should now sell her, she would yeeld but a small price,

besids her ordnance.  And to set her forth againe with fresh

money we would not, she being now at Bristoll.  Wherfore

we thought it best, both for you & us, Mr. Allerton being

willing to take her, to accepte of his bond of tow thousand

pounds, to give [191] you a true & perfecte accounte, and

take ye whole charge of ye Whit-Angell wholy to him selfe,

from ye first to ye last.  The accounte he is to make and

perfecte within 12. months from ye date of this letter, and

then to pay you at 6. and 6. months after, what soever shall

be due unto you and us upon the foote of yt accounte.

And verily, notwithstanding all ye disasters he hath had,

I am perswaded he hath enough to pay all men here and

ther.  Only they must have patience till he can gather in

what is due to him ther.  I doe not write this slightly, but

upon some ground of what I have seen (and perhaps you

know not of) under ye hands & seals of some, &c.  I rest

   Your assured friend,

JAMES SHERLEY.

     Des: 6. 1632.


360                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     But heres not a word of ye breach of former bonds

& covenants, or paimente of ye ships hire; this is

passt by as if no such thing had been; besids what

bonds or obligments so ever they had of him, ther

never came any into ye hands or sight of ye partners

here.  And for this yt Mr. Sherley seems to intimate

(as a secrete) of his abilitie, under ye hands & seals

of some, it was but a trick, having gathered up an

accounte of what was owing form such base fellows

as he had made traders for him, and other debts; and

then got Mr. Mahue, & some others, to affirme under

their hand & seale, that they had seen shuch accounts

yt were due to him.

     Mr. Hatherley came over againe this year, but upon

his owne occasions, and begane to make preparation

to plant & dwell in ye countrie.  He with his former

dealings had wound in what money he had in ye patner-

ship into his owne hands, and so gave off all partner-

ship (excepte in name), as was found in ye issue of

things; neither did he medle, or take any care aboute

ye same; only he was troubled about his ingagmente

aboute ye Friendship, as will after appeare.  And now

partly aboute yt accounte, in some reconings betweene

Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts yt Mr. Allerton

otherwise owed him upon dealing between them in

perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above 2000li.,

and would faine have ingaged ye partners here with it,

because Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But they

 


1632.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                361

 

tould him they had been fool'd longe enough with such

things, and shewed him yt it no way belonged to

them; but tould him he must looke to make good his

ingagment for ye Freindship, which caused some trouble

betweene Mr. Allerton and him.

      Mr. William Peirce did ye like, Mr. Allerton being

wound into his debte also upon particuler dealings;

as if they had been bound to make good all mens

debts.  But they easily shooke off these things.  But

Mr. Allerton herby rane into much trouble & vexation,

as well as he had troubled others, for Mr. Denison sued

him for ye money he had disbursed for ye 6. part of

ye Whit-Angell, & recovered ye same with damages.

    Though ye partners were thus pluged into great in-

gagments, & oppresed with unjust debts, yet ye Lord

prospered their trading, that they made yearly large

returnes, and had soone wound them selves out of all,

if yet they had otherwise been well delt with all; as

will more appear, here after.  [192] Also ye people

of ye plantation begane to grow in their owtward

estats, by reason* of ye flowing of many people into

ye cuntrie, espetially into ye Bay of ye Massachusets;

by which means corne & catle rose to a great prise,

by wch many were much inriched, and comodities grue

plentifull; and, yet in other regards this benefite turned

to their hurte, and this accession of strength to their

weaknes.  For now as their stocks increased, and ye

* Rea- in the mannscript.


362                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

increse vendible, ther was no longer any holding them

togeather, but now they must of necessitie goe to their

great lots; they could not other wise keep their katle;

and having oxen growne, they must have land for

plowing & tillage.  And no man now thought he could

live, except he had catle and a great deale of ground

to keep them; all striving to increase their stocks.

By which means they were scatered all over ye bay,

quickly, and ye towne, in which they lived compactly

till now, was left very thine, and in a short time

allmost desolate.  And if this had been all, it had

been less, thoug to much; but ye church must also be

devided, and those yt had lived so long togeather in

Christian & comfortable fellowship must now part and

suffer many divissions.  First, those that lived on their

lots on ye other side of ye bay (called Duxberie) they

could not long bring their wives & children to ye 

publick worship & church meetings here, but with such

burthen, as, growing to some competente number, they

sued to be dismissed and become a body of them

selves; and so they were dismiste (about this time),

though very unwillingly.  But to touch this sadd

matter, and handle things together that fell out after-

ward.  To prevent any further scatering from this

p1ace, and weakning of ye same, it was thought best to

give out some good farms to spetiall persons, yt would

promise to live at Plimoth, and lickly to be helpfull

to ye church or comonewelth, and so tye ye lands to


1632.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                363

 

Plimoth as farmes for the same; and ther they might

keepe their catle & tillage by some servants, and re-

taine their dwellings here.  And so some spetiall lands

were granted at a place generall, called Greens Harbor,

wher no al1otments had been in ye former divission, a

plase very weell meadowed, and fitt to keep & rear

catle, good store.  But alass! this remedy proved worse

then ye disease; for wthin a few years those that had

thus gott footing ther rente them selves away, partly

by force, and partly wearing ye rest with importunitie

and pleas of necessitie, so as they must either suffer

them to goe, or live in continuall opposition and con-

tention.  And others still, as yey conceived them selves

straitened, or to want accomodation, break away under

one pretence or other, thinking their owne conceived

necessitie, and the example of others, a warrente suffi-

cente for them.  And this, I fear, will be ye ruine of

New-England, at least of ye churches of God ther, &

will provock ye Lords displeasure against them.

    [193]  This year, Mr. William Perce came into ye

cuntry, & brought goods and passengers, in a ship

caled ye Lyon, which belonged cheefly to Mr. Sherley,

and ye rest of ye London partners, but these hear had

nothing to doe with her.  In this ship (besides beaver

which they had sent home before) they sent upwards

of 800li, in her, and some otter skines; and also ye

coppies of Mr. Allertons accounts, desiring that they

would also peruse & examene them, and rectifie shuch


364                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

things as they should find amise in them; and rather

because they were better acquaynted with ye goods

bought ther, and ye disbursments made, then they

could bee here; yea, a great part were done by them

selves, though Mr. Allerton brougt in ye accounte,

and sundry things seemed to them obscure and had

need of clearing.  Also they sente a booke of excep-

tions against his accounts, in such things as they could

manifest, and doubted not but they might adde more

therunto.  And also shewed them how much Mr. Aller-

ton was debtor to ye accounte; and desired, seeing

they had now put ye ship White-Angell, and all,

wholy into his power, and tyed their hands here, that

they could not call him to accounte for any thinge, till

ye time was expired which they had given him, and

by that time other men would get their debts of him,

(as sume had done already by suing him,) and he

would make all away here quickly out of their reach;

and therfore prayed them to looke to things, and gett

paymente of him ther, as it was all ye reason they

should, seeing they keept all ye bonds & covenants

they made with him in their owne hands; and here

they could doe nothing by ye course they had taken,

nor had any thing to show if they should goe aboute

it.  But it pleased God, this ship, being first to goe

to Verginia before she wente home, was cast away on

yt coast, not farr from Virginia, and their beaver was

all lost (which was ye first loss they sustained in that


1632.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                365

 

kind); but Mr. Peirce & ye men saved their lives,

and also their leters, and gott into Virginia, and so

safly home.   Ye accounts were now sent from hence

againe to them.  And thus much of ye passages of this

year.

 

A part of Mr. Peirce his leter* from Virginia.

     It was dated in Des: 25. 1632. and came to their

hand ye 7. of Aprill, before they heard any thing from

England.

 

      Dear freinds, &c.  Ye bruit of this fatall stroke that ye

Lord hath brought both on me and you all will come to your

ears before this cometh to your hands, (it is like,) and ther-

fore I shall not need to inlarg in perticulers, &c.  My whole

estate (for ye most parte) is taken away; and so yours, in

a great measure, by this and your former losses [he means

by ye French & Mr. Allerton].  It is time to looke aboute

us, before ye wrath of ye Lord breake forth to utter destruc-

tion.  The good Lord give us all grace to search our harts

and trie our ways, and turne unto ye Lord, and humble our

selves under his mightie hand, and seeke atonemente, &c.

Dear freinds, you may know yt all your beaver, and ye books

of your accounts, are swallowed up in ye sea; your letters

remaine with me, and shall be delivered, if God bring me

home.  But what should I more say?  Have we lost our

outward estates?  yet a hapy loss if our soules may gaine;

ther is yet more in ye Lord Jehova than ever we had yet

in ye world.  Oh that our foolish harts could yet be wained

from ye things here below, which are vanity and vexation

 

      * This letter was written on the reverse of folio 192 of the original manu-

script, and may properly be inserted here.


366                                HISTORY OF                        BOOK II.

 

of spirite; and yet we fooles catch after shadows, yt flye

away, & are gone in a momente, &c.  Thus with my con-

tinuall remembrance of you in my poore desires to ye throne

of grace, beseeching God to renew his love & favoure towards

you all, in & through ye Lord Jesus Christ, both in spirituall &

temporail good things, as may be most to the glory & praise

of his name, and your everlasting good.  So I rest,

Your afflicted brother in Christ,

                             WILLIAM PEIRCE.

Virginia, Des: 25. 1632.

 

Anno Dom: 1633.

      This year Mr. Ed:  Winslow was chosen Governor.

By the first returne this year, they had leters from

Mr. Sherley of Mr. Allertons further ill success, and

ye loss by Mr. Peirce, with many sadd complaints;

but litle hope of any thinge to be gott of Mr. Aller-

ton, or how their accounts might be either eased, or

any way rectified by them ther; but now saw plainly

yt the burthen of all would be cast on their backs. 

The spetiall passages of his letters I shall here inserte,

as shall be pertinente to these things; for though I am

weary of this tedious & uncomfortable subjecte, yet

for ye clearing of ye truth I am compelled to be more

larg in ye opening of these matters, upon wch [194]

so much trouble hath insued, and so many hard cen-

sures have passed on both sids.  I would not be par-

tiall to either, but deliver ye truth in all, and, as nere

as I can, in their owne words and passages, and so

leave it to the impartiall judgment of any that shall



1633.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                367

 

come to read, or veiw these things.  His leters are as

folow, dated June 24. 1633.

 

     Loving friends, my last* was sente in ye Mary & John,

by Mr. William Collier, &c.  I then certified you of ye great,

& uncomfortable, and unseasonable loss you & we had, in

ye loss of Mr. Peirce his ship, ye Lyon; but ye Lords holy

name be blessed, who gives & taks as it pleaseth him; his

will be done, Amen.  I then related unto you yt fearfull

accidente, or rather judgmente, ye Lord pleased to lay on

London Bridge, by fire, and therin gave you a touch of my

great loss; the Lord, I hope, will give me patience to bear

it, and faith to trust in him, & not in these slipery and un-

certaine things of this world.

     I hope Mr. Allerton is nere upon sayle with you by this;

but he had many disasters here before he could gett away;

yet ye last was a heavie one; his ship, going out of ye har-

bor at Bristoll, by stormie weather was so farr driven on ye

shore, as it cost him above l00li. before shee could be gott

off againe.  Verily his case was so lamentable as I could

not but afford him some help therin (and so did some were

strangers to him); besids, your goods were in her, and if

he had not been supported, he must have broke off his

viage, and so loss could not have been avoyded on all

sides.  When he first bought her, I thinke he had made

a saving match, if he had then sunck her, and never set

her forth.  I hope he sees ye Lords hand against him,

and will leave of these viages.  I thinke we did well in

parting with her; she would have been but a clogge to

ye accounte from time to time, and now though we shall

not gett much by way of satisfaction, yet we shall lose

no more.  And now, as before I have writte, I pray you

finish all ye accounts and reconings with him there; for here

* March 22.


368                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

he hath nothing, but many debtes that he stands ingaged

to many men for.  Besids, here is not a man yt will spend

a day, or scarce an hower, aboute ye accounts but my selfe,

and yt bussines will require more time and help then I can

afford.  I shall not need to say any more; I hope you will

doe yt which shall be best & just, to which adde mercie,

and consider his intente, though he failed in many perticu-

lers, which now cannot be helped, &c.

     To morrow, or next day at furthest, we are to pay 3001i.

and Mr. Beachamp is out of ye towne, yet ye bussines I

must doe.  Oh the greefe & trouble yt man, Mr. Allerton,

hath brought upon you and us!  I cannot forgett it, and

to thinke on it draws many a sigh from my harte, and

teares from my eyes.  And now ye Lord hath visited me

with an other great loss, yet I can undergoe it with more

patience.  But this I have follishly pulled upon my selfe,

.&c.  [And in another, he hath this passage:] By Mr. Aller-

tons faire propositions and large [195] promises, I have

over rune my selfe; verily, at this time greefe hinders me

to write, and tears will not suffer me to see; wherfore, as

you love those that ever loved you, and yt plantation, thinke

upon us.  Oh what shall I say of that man, who hath abused

your trust and wronged our loves!  but now to complaine is

too late, nither can I complaine of your backwardnes, for

I am perswaded it lys as heavie on your harts, as it doth

on our purses or credites.  And had ye Lord sent Mr.

Peirce safe home, we had eased both you and us of some

of those debts; the Lord I hope will give us patience to

bear these crosses; and that great God, whose care &

providence is every where, and spetially over all those that

desire truly to fear and serve him, direct, guid, prosper,

& blesse you so, as yt you may be able (as I perswade

my selfe you are willing) to discharge & take off this great

& heavie burthen which now lyes upon me for your saks;

and I hope in ye ende for ye good of you, and many thou-


 

1633.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               369

 

sands more; for had not you & we joyned & continued

togeather, New-England might yet have been scarce knowne,

I am persuaded, not so replenished & inhabited with honest

English people, as it now is.  The Lord increase & blesse

them, &e.  So, with my continuall praiers for you all, I rest

Your assured loving friend,

JAMES SHERLEY.

June 24. 1633.

 

      By this it apperes when Mr. Sherly sould him ye ship

& all her accounts, it was more for Mr. Allertons ad-

vantage then theirs; and if they could get any there,

well & good, for they were like to have nothing here.

And what course was held to hinder them there, hath

allready beene manifested.  And though Mr. Sherley

became more sinsible of his owne condition, by these

losses, and therby more sadly & plainly to complaine

of Mr. Allerton, yet no course was taken to help them

here, but all left unto them selves; not so much as to

examene &, rectifle ye accounts, by which (it is like)

some hundereds of pounds might have, been taken off.

But very probable it is, the more they saw was taken

off, ye less might come unto them selves.  But I leave

these maters, come to other things.

      Mr. Roger Williams (a man godly & zealous, having

many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente)

came over first to ye Massachusets, but upon some dis-

contente left yt place, and came hither, (wher he was

friedly entertained, according to their poore abilitie,)

and exercised his gifts amongst them, & after some


370                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

time was admitted a member of ye church; and his

teaching well approoved, for ye benefite wherof I still

blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his

sharpest admonitions & reproufs, so farr as they agreed

with truth.  He this year begane to fall into some

strang oppiions, and from opinion to practise; which

caused some controversie betweene ye church & him,

and in ye end some discontente on his parte, by occa-

sion wherof he left them some thing abruptly.  Yet

after wards sued for his dismission to ye church of

Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them

concerning him, and what care they ought to have of

him.  But he soone fell into more things ther, both

to their and ye goverments troble and [196] disturb-

ance.  I shall not need to name perticulers, they are

too well knowen now to all, though for a time ye

church here wente under some hard censure by his

occasion, from some that afterwards smarted them

selves.  But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and

so I shall leave ye matter, and desire ye Lord to shew

him his errors, and reduse him into ye way of truth,

and give him a setled judgment and constancie in ye

same; for I hope he belongs to ye Lord, and yt he

will shew him mercie.

     Having had formerly converse and famliarity with

ye Dutch, (as is before remembred,) they, seeing them

seated here in a barren quarter, tould them of a river

called by them ye Fresh River, but now is known


 

1633.]          PLYIMOUTH  PLANTATION.                  371

 

by ye name of Conightecute-River, which they often

comended unto them for a fine place both for plantation

and trade, and wished them to make use of it.  But

their hands being full otherwise, they let it pass. But

afterwards ther coming a companv of banisbte Indeans

into these parts, that were drivene out from thence by

the potencie of ye Pequents, which usurped upon them,

and drive them from thence, thev often sollisited them to

goe thither, and they should have much trad, espetially

if they would keep a house ther.  And having now

good store of comodities, and allso need to looke out

wher they could advantage them selves to help them

out of their great ingagments, they now begane to send

that way to discover ye same, and trade with ye natives.

They found it to be a fine place, but had no great

store of trade; but ye Indeans excused ye same in re-

gard of ye  season, and the fear ye Indans were in of

their enemise.  So they tried diverce times, not with

out profite, but saw ye most certainty would be by

keeping, a house ther, to receive ye trad when it came

down out of ye inland.  These Indeans, not seeing

them very forward to build ther, solisited them of ye

Massachusets in like sorte (for their end was to be

restored to their countrie againe); but they in ye Bay

being but latly come, were not fitte for ye same; but

some of their cheefe made a motion to joyne wth the

partners here, to trad joyntly with them in yt river,

the which they were willing to imbrace, and so they


372                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

should have builte, and put in equall stock togeather. 

A time of meeting was appointed at ye Massachusets,

and some of ye cheefe here was appointed to treat with

them, and went accordingly; but they cast many fears

of deanger & loss and the like, which was perceived

to be the maine obstacles, though they alledged they

were not provided of trading goods.  But those hear

offered at presente to put in sufficiente for both, pro-

vided they would become ingaged for ye halfe, and

prepare against ye nexte year.  They conffessed more

could not be offered, but thanked them, and tould them

they had no mind to it.  They then answered, they

hoped it would be no offence unto [197] them, if them

sellves wente on without them, if they saw it meete.

They said ther was no reason they should; and thus

this treaty broake of, and those here tooke conveniente

time to made a begining ther; and were ye first English

that both discovered that place, and built in ye same,

though they were litle better then thrust out of it after-

ward as may appeare.

      But ye Dutch begane now to repente, and hearing

of their purpose & preparation, indeoured to prevente

them, and gott in a litle before them, and made a

slight forte, and planted 2. peeces of ordnance, threten-

ing to stopp their passage.  But they having made

a smale frame of a house ready, and haveing a great

new-barke, they stowed their frame in her hold, &

cords to cover & finishe it, having nayles & all other


1633.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                373

 

provisions fitting for their use.  This they did ye rather

that they might have a presente defence against ye

Indeans, who weare much offended that they brought

home & restored ye right Sachem of ye place (called

Natawanute); so as they were to incounter with a duble

danger in this attempte, both ye Dutch and ye Indeans.

When they came up ye river, the Dutch demanded

what they intended, and whither they would goe; they

answered, up ye river to trade (now their order was

to goe and seat above them).  They bid them strike,

& stay, or els they would shoote them; & stood by

ther ordnance ready fitted.  They answered they had

comission from ye Govr of Plimoth to goe up ye river

to such a place, and if they did shoote, they must obey

their order and proceede; they would not molest them,

but would goe one.  So they passed along, and though

the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they shoot not.

Coming to their place, they clapt up their house

quickly, and landed their provissions, and left ye com-

panie appoynted, and sent the barke home; and after-

wards palisadoed their house aboute, and fortified them

selves better.  The Dutch sent word home to ye Mon-

hatas what was done; and in proces of time, they sent

a band of aboute 70. men, in warrlike maner, with

collours displayed, to assaulte them; but seeing them

strengtened, & that it would cost blood, they came

to parley, and returned in peace.  And this was their

enterance ther, who deserved to have held it, and not


374                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

by freinds to have been thrust out, as in a sorte they

were, as will after appere.  They did ye Dutch no

wrong, for they took not a foote of any land they

bought, but went to ye place above them, and bought

that tracte of land which belonged to these Indeans

which they carried with them, and their friends, with

whom ye Dutch had nothing to doe.  But of these

matters more in another place.

     It pleased ye Lord to visite them this year with an

infectious fevoure, of which many fell very sicke, and

upward of 20. persons dyed, men and women, besids

children, and sundry of them of their anciente friends

which had lived in Roland; as Thomas Blossome,

Richard Masterson, with sundry [198] others, and in

ye end (after he had much helped others) Samuell

Fuller, who was their surgeon & phisition, and had

been a great help and comforte unto them; as in his

facultie, so otherwise, being a deacon of ye church,

a man godly, and forward to doe good, being much

missed after his death; and he and ye rest of their

brethren much lamented by them, and caused much

sadnes & mourning amongst them; which caused them

to humble them selves, & seeke ye Lord; and towards

winter it pleased the Lord ye sicknes ceased.  This

disease allso swept away many of ye Indeans from

all ye places near adjoyning; and ye spring before,

espetially all ye month of May, ther was such a

quantitie of a great sorte of flies, like (for bignes)


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                375

 

to wasps, or bumble-bees, which came out of holes in

ye ground, and replenished all ye woods, and eate ye

green-things, and made such a constante yelling noyes,

as made all ye woods ring of them, and ready to deafe

ye hearers.  They have not by ye English been heard

or seen before or since.  But ye Indeans tould them

yt sicknes would follow, and so it did in June, July,

August, and ye cheefe heat of somer.

     It pleased ye Lord to inable them this year to send

home a great quantity of beaver, besids paing all their

charges, & debts at home, which good returne did

much incourage their freinds in England.  They sent

in beaver 3366li. waight, and much of it coat beaver,

which yeeled 20s. pr pound, & some of it above; and

of otter-skines* 346. sould also at a good prise.  And

thus much of ye affairs of this year.

 

Anno Dom: 1634.

    THIS year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Govr.

Mr. Sherleys letters were very breefe in answer of

theirs this year.  I will forbear to coppy any part

therof, only name a head or 2. therin.  First, he

desirs they will take nothing ill in what he formerly

write, professing his good affection towards them as .

before, &c.   21y.  For Mr. Allertons accounts, he is

perswaded they must suffer, and yt in no small sumes;

* The skin was sold at 14s. and 15. ye pound.


376                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

and that they have cause enough to complaine, but it

was now too late.  And that he had failed them ther

those here, and him selfe in his owne aimes.  And

that now, having thus left them here, he feared God

had or would leave him, and it would not be strang,

but a wonder if he fell not into worse things, &c.  3ly.

He blesseth God and is thank full to them for ye good

returne made this year.  This is ye effecte of his

letters, other things being of more private nature.

     I am now to enter upon one of ye sadest things that

befell them since they came; but before I begine, it

will be needfull to premise such parte of their patente

as gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck; as

followeth:

 

     [199] The said Counsell hath further given, granted, bar-

ganed, sold, infeoffed, alloted, assigned, & sett over, and

by these presents doe clearly and absolutly give, grante,

bargane, sell, alliene, enffeofe, allote, assigne, and confirme

unto ye said William Bradford, his heires, associates, and

assignes, All that tracte of land or part of New-England

in America afforesaid, which lyeth within or betweene, and

extendeth it selfe from ye utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which

adjoyneth to ye river of Kenebeck, towards the westerne

ocean, and a place called ye falls of Nequamkick in America,

aforsaid; and ye space of 15. English myles on each side

of ye said river, commonly called Kenebeck River, and all ye

said river called Kenebeck that lyeth within the said limits

& bounds, eastward, westward, northward, & southward, last

above mentioned; and all lands, grounds, soyles, rivers,

waters, fishing, &c.  And by vertue of ye authority to us de-


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                377

 

rived by his said late Matis Lres patents, to take, apprehend,

seise, and make prise of all such persons, their ships and

goods, as shall attempte to inhabite or trade with ye savage

people of that countrie within ye severall precincts and limits

of his & their severall plantations, &c.

 

     Now it so fell out, that one Hocking, belonging to

ye plantation of Pascataway, wente with a barke and

comodities to trade in that river, and would needs

press into their limites; and not only so, but would

needs goe up ye river above their house, (towards ye

falls of ye river,) and intercept the trade that should

come to them.  He that was cheefe of ye place forbad

them, and prayed him that he would not offer them

that injurie, nor goe aboute to infring their liberties,

which had cost them so dear.  But he answered he

would goe up and trade ther in dispite of them, and

lye ther as longe as he pleased.  The other tould him

he must then be forced to remove him from thence, or

make seasure of him if he could.  He bid him doe his

worste, and so wente up, and anchored ther.  The

other tooke a boat & some men & went up to him,

when he saw his time, and againe entreated him: to

departe by what perswasion he could.  But all in

vaine: he could gett nothing of him but ill words.

So he considred that now was ye season for trade

to come downe, and if he should suffer him to lye,

& take it from them, all ther former charge would be

lost, and they had better throw up all.  So, con-


378                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

sulting with his men, (who were willing thertoe,) he

resolved to put him from his anchores, and let him

drive downe ye river with ye streame; but comanded ye

men yt none should shoote a shote upon any occasion,

except he comanded them.  He spoake to him againe,

but all in vaine; then he sente a cuple in a canow to

cutt his cable, the which one of them performes; but

Hocking taks up a pece which he had layed ready,

and as ye barke shered by ye canow, he shote [200]

him close under her side, in ye head, (as I take it,)

so he fell downe dead instantly.  One of his fellows

(that loved him well) could not hold, but with a

muskett shot Hocking, who fell downe dead and never

speake word.  This was ye truth of ye thing.  The

rest of ye men carried home the vessell and ye sad

tidings of these things.  Now ye Lord Saye & ye Lord

Brooks, with some other great persons, had a hand in

this plantation; they write home to them, as much as

they could to exasperate them in ye matter, leaveing

out all ye circomstances, as if he had been kild without

any offenc of his parte, conceling yt he had kild another

first, and ye just occasion that he had given in offering

such wrong; at wch their Lordsps were much offended,

till they were truly informed of ye mater. 

      The bruite of this was quickly carried all aboute,

(and yt in ye worst maner,) and came into ye Bay

to their neighbours their.  Their owne barke coming

home, and blinging a true relation of ye matter, sundry


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                379

 

were sadly affected with ye thing, as they had cause. 

It was not long before they had occasion to send their

vessell into ye Bay of ye Massachusetts; but they were

so prepossest with this matter, and affected with ye

same, as they comited Mr. Alden to prison, who was

in ye bark, and had been at Kenebeck, but was no

actore in ye bussines, but wente to carie them supply.

They dismist ye barke aboute her bussines, but kept

him for some time.  This was thought strang here,

and they sente Capten Standish to give them true in-

formation, (togeather with their letters,) and ye best

satisfaction they could, and to procure Mr. Alden's

release.  I shall recite a letter or 2. which will show

the passages of these things, as folloeth.

 

Good Sr:

     I have received your lres by Captaine Standish, & am

unfainedly glad of Gods mercie towards you in ye recovery

of your health, or some way thertoo.  For ye bussines you

write of, I thought meete to answer a word or 2. to your

selfe, leaving the answer of your Govr he to our courte, to

whom ye same, together with my selfe is directed.  I conceive

(till I hear new matter to ye contrary) that your patente may

warrente your resistance of any English from trading at

Kenebeck, and yt blood of Hocking, and ye partie he slue,

will be required at his hands.  Yet doe I with your selfe &

others sorrow for their deaths.  I thinke likewise yt your

generall lres will satisfie our courte, and make them cease

from any further inter medling in ye mater:  I have upon

ye same lre sett Mr. Alden at liberty, and his sureties, and

yet, least I should seeme to neglecte ye opinion of our court


380                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

& ye frequente speeches of others with us, I have bound

Captaine Staudish to appeare ye 3. of June at our nexte

courte, to make affidavid for ye coppie of ye patente, and

to manifest the circumstances of Hockins provocations; both

which will tend to ye clearing of your inocencie.  If any

unkindnes hath ben taken from what we have done, let it

be further & better considred of, I pray you; and I hope ye

more you thinke of it, the lesse blame you will impute to us.

At least you ought to be just in differencing them, whose

opinions concurr [201] with your owne, from others who

were opposites; and yet I may truly say, I have spoken wth

no man in ye bussines who taxed you most, but they are

such as have many wayes heretofore declared ther good

affections towards your plantation.  I further referr my selfe

to ye reporte of Captaine Standish & Mr. Allden; leaving

you for this presente to Gods blessing, wishing unto you

perfecte recovery of health, and ye long continuance of it.

I desire to be lovingly remembred to Mr. Prence, your Govr,

Mr. Winslow, Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I knew

how.  The Lord keepe you all.  Amen.

     Your very loving freind in our Lord Jesus,

THO: DUDLEY.

New-towne, ye 22. of May, 1634.

 

Another of his about these things as followeth.

     Sr:  I am right sorrie for ye news that Captaine Standish &

other of your neigbours and my beloved freinds will bring

now to Plimoth, wherin I suffer with you, by reason of my

opinion, which differeth from others, who are godly & wise,

amongst us here, the reverence of whose judgments causeth

me to suspecte myne owne ignorance; yet must I remaine

in it untill I be convinced therof.  I thought not to have

shewed your letter written to me, but to have done my best


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                381

 

to have reconciled differences in ye best season & maner I

could; but Captaine Standish requiring an answer therof

publickly in ye courte, I was forced to produce it, and that

made ye breach soe wide as he can tell you.  I propounded

to ye courte, to answer Mr. Prences lre, your Govr, but our

courte said it required no answer, it selfe being an answer

to a former lre of ours.  I pray you certifie Mr. Prence so

much, and others whom it concereth, that no neglecte or ill

maners be imputed to me theraboute.  The late lres I received

from England wrought in me divere fears* of some trials

which are shortly like to fall upon us; and this unhappie

contention betweene you and us, and between you & Pas-

cattaway, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinarie

hand doe not help us.  To reconcile this for ye presente

will be very difficulte, but time cooleth distempers, and a

comone danger to us boath approaching, will necessitate our

uniting againe.  I pray you therfore, Sr. set your wisdom

& patience a worke, and exhorte others to ye same, that

things may not proceede from bad to worse, so making our

contentions like ye barrs of a pallace, but that a way of

peace may be kepte open, wherat ye God of peace may have

enterance in his owne time.  If you suffer wrong, it shall

be your honor to bear it patiently; but I goe to farr in

needles putting you in mind of these things.  God hath done

great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be

multiplied upon you more & more.  I will commite no more

to writing, but comending my selfe to your prayers, doe rest,

             Your truly loving freind in our Lord Jesus,

THO: DUDLEY.

June 4. 1634.

 

     * Ther was cause enough of these feares, which arise by ye underworking

of some enemies to ye churches here, by which this Comission following was

procured from his Matie. (See this paper in appendix, No. 11.)


382                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     By these things it appars what troubls rise her-

upon, and how hard they were to be reconciled; for

though they hear were hartily sorrie for what was

fallen out, yet they conceived they were unjustly

injuried, and provoked to what was done; and that

their neigbours (haveing no jurisdiction over them)

did more then was mete, thus to imprison one of

theirs, and bind them to [202] their courte.  But

yet being assured of their Christian love, and per-

swaded what was done was out of godly zeale, that

religion might not suffer, nor sine any way covered

or borne with, espetially ye guilte of blood, of which

all should be very consciencious in any whom soever,

they did indeavore to appease & satisfie them ye best

they could; first, by informing them ye truth in all

circomstances aboute ye matter; 2ly, in being willing to

referr ye case to any indifferante and equall hearing

and judgmente of the thing hear, and to answere it

els wher when they should be duly called therunto;

and further they craved Mr. Winthrops, & other of ye

reved magistrats ther, their advice & direction herein.

This did mollifie their minds, and bring things to a

good & comfortable issue in ye end.

     For they had this advice given them by Mr. Win-

throp, & others concurring with him, that from their

courte, they should write to the neigboure plantations,

& espetially that of ye lords, at Pascataway, and

theirs of ye Massachusets, to appointe some to give


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                383

 

them meeting at some fitt place, to consulte & deter-

mine in this matter, so as ye parties meeting might

have full power to order & bind, &c.  And that noth-

ing be done to ye infringing or prejudice of ye liber-

ties of any place.  And for ye clearing of conscience,

ye law of God is, yt ye preist lips must be consulted

with, and therfore it was desired that ye ministers

of every plantation might be presente to give their

advice in pointe of conscience.  Though this course

seemed dangerous to some, yet they were so well

assured of ye justice of their cause, and ye equitie

of their freinds, as they put them selves upon it, &

appointed a time, of which they gave notice to ye

severall places a month before hand; viz. Massachu-

sets, Salem, & Pascataway, or any other yt they

would give notice too, and disired them to produce

any evidence they could in ye case.  The place for

meeting was at Boston.  But when ye day & time

came, none apered, but some of ye magistrats and

ministers of ye Massachusets, and their owne.  Seeing

none of Passcataway or other places came, (haveing

been thus desired, & conveniente time given them for

yt end,) Mr. Winthrop & ye rest said they could doe

no more then they had done thus to requeste them,

ye blame must rest on them.  So they fell into a fair

debating of things them selves; and after all things

had been fully opened & discussed, and ye opinione

of each one demanded, both magistrats, and ministers,


384                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

though they all could have wished these things had

never been, yet they could not but lay ye blame &

guilt on Hockins owne head; and withall gave them

such grave & godly exhortations and advice, as they

thought meete, both for ye presente & future; which

they allso imbraced with love & thankfullnes, prom-

ising to indeavor to follow ye same.  And thus was

this matter ended, and ther love and concord re-

newed; and also Mr. Winthrop & Mr. Dudley write

in their behalfes to ye Lord Ssay & other gentl-men

that were interesed in yt plantation, very effectually,

wth which, togeather with their owne leters, and Mr.

Winslows furder declaration of things unto them, they

rested well satisfied.

     [203] Mr. Winslow was sente by them this year

into England, partly to informe and satisfie ye Lord

Say & others, in ye former matter, as also to make

answer and their just defence for ye same, if any

thing should by any be prosecuted against them at

Counsell-table, or els wher; but this matter tooke

end, without any further trouble, as is before noted.

And partly to signifie unto ye partners in England,

that the terme of their trade with ye company here

was out, and therfore he was sente to finishe ye

accounts with them, and to bring them notice how

much debtore they should remaine on yt accounte,

and that they might know what further course would

be best to hold.  But ye issue of these things will


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                385

 

appear in ye next years passages.  They now sente

over by him a great returne, which was very accep-

table unto them; which was in beaver 3738li. waight,

(a great part of it, being coat-beaver, sould at 20s.

pr pound,) and 234. otter skines;*  which alltogeather

rise to a great sume of money.

     This year (in ye foreparte of ye same) they sente

forth a barke to trad at ye Dutch-Plantation; and

they mette ther with on Captaine Stone, that had

lived in Christophers, one of ye West-Ende llands,

and now had been some time in Virginia, and came

from thence into these parts.  He kept company with

ye Dutch Gover, and, I know not in what drunken

fitt, he gott leave of ye Govr to ceaise on their barke,

when they were ready to come away, and had done

their markett, haveing ye valew of 500li. worth of

goods abord her; having no occasion at all, or any

collour of ground for such a thing, but having made

ye Govr drunck, so as he could scarce speake a right

word; and when he urged him hear aboute, he answered

him, Als 't u beleeft. ! So he gat abord, (the cheefe of

their men & marchant being ashore,) and with some

of his owne men, made ye rest of theirs waigh an-

chor, sett sayle, & carry her away towards Virginia.

But diverse of ye Dutch sea-men, which had bene often

at Plimoth, and kindly entertayned ther, said one to

another,  Shall we suffer our freinds to be thus abused,

         * And ye skin at 14s.      !That is, "If you please."


386                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

and have their goods carried away, before our faces,

whilst our Govr is drunke?  They vowed they would

never suffer it; and so gott a vessell or 2. and pur-

sued him, & brought him in againe, and delivered

them their barke & goods againe. 

       After wards Stone came into ye Massachusets, and

they sent & commensed suite against him for this

facte; but by mediation of freinds it was taken up,

and ye suite lett fall.  And in ye company of some

other gentle-men Stone came afterwards to Plimoth,

and had freindly & civill entertainmente amongst them,

with ye rest; but revenge boyled within his brest,

(though concelled,) for some conceived he had a pur-

pose (at one time) to have staped the Govr, and put

his hand to his dagger for that end, but by Gods

providence and ye vigilance of some was prevented. 

He afterward returned to Virginia, in a pinass, with

one Captaine Norton & some others; and, I know not

for what occasion, they would needs goe up Coonigte-

cutt River; and how they carried themselves I know

not, but ye Indeans knoct him in ye head, as he lay

in his cabine, and had thrown ye covering over his

face (whether out of fear or desperation is uncer-

taine); this was his end.  They likewise killed all ye

rest, but Captaine Norton defended him selfe a long

time against them all in ye cooke-roome, till by acci-

dente the gunpowder tooke fire, which (for readynes)

he had sett in an open thing before him, which did


1634.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                387

 

so burne, & scald him, & blind his eyes, as he could

make no longer resistance, but was slaine also by

them, though they much comended his vallour.  And

having killed ye men, they made a pray of what they

had, and chafered away some of their things to ye

Dutch that lived their.  But it was not longe before

a quarell fell betweene the Dutch & them, and they

would have cutt of their bark; but they slue ye cheef

sachem wth ye shott of a murderer.*

     I am now to relate some strang and remarkable pas-

sages.  Ther was a company of people lived in ye

country, up above in ye river of Conigtecut, a great

way from their trading house ther, and were enimise

to those Indeans which lived aboute them, and of

whom they stood in some fear (bing a stout people).

About a thousand of them had inclosed them selves

in a forte, which they had strongly palissadoed about.

3. or 4. Dutch men went up in ye begining of winter

to live with them, to gett their trade, and prevente

them for bringing it to ye English, or to fall into

amitie with them; but at spring to bring all downe

to their place.  But their enterprise failed, for it

pleased God to visite these Indeans with a great sick-

nes, and such a mortalitie that of a 1000. above 900.

and a halfe of them dyed, and many of them did rott

above ground for want of buriall, and ye Dutch men

 

   * The two paragraphs above were written on the reverse of folios 202 and

203 of the original manuscript, under this year.


388                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

allmost starved before they could gett away, for ise

and snow.  But about Feb: they got with much diffi-

cultie to their trading house; whom they kindly re-

leeved, being allmost spente with hunger and could.

Being thus refreshed by them diverce days, they got

to their owne place, and ye Dutch were very thankfull

for this kindnes.

     This spring, also, those Indeans that lived aboute

their trading house there fell sick of ye small poxe,

and dyed most miserably; for a sorer disease cannot

befall them; they fear it more then ye plague; for

usualy they that have this disease have them in abun-

dance, and for wante of bedding & lining and other

helps, they fall into a lamentable condition, as they

lye on their hard matts, ye poxe breaking and matter-

ing, and runing one into another, their skin cleaving

(by reason therof) to the matts they lye on; when

they turne them, a whole side will flea of at once,

[204] ( as it were,) and they will be all of a gore

blood, most fearfull to behold; and then being very

sore, what with could and other distempers, they dye

like rotten sheep.  The condition of this people was

so lamentable, and they fell downe so generally of

this diseas, as they were (in ye end) not able to help

on another; no, not to make a fire, nor to fetch a

litle water to drinke, nor any to burie ye dead; but

would strivie as long as they could, and when they

could procure no other means to make fire, they

.


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                389

 

would burne ye woden trayes & dishes they ate their

meate in, and their very bowes & arrowes; & some

would crawle out on all foure to gett a litle water,

and some times dye by ye way, & not be able to gett

in againe.  But those of ye English house, (though

at first they were afraid of ye infection,) yet seeing

their woefull and sadd condition, and hearing their

pitifull cries and lamentations, they had compastion

of them, and dayly fetched them wood & water, and

made them fires, gott them victualls whilst they lived,

and buried them when they dyed.  For very few of

them escaped, notwithstanding they did what they

could for them, to ye haszard of them selvs.  The

cheefe Sachem him selfe now dyed, & allmost all his

freinds & kinred.  But by ye marvelous goodnes &

providens of God not one of ye English was so much

as sicke, or in ye least measure tainted with this dis-

ease, though they dayly did these offices for them for

many weeks togeather.  And this mercie which they

shewed them was kindly taken, and thankfully ac-

knowledged of all ye Indeans that knew or heard of

ye same; and their mrs here did much comend & re-

ward them for ye same.

 

Anno.Dom: 1635.

     MR. WINSLOW was very wellcome to them in Eng-

land, and ye more in regard of ye large returne he

brought with him, which came all safe to their hands,


390                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

and was well sould.  And he was borne in hand, (at

least he so apprehended,) that all accounts should be

cleared before his returne, and all former differences

ther aboute well setled.  And so he writ over to

them hear, that he hoped to cleare ye accounts, and

bring them over with him; and yt the accounte of

ye White Angele would be taken of, and all things

fairly ended.  But it came to pass [205] that, being

occasioned to answer some complaints made against

the countrie at Counsell bord, more cheefly concerning

their neigbours in ye Bay then them selves hear, the

which he did to good effecte, and further prosecuting

such things as might tend to ye good of ye whole, as

well them selves as others, aboute ye wrongs and in-

croachments that the French & other strangers both

had and were like further to doe unto them, if not

prevented, he prefered this petition following to their

Honrs that were deputed Comissioners for ye Planta-

tions.

 

To ye right honorable ye Lords Comissioners for ye Plan-

tations in America.

    The humble petition of Edw: Winslow, on ye behalfe of

ye plantations in New-England,

     Humbly sheweth unto your Lordships, yt wheras your peti-

tioners have planted them selves in New England under his

Matis most gratious protection; now so it is, right Honbl,

that ye French & Dutch doe indeaouer to devide ye land

betweene them; for which purpose ye French have, on ye

east side, entered and seased upon one of our houses, and


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATIQN.                391

 

carried away the goods, slew 2. of ye men in another place,

and tooke ye rest prisoners with their goods.  And ye Dutch,

on ye west, have also made entrie upon Conigtecute River,

within ye limits of his Majts lrs patent, where they have

raised a forte, and threaten to expell your petitioners thence,

who are also planted upon ye same river, maintaining posses-

sion for his Matie to their great charge, & hazard both of lives

& goods.

     In tender consideration hereof your petitioners humbly pray

that your Lopps will either procure their peace wth those foraine

states, or else to give spetiall walTante unto your petitioners

and ye English Collonies, to right and defend them selves

against all foraigne enimies. And your petitioners shall

pray, &c.

 

      This petition found good acceptation with most of

them, and Mr. Winslow was heard sundry times by

them, and appointed further to attend for an answer

from their Lopps, espetiaIly, having upon conferance

with them laid downe a way how this might be doone

without any either charge or trouble to ye state; only

by furnishing some of ye cheefe of ye cuntry hear

with authoritie, who would undertake it at their owne

charge, and in such a way as should be without any

publick disturbance.  But this crossed both Sr Ferdi-

nandos Gorges' & Cap: Masons designe, and ye arch-

bishop of Counterberies- by them; for Sr Ferd: Gorges

(by ye arch-pps favore) was to have been sent over

generall Govr into ye countrie, and to have had means

from ye state for yt end, and was now upon dispatch

and conclude of ye bussines.  And ye arch-bishops


392                                HISTORY OF                        [Book II.

 

purposs & intente was, by his means, & some he 

should send with him, (to be furnished with Episco-

pall power,) [206] to disturbe ye peace of ye churches

here, and to overthrow their proceedings and further

growth, which was ye thing he aimed at.  But it so

fell out (by Gods providence) that though he in ye

end crost this petition from taking any further effecte

in this kind, yet by this as a cheefe means the plotte

and whole bussines of his & Sr Ferdinandos fell to ye

ground, and came to nothing. When Mr. Winslow

should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon ye

pointe it was,) and should have been confirmed, the

arch-bishop put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow,

thinking to gett it freed, went to ye bord againe; but

ye bishop, Sr Ferd: and Captine Masson, had, as it

seemes, procured Morton (of whom mention is made

before, & his base carriage) to complaine; to whose

complaints Mr. Winslow made answer to ye good sat-

isfaction of ye borde, who checked Morton and re-

buked him sharply, & allso blamed Sr Ferd Gorges,

& Masson, for countenancing him.  But ye bish: had

a further end & use of his presence, for he now be-

gane to question Mr. Winslow of many things; as

of teaching in ye church publickly, of which Morton

accused him, and gave evidence that he had seen and

heard him doe it; to which Mr. Winslow answered,

that some time (wanting a minster) he did exercise

his gifte to help ye edification of his breethren, when


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                393

 

they wanted better means, wch was not often.  Then

aboute mariage, the which he also confessed, that,

haveing been called to place of magistracie, he had

sometimes maried some.  And further tould their

lordps yt mariage was a civille thinge, & he found no

wher in ye word of God yt it was tyed to ministrie.

Again, they were necessitated so to doe, having for

a long time togeather at first no minister; besids, it

I was no new-thing, for he had been so maried him

selfe in Holand, by ye magistrats in their Statt-house.

But in ye end (to be short), for these things, ye

bishop, by vemente importunity, gott ye bord at last

to consente to his comittemente; so he was comited

to ye Fleete, and lay ther 17. weeks, or ther aboute,

before he could gett to be released.  And this was ye

end of this petition, and this bussines; only ye others

designe was also frustrated hereby, with other things

concurring, which was no smalle blessing to ye people

here.

     But ye charge fell heavie on them hear, not only in

Mr. Winslows expences, (which could not be smale,)

but by ye hinderance of their bussines both ther and

hear, by his personall imploymente.  For though this

was as much or more for others then for them hear,

and by them cheefly he was put on this bussines,

(for ye plantation kewe nothing of it till they heard

of his imprisonmente,) yet ye whole charge lay on

them.


394                                HISTORY OF                        [Book II.

 

Now for their owne bussines; whatsoever Mr. Sher-

leys mind was before, (or Mr. Winslow apprehension

of ye same,) he now declared him selfe plainly, that

he would neither take of ye White-Angell from ye

accounte, nor [207] give any further accounte, till he

had received more into his hands; only a prety good

supply of goods were sent over, but of ye most, no

note of their prises, or so orderly an invoyce as for-

merly; which Mr. Winslow said he could not help,

because of his restrainte.  Only now Mr. Sherley &

Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of

atturney under their hands & seals, to recovere what

they could of Mr. Allerton for ye Angells accounte;

but sent them neither ye bonds, nor covenants, or such

other evidence or accounts, as they had aboute these

matters.  I shall here inserte a few passages out of

Mr. Sherleys letters aboute these things.

 

     Your leter of ye 22. of July, 1634, by your trustie and our

loving friend Mr. Winslow, I have received, and your larg

parcell of beaver and otter skines.  Blessed be our God,

both he and it came safly to us, and we have sould it in

tow parcells; ye skin at 14s. li. & some at 16.; ye coate at

20s. ye pound.  The accounts I have not sent you them this

year, I will referr you to Mr. Winslow to tell you ye reason

of it; yet be assured yt none of you shall suffer by ye not

having of them, if God spare me life.  And wheras you say

ye 6. years are expired yt ye peopl put ye trad into your &

our hands for, for ye discharge of yt great debte wch Mr.

Allerton needlesly & unadvisedly ran you & us into; yet it

was promised it should continue till our disbursments & in-


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                395

 

gagements were satisfied.  You conceive it is done; we feele

& know other wise, &c.  I doubt not but we shall lovingly

agree, notwithstanding all yt hath been writen, on boath sids,

aboute ye Whit-Angell.  We have now sent you a letter of

atturney, therby giving you power in our names (and to

shadow it ye more we say for our uses) to obtaine what may

be of Mr. Allerton towards ye satisfing of that great charge

of ye White Angell.  And sure he hath bound him selfe,

(though at present I cannot find it,) but he hath often

affirmed, with great protestations, yt neither you nor we

should lose a peny by him, and I hope you shall find enough

to discharg it, so as we shall have no more contesting

aboute it.  Yet, notwithstanding his unnaturall & unkind

dealing with you, in ye midest of justice remember mercie,

and doe not all you may doe, &c.  Set us out of debte, and

then let us recone & reason togeither, &c.  Mr. Winslow

hath undergone an unkind imprisonment, but I am perswaded

it will turne much to all your good.  I leave him to relate per-

ticuleres, &c.

Your loving freind,

JAMES SHERLEY.

London, Sep: 7. 1635.

 

     This year they sustained an other great loss from ye

French. Monsier de Aulnay coming into ye harbore of

Penobscote, and having before gott some of ye cheefe

yt belonged to ye house abord his vessell, by sutlty

coming upon them in their shalop, he gott them to

pilote him in; and after getting ye rest into his power

he tooke possession of ye house in ye name of ye king

of France; and partly by threatening, & other wise,

made Mr. Willett (their agente ther) to approve of


396                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ye sale of ye goods their unto him, of which he sett

ye price him selfe [208] in effecte, and made an in-

ventory therof, (yett leaving out sundry things,) but

made no paymente for them; but tould them in con-

venient time he would doe it if they came for it.  For

ye house & fortification, &c. he would not alow, nor

accounte any thing, saing that they which build on

another mans ground doe forfite ye same.  So thus

turning them out of all, (with a great deale of com-

plemente, and many fine words,) he let them have

their shalop and some victualls to bring them home.

Coming home and relating all the passages, they here

were much troubled at it, & haveing had this house

robbed by ye French once before, and lost then above

500li. (as is before remembred), and now to loose

house & all, did much move them.  So as they re-

solved to consulte with their freinds in ye Bay, and

if yey approved of it, (ther being now many ships

ther,) they intended to hire a ship of force, and seeke

to beat out ye Frenche, and recover it againe.  Ther

course was well approved on, if them selves could bear

ye charge; so they hired a fair ship of above 300.

tune, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with ye

mr. (one Girling) to this effect: that he and his com-

pany should deliver them ye house, (after they had

driven out, or surprised ye French,) and give them

peacable possession therof, and of all such trading

comodities as should ther be found; and give ye


1635.]          PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                 397

 

French fair quarter & usage, if they would yeeld. In

consideration wherof he was to have 700li. of beaver,

to be delivered him ther, when he had done ye thing;

but if he did not accomplish it, be was to loose his

labour, and have nothing.  With him they also sent

their owne bark, and about 20. men, with Captaine

Standish, to aide him (if neede weer), and to order

things, if the house was regained; and then to pay

him ye beaver, which they keept abord their owne

barke.  So they with their bark piloted him thither,

and brought him safe into ye harbor.  But he was so

rash &, heady as he would take no advice, nor would

surer Captaine Standish to have time to summone

them, (who had comission & order so to doe,) neither

would doe it him selfe; the which, it was like, if it had

been done, & they come to affaire parley, seeing their

force, they would have yeelded.  Neither would he

have patience to bring his ship wher she might doe

execution, but begane to shoot, at distance like a

madd man, and did them no hurte at all; the which

when those of ye plantation saw, they were much

greeved, and went to him & tould him he would doe

no good if he did not lay his ship beter to pass (for

she might lye within piston shott of ye house).  At

last, when he saw his owne folly, be was perswaded,

and layed her well, and  bestowed a few shott to good

purposs.  But now, when he was in a way to doe

some good, his powder was goone; for though he had


398                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

.  . * peece of ordnance, it did now [209] appeare he

had but a barrell of powder, and a peece; so he could

doe no good, but was faine to draw of againe; by

which means ye enterprise was made frustrate, and ye

French incouraged; for all ye while that he shot so

unadvisedly, they lay close under a worke of earth, &

let him consume him selfe.  He advised with ye Cap-

taine how he might be supplyed with powder, for

he had not to carie him home; 80 he tould him he

would goe to ye next plantation, and doe his indeour

to procure him some, and so did; but understand-

ing, by intelligence, that he intended to ceiase on ye

barke, & surprise ye beaver, he sent him the powder,

and brought ye barke & beaver home.  But Girling

never assualted ye place more, (seeing him selfe dis-

apoyented,) but went his way; and this was ye end

of this bussines.

     Upon ye ill success of this bussines, the Govr and

Assistants here by their leters certified their freinds in

ye Bay, how by this ship they had been abused and

disapoynted, and yt the French partly had, and were

now likly to fortifie them selves more strongly, and

likly to become ill neigbours to ye English.  Upon

this they thus writ to them as folloeth: --

 

    Worthy Srs:  Upon ye reading of your leters, & consid-

eration of ye waightines of ye cause therin mentioned, the

* Blank in the original.


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                399

 

courte hath joyntly expressed their willingnes to assist you

with men & munition, for ye accomplishing of your desires

upon ye French.  But because here are none of yours yt have

authority to conclude of any thing herein, nothing can be

done by us for ye presente.  We desire, therfore, that you

would with all conveniente speed send some man of trust,

furnished with instructions from your selves, to make such

agreemente with us about this bussines as may be usefull

for you, and equall for us.  So in hast we comite you to

God; and remaine

Your assured loving freinds,

JOHN HAYNES, Govr.

RI: BELLINGHAM, Dep.

Jo: WINTHROP.

THO: DUDLEY.

Jo: HUMFRAY.

WM: CODDINGTON.

WK: PINCHON.

ATHERTON HOUGHE.

INCREAS NOWELL.

RIC: DUMER.

SIMON BRADSTRETE.

     New-towne, Octor 9.  1635.

 

     Upon the receite of ye above mentioned, they pres-

ently deputed 2. of theirs to treate with them, giving

them full power to conclude, according to the instruc-

tions they gave them, being to this purposs:  that if

they would afford such assistance as, togeather with

their owne, was like to effecte the thing, and allso

bear a considerable parte of ye charge, they would goe

on; if not, [210] they (having lost so much allready)


400                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

should not be able, but must desiste, and waite fur-

ther opportunitie as God should give, to help them

selves.  But this came to nothing, for when it came

to ye issue, they would be at no charge, but sente

them this letter, and referd them more at large to

their owne messengers.

 

     Sr: Having, upon ye consideration of your letter, with ye

message you sente, had some serious consultations aboute

ye great importance of your bussines with ye French, we

gave our answer to those whom you deputed to conferr wth

us aboute ye viage to Penobscote.  We shewed our willing-

nes to help, but withall we declared our presente condition,

& in what state we were, for our abilitie to help; which we

for our parts shall be willing to improve, to procure you

sufficiente supply of men & munition.  But for matter of

moneys we have no authority at all to promise, and if we

should, we should rather disapoynte you, then incourage you

by yt help, which we are not able to performe.  We likewise

thought it fitt to take ye help of other Esterne plantations;

but those things we leave to your owne wisdomes.  And for

other things we refer you to your owne comitties, who are

able to relate all ye passages more at large.  We salute

you, & wish you all good success in ye Lord.

Your faithfull & loving friend,

RI: BELLINGHAM, Dep:

In ye name of ye Fest of the Comities.

    Boston, Octobr 16. 1635.

 

     This thing did not only thus breake of, but some

of their merchants shortly after sent to trad with

them, and furnished them both with provissions, &


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                401

 

poweder & shott; and so have continued to doe till

this day, as they have seen opportunitie for their

profite.  So as in truth ye English them selves have

been  the cheefest supporters of these French; for

besids these, the plantation at Pemaquid (which lyes

near unto them) doth not only supply them with

what yey wante, but gives them continuall intelligence

of all things that passes among, ye English, (espetially

some of them,) so as it is no marvell though they

still grow, & incroach more & more upon ye English,

and fill ye Indeans with gunes & munishtion, to ye

great deanger of ye English, who lye open & unfor-

tified, living, upon husbandrie; and ye other closed up

in their forts, well fortified, and live upon trade, in

good securitie.  If these things be not looked too, and

remeady provided in time, it may easily be conjectured

what they may come toe; but I leave them.

     This year, ye 14. or 15. of August (being, Saturday)

was such a mighty storme of wind & raine, as none

living in these parts, either English or Indeans, ever

saw.  Being like (for ye time it continued) to those

Hauricanes and Tuffons that writers make mention of

in ye Indeas.  It began in ye morning, a litle before

day, and grue not by degrees, but came with violence

in ye begining, to ye great amasnaente of many.  It

blew downe sundry [211] houses, & uncovered others;

diverce vessells were lost at sea, and many more in ex-

treme danger.  It caused ye sea to swell (to ye south-


402                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ward of this place) above 20. foote, right up & downe,

and made many of the Indeans to clime into trees for

their saftie; it tooke of ye borded roofe of a house

which belonged to the plantation at Manamet, and

floted it to another place, the posts still standing in

ye ground; and if it had continued long without ye

shifting of ye wind, it is like it would have drouned

some parte of ye cuntrie.  It blew downe many hun-

dered thowsands of trees, turning up the stronger by

the roots, and breaking the hiegher pine trees of in

the midle, and ye tall yonge oaks & walnut trees of

good biggnes were wound like a withe, very strang

& fearfull to behould.  It begane in ye southeast, and

parted toward ye south & east, and vered sundry ways;

but ye greatest force of it here was from ye former

quarters.  It continued not (in ye extremitie) above

5. or 6. houers, but ye violence begane to abate.  The

signes and marks of it will remaine this 100. years in

these parts wher it was sorest.  The moone suffered

a great eclips the 2. night after it.

     Some of their neighbours in ye Bay, hereing of ye

fame of Conightecute River, had a hankering mind

after it, (as was before noted,) and now understanding

that ye Indeans were swepte away with ye late great

mortalitie, the fear of whom was an obstacle unto

them before, which being now taken away, they be-

gane now to prosecute it with great egernes. The

greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                403

 

plantation and them hear; for they set their minde

on that place, which they had not only purchased of

ye Indeans, but wher they had builte; intending only

(if they could not remove them) that they should have

but a smale moyety left to ye house, as to a single

family; whose doings and proceedings were conceived

to be very injurious, to attempte not only to intrude

them selves into ye rights & possessions of others, but

in effect to thrust them out of all.  Many were ye

leters & passages that went betweene them hear aboute,

which would be to long here to relate.

      I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write

by their own agente from thence.

 

      Sr: &c.  Ye Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some

by water, & some by land, who are not yet determined wher

to setle, though some have a great mind to ye place we are

upon, and which was last bought.  Many of them look at

that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this

place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have

comodious dwellings for many togeather.  So as what they

will doe I cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none

of them say any thing to me, but what I hear from their

servants (by whom I perceive their minds).  I shall doe what

I can to withstand them.  I hope they will hear reason; as

that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and

danger, [212] both in regard of ye Dutch & Indeans, and

bought ye land, (to your great charge, all ready disbursed,)

and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept

ye Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long be-

fore this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, &c.


404                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

I hope these & such like arguments will stoppe them.  It was

your will we should use their persons & messengers kindly,

& so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge;

for ye first company had well nie starved had it not been for

this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply

12. men for 9. days togeather; and those which came last,

I entertained the best we could, helping both them (& ye

other) with canows, & guids.  They gott me to goe with

them to ye Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them

to have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily

withstand them.  But this later company did not once speak

therof, &c.  Also I gave their goods house roome according

to their ernest request, and Mr. Pinchons letter in their be-

halfe (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed).

And what trouble & charge I shall be further at I know

not; for they are coming dayly, and I expecte these back

againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw ye countrie.

All which trouble & charg we under goe for their occasion,

may give us just cause (in ye judgmente of all wise & un-

derstanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon.

Thus with my duty remembred, &c.  I rest

Yours to be comanded

JOHNNATHA BREWSTER.

Matianuck, July 6. 1635.

 

     Amongst ye many agitations that pased betweene

them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, & for

ye present omitte ye rest, except upon other occasion

I may have fitter opportunity.  After their thorrow

veiw of ye place, they began to pitch them selves upon

their land & near their house; which occasioned much

expostulation betweene them.  Some of which are such

as follow.


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                405

 

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to

agitate & bring to an issue some maters in difference be-

tweene us, about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you

lay challeng; upon which God by his providence cast us,

and as we conceive in a faire way of providence tendered

it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon

removall.

 

     We shall not need to answer all ye passages of your larg

letter, &c.  But wheras you say God in his providence cast

you, &c., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion)

must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and

yt you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon

that wch is your neigbours, and not yours; and in so doing,

your way could not be faire unto it.  Looke yt you abuse

not Gods providence in such allegations.

 

    Theirs.

 

     Now allbeite we at first judged ye place so free yt we might

with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to

any man, it being the Lords [213] wast, and for ye presente

altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded ye im-

ploymente therof, to ye right ends for which land was created,

Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine

possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging

them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be

equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less

worthy to be prefered before them; and therfore did we

make some weake beginings in that good worke, in ye place

afforesaid.

 

Ans:  Their answer was to this effecte; That if it

was ye Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so,

& not they; and "have since bought it of ye right


406                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon

it al this while, as them selves could not but know.

And because of present ingagments and other hinder-

ances which lay at presente upon them, must it ther-

fore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from

them?  It was well known that they are upon a barren

place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither

they nor theirs could longe continue upon ye same;

and why should they (because they were more ready,

& more able at presente) goe and deprive them of

that which they had wth charg & hazard provided, &

intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were

able?

     They had another passage in their letter; they had

rather have to doe with the lords in England, to

whom (as they heard it reported) some of them should

say that they had rather give up their right to them,

(if they must part with it,) then to ye church of

Dorchester, &c.  And that they should be less fearfull

to offend ye lords, then they were them.

     Ans:  Their answer was, that what soever they had

heard, (more then was true,) yet ye case was not so

with them that they had need to give away their rights

& adventurs, either to ye lords, or them; yet, if they

might measure their fear of offence by their practise,

they had rather (in that poynte) they should deal with

ye lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them

selves, then they were.


1635.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                407

 

     But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other

things, and come to the conclusion that was made in

ye endd.  To make any forcible resistance was farr

from their thoughts, (they had enough of yt about

Kenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with

their freinds & brethren would be uncomfortable, and

too heavie a burden to bear.  Therfore for peace sake

(though they conceived they suffered much in this

thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon

as good termes as they could gett; and so they fell to

treaty.  The first thing yt (because they had made so

many & long disputs aboute it) they would have them

to grante was, yt they had right too it, or ells they

would never treat aboute it.  The which being ac-

knowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this was ye con-

clusion they came unto in ye end after much adoe:

that they should retaine their house, and have the 16.

parte of all they had bought of ye Indeans; and ye

other should have all ye rest of ye land; leaveing such

a moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as they re-

served for them.  This 16. part was to be taken in too

places; one towards ye house, the other towards New-

townes proporrtion.  Also they were to pay according

to proportion, what had been disbursed to ye Indeans

for ye purchass.  Thus was ye controversie ended, but

the unkindnes not so soone forgotten.  They of New-

towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could

 

* They in MS.

 


408                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

conveniently spare, from a competancie reserved for

a plantation, for them selves; which made them the

more carfull to procure a moyety for them, in this

agreement & distribution.

     Amongst ye other bussinesses that Mr. Winslow had

to doe in England, he had order from ye church to

provid & bring over some able & fitt man for to

be their minister.  And accordingly he had procured

a godly and a worthy * man, one Mr. Glover; but it

pleased God when he was prepared for the viage, he

fell sick of a feaver and dyed.  Afterwards, when he

was ready to come away, he became acquainted with

Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would

not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he

should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked

better else wher, to repay ye charge laid out for him,

(which came to aboute 70li.) and to be at his liberty. 

He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came

over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by

them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many

rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he

wente to them, & is their minister.  Aboute half of

ye charg was repayed, ye rest he had for ye pains he

tooke amongst them.

   *  Before this word in the margin appears So capital N.


 

1636.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                409

 

Anno Dom:  1636.

 

    MR. ED: WINSLOW was chosen Govr this year.

    In ye former year, because they perceived by Mr.

Winslows later letters' that no accounts would be

sente, they resolved to keep ye beaver, and send no

more, till they had them, or came to some further

agreemente.  At least they would forbear till Mr.

Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with

him they might better understand what was meete to

be done.  But when he came, though he brought no

accounts, yet he perswaded them to send ye beaver,

& was confident upon ye receite of yt beaver, & his

letters, they should have accounts ye nexte year; and

though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave

him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his

importunitie they yeelded, & sente ye same, ther being

a ship at ye latter end of year, by whom they sente

1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids

sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins,

&c.  And this year, in ye spring, came in a Dutch

man, who thought to have traded at ye Dutch-forte;

[215] but they would not suffer him.  He, having

good store of trading goods, came to this place, &

tendred them to sell; of whom they bought a good

quantitie, they being very good & fitte for their turne,

as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted to ye

valew of 500li., for ye paymente of which they passed


410                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

bills to Mr. Sherley in England, having before sente

ye forementioned parcell of beaver.  And now this

year (by another ship) sente an other good round

parcell that might come to his hands, & be sould be-

fore any of these bills should be due.  The quantity

of beaver now sent was 1809li.  waight, and of otters

10. skins, and shortly after (ye same year) was sent by

another ship (Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719li

waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which Mr.

Sherley thus writs.

    

      Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver

by Ed: Wilkinson, mr. of ye Falcon.  Blessed be God for ye

safe coming of it.  I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of

exchainge, &c.  But I must now acquainte you how the Lords

heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly

in this cittie, with his judgmente of ye plague.  The last

weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more; and

it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes.  By reason

wherof it is incredible ye number of people yt are gone into

ye cuntry & left ye citie.  I am perswaded many more then

went out ye last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriors

from most places put downe; nor no receiving of any money,

though long due.  Mr. Hallows us more then would pay

these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in ye cuntrie, 60.

miles from London.  I write to him, he came up, but could

not pay us.  I am perswaded if I should offer to sell ye

beaver at 88. pr pound, it would not yeeld money; but when

ye Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have

better & quicker markets; so it shall lye by.  Before I ac-

cepted ye bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Andrews

with them, & how ther could be no money made nor


1636.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                411

 

received; and that it would be a great discredite to you,

which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us,

haveing 1800li. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing

then ye bills come too, &c.  But all was nothing; neither

of them both will put too their finger to help.  I offered to

supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they

neither would nor could, &c.  However, your bils shall

be satisfied to ye parties good contente; but I would not

have thought they ,would have left either you or me at this

time, &c.  You will and may expect I should write more,

& answer your leters, but I am not a day in ye weeke at

home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham; for

here is ye miserablest time yt I thinke hath been known in

many ages.  I have know 3. great sickneses, but none like

this.  And that which should be a means to pacifie ye Lord, ,

& help us, that is taken -away, preaching put downe in many

places, not a sermone in Westminster on ye saboth, nor in

many townes aboute us; ye Lord in mercie looke uppon

us.  In ye begining of ye year was a great [216] drought,

& no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte

up, haye, at 5li. a load; and now all raine, so as much

sommer corne & later haye is spoyled.  Thus ye Lord

sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see,

nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier

judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him,

which ye Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed

will.  Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers,

I ever rest                      Your loving friend,

JAMES SHERLEY.

Sept: 14. 1636.

 

     This was all ye answer they had from Mr. Sherley,

by which Mr. Winslow saw his hops failed him.  So

they now resoloved to send no more beaver in yt way


412                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

which they had done, till they came to some issue or

other aboute these things.  But now came over let-

ters from Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp full of com-

plaints, that they marveled yt nothing was sent over,

by which any of their moneys should be payed in;

for it did appear by ye accounte sente in Ano 1631.

that they were each of them out, aboute a leven

hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not

received one penie towards ye same.  But now Mr.

Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and

was offended because they deneyed him; and blamed

them hear very much that all was sent to Mr. Sher-

ley, & nothing to them.  They marvelled much at this,

for they conceived that much of their moneis had been

paid in, & yt yearly each of them had received a pro-

portionable quantity out of ye larg returnes sent home.

For they had sente home since yt accounte was re-

ceived in Ano 1631. (in which all & more then all

their debts, wth yt years supply, was charged upon

them) these sumes following.

 

Novbr 18. Ano 1631. By Mr. Peirce                 0400li. waight of beaver, & otters 20.

July 13. Ano 1632.    By Mr. Griffin                  1348li. beaver, & otters .     .       147.

 Ano 1633.     By Mr. Graves               3366li. bever, & otters   .     .       346.

 Ano 1634.     By Mr. Andrews            3738li. beaver, & otters  .     .      234.

 Ano  1635.     By Mr. Babb                 1150li. beaver, & otters  .     .      200.

June 24. Ano 1636.     By Mr. Willkinson         1809li. beaver, & otters   .     .     010.

  Ibidem.          By Mr. Langrume          0719li. beaver, & otters   .     .     199.

                                                                       ______                                          ___

12150li.*                                     1156.

 

* Not correctly cast; it should be 12530li.


1636.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 413

 

     All these; sumes were saily rceived & well sould,

as appears by leters.  The coat beaver usualy at 20s.

pr pound, and some at 24s.; the skin at 15. & some-

times 16.  I doe not remember any under 14.  It

may be ye last year might be something lower, so

also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed

in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer rates,

to make up ye defects.  [217] It was conceived that

ye former parcells of beaver came to litle less then

10000li. sterling, and ye otter skins would pay all ye

charge, & they wth other furrs make up besids if any

thing wanted of ye former sume.  When ye former

accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White-

Angelle & Frendship included) came but to 4770li.

And they could not estimate that all ye supplies since

sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to

above 2000li. so as they conceived their debts had

been payed, with advantage or intrest.  But it may

be objected, how comes it that they could not as well

exactly sett downe their receits, as their returnes, but

thus estimate it.  I answer, 2. things were ye cause

of it; the first & principall was, that ye new ac-

countante, which they in England would needs presse

upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give

them any accounte; but trusting to his memorie, &

lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that

neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to

rights.  But being often called upon to perfecte his


414                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such

a time of leasure, and he would doe it.  In ye intrime

he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell

out he could make no accounte at all.  His books

were after a litle good begining left altogeather un-

perfect; and his papers, some were lost, & others so

confused, as he knew not what to make of them him

selfe, when they came to be searched & examined. 

This was not unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they

came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not

their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here;

for they conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds

for goods trusted out in ye place, which were lost for

want of clear accounts to call them in.  Another rea-

son of this mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow

was sente into England to demand accounts, and to

excepte against ye Whit-Angell, they never had any

price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce

of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they

were faine to guesse at ye prises of them.

     They write back to Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp,

and tould them they marveled they should write they

had sent nothing home since ye last accounts; for

they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be

marveled how they could be able to send so much,

besids defraying all charg at home, and what they

had lost by the French, and so much cast away at

sea, when Mr. Peirce lost his ship on ye coast of Vir-


1636.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                415

 

ginia.  What they had sente was to them all, and to

them selves as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did

not looke after it, it was their owne faIts; they must

referr them to Mr. Sherley, who had received [218]

it, to demand it of him.  They allso write to Mr.

Sherley to ye same purposs, and what the others com-

plaints were.

    This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with

goods from ye Massachusetts of such as removed

theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast

away in coming into this harbore in ye night; the

boats men were lost, and ye goods were driven all

alonge ye shore, and strowed up & downe at high-

water marke.  But ye Govr caused them to be gath-

ered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some

to take an inventory of them, and others to wash

& drie such things as had neede therof; by which

means most of ye goods were saved, and restored to

ye owners.  Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (go-

ing thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoan-

scusett, and such goods as came a shore were preserved

for them.  Such crosses they mette with in their be-

ginings; which some imputed as a correction from

God for their intrution (to ye wrong of others) into

yt place.  But I dare not be bould with Gods judg-

ments in this kind.

     In ye year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and war-

like people), who had made warrs with sundry of


416                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

their neigbours, and puft up with many victories,

grue now at varience with ye Narigansets, a great

people bordering upon them.  These Narigansets held

correspondance and termes of freindship with ye Eng-

lish of ye Massachusetts.  Now ye Pequents, being con-

scious of ye guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they

knew to be an-English man, as also those yt were

with him, and being fallen out with ye Dutch, least

they should have over many enemies at once, sought

to make freindship with ye English of ye Massachu-

setts; and for yt end sent both messengers & gifts

unto them, as appears by some letters sent from ye

Govr hither.

 

     Dear & worthy Sr: &c.  To let you know somwhat of

our affairs, you may understand that ye Pequents have sent

some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered

much wampam & beaver, &c.  The first messengers were

dismissed without answer; with ye next we had diverce dayes

conferance, and taking ye advice of some of our ministers,

and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freind-

ship with them, upon these conditions: that they should de-

liver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death,

&c.  And if we desired to plant in Conightecute, they should

give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade

with them as our freinds (which was ye cheefe thing we

aimed at, being now in warr with ye Dutch and ye rest of

their neigbours).  To this they readily agreed; and that

we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigan-

setts; for which end they were contente we should give the

Narigansets parte of yt presente, they would bestow on us


1636.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                417

 

(for they stood [219]* so much on their honour, as they

would not be seen to give any thing of them selves).  As

for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of

those who had any hand in his death; and that they killed

him in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our

men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him

ye way up ye river; ! and he with 2. other coming on shore,

9.  Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in ye

night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some

of them going afterwards to ye pinass, it was suddainly blowne

up.  Weare now preparing to send a pinass unto them, &c.

 

     In an other of his, dated ye 12. of ye first month,

he hath this.

 

    Our pinass is latly returned from ye Pequents; they put

of but litle comoditie, and found them a very false people,

so as they mean to have no more to doe with them.  I have

diverce other things to write unto you, &:c.

Yours ever assured,

Jo: WINTHROP.

Boston, 12. of ye 1. month, 1634.

 

    After these things, and, as I take, this year, John

Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now

an inhabitant of ye Massachusetts, went wth a small

vessell, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south

parts, and upon a quarell betweene him & ye Indeans

was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at

an iland called by ye Indeans Munisses, but since by

 

* 119 in MS.

! Ther is litle trust to be giyen to their relations in these things.


418                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ye English Block Iland.  This, with ye former about

the death of Stone, and the baffoyling of ye Pequents

with ye English of ye Massachusetts, moved them to

set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction

for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and

without their acquainting of those of Conightecute &

other neighbours with ye same, as they did litle good.

But their neigbours had more hurt done, for some

of ye murderers of Old orne fled to ye.  Pequents, and

though the English went to ye Pequents, and had

some parley with them, yet they did but delude

them, & ye English returned without doing any thing

to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by ye

others deceite.  After ye English were returned, the

Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of

some of ye English as they passed in boats, and went

on fouling, and assaulted them the next spring at

their habytations, as will appear in its place.  I doe

but touch these things, because I make no question

they will be more fully & distinctly handled by them

selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and

whom they did more properly concerne.

      This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of min-

istrie, partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it

too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and

by ye perswasion, of others; and the church sought

out for [220] * some other, having often been disap-

* 120 in MS.


1637.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 419

 

pointed in their hops and desires heretofore.  And it

pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly

man,* and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in

ye truht, and every way unreproveable in his life &

conversation; whom, after some time of triall, they

chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours

they injoyed many years with much comforte, in

peace, & good agreemente.

 

Anno Dom: 1637.

    IN ye fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell

openly upon ye English at Conightecute, in ye lower

parts of ye river, and slew sundry of them, (as they

were at work in ye feilds,) both men & women, to

ye great terrour of ye rest; and wente away in great

prid & triumph, with many high threats.  They allso

assalted a fort at ye rivers mouth, though strong and

well defended; and though they did not their pre-

vaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonish-

mente to see their bould attempts in the face of

danger; which made them in all places to stand

upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and

ernestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in ye

Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for

they looked for more forcible assaults.  Mr. Vane,

being then Govr, write from their Generall Courte

to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to

 

* Mr. John Reinor.


420                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

which they were cordially willing, but tooke oppor-

tunitie to write to them aboute some former things,

as well as presente, considerable hereaboute.  The

which will best appear in ye Govr answer which he

returned to ye same, which I shall here inserte.

 

      Sr:  The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to

our late Govr is fallen to my lott to make answer unto,

I could have wished I might have been at more freedome

of time & thoughts also, that I might have done it more to

your & my owne satisfaction.  But what shall be wanting

now may be supplyed hereafter.  For ye matters which from

your selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we

thought not fitte to make them so publicke as ye cognizance

of our Generall Courte.  But as they have been considered

by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to re-

turne unto you.  (1.)  Wereas you signifie your willingnes

to joyne with us in this warr against ye Pequents, though

you cannot ingage your selves without ye consente of your

Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards

us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are will-

ing to attend your full resolution, when it may most season-

ably be ripened.   (2ly.) Wheras you make this warr to be

our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise

then by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin;

yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand

upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards

you; and withall we conceive that you looke at ye Pequents,

and all other Indeans, as a comone enimie, who, though he

may take occasion of ye begining of his rage, from some

one parte of ye English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue

his advantage, to ye rooting out of ye whole nation.  Ther-

fore when we desired your help, we did it not without


1637.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                421

 

respecte to your owne saftie, as ours.  (3ly.)  Wheras you

desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occa-

sions; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as

we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so

as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise

then as reason may guid & provock you; so we desire

we may be at ye like freedome, when any occasion may

call for help from us.  And wheras it is objected to

us, that we refused to aide you against ye French; we con-

ceive ye case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse

our failing in that matter.  (4ly.)  Weras you objecte that

we began ye warr without your privitie, & managed it con-

trary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions

being only against Block Iland, and ye interprice seeming

of small difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking

advice, or looking out for aide abroad.  And when we had

resolved upon ye Pequents, we sent presently, or not long

after, to you aboute it; but ye answer received, it was not

seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had

seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed

our owne.

    (5ly.)  For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure

you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance

from us; and what we have provided in this and like cases,

at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you.

    And (6ly); wheras you objecte to us yt we should hold,

trade & correspondancie with ye French, your enemise; we

answer, you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which

hath passed betweene our late Govr and them, to which we

were privie, we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to

trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for ye better con-

veace of our letters, had licens from our Govr to sayle

thither.*

   * But by this means they did furnish them, & have still continued to doe.


422                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

      Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by

our worthy freind, whertunto he received some answer; but

most of "them concerning ye apprehention of perticuler dis-

curteseis, or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst

us.  It concernes us not to give any other answer to them

then this; that, if ye offenders shall be brought forth in a

right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as ye case shall

require.  In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured,

that such things are without our privity, and not a litle

greeveous to us.

     Now for ye joyning with ns in this warr, which indeed

concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz.:

the releeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren,

who are now first in ye danger; though you may thinke us

able to make it good without you, (as, if ye Lord please

to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your

consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight

with you.  (First) yt if we should sinck under this burden,

your opportunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3.

respects.  1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves

ther, with 3. times ye charge & hazard which now ye may.

2ly.  The sorrowes which we should lye under (if through

your neglect) would much abate of ye acceptablenes of your

help afterwards.  3ly. Those of yours, who are now full of

courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so

less able to undergoe so great a burden.  The (2.) thing is

this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an

end before ye end of this somer, otherwise ye newes of it

will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us

next year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose

us unto, your selves may judge.

     The (3.) thing is this, that if ye Lord shall please to

blesse our endeaours, so as we end ye warr, or put it in

a hopefull way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts

in our people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine


1637.]           PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                 423

 

such opinione of your good will towards as, as were fitt to

be nurished among such neigbours & brethren as we are.

And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise

men may fear, & would rather prevente then hope to re-

dress.  So with my harty salutations to you selfe, and all

your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest

Yours most assured in ye Lord,

JO : WINTHROP.

Boston, ye 20. of ye S. month, 1637.

 

      In ye mean time, the Pequents, espetially in ye win-

ter before, sought to make peace with ye Narigansets,

and used very pernicious arguments to move them

therunto : as that ye English were stranegers and be-

gane to overspred their countries and would deprive

them therof in time, if they were suffered to grow

& increse; and if ye Narigansets did assist ye English

to subdue them, they did but make way for their

owne overthrow, for if they were rooted out, the

English would soone take occasion to subjugate them;

and if they would harken to them, they should not

neede to fear ye strength of ye English; for they

would not come to open battle with them, but fire

their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for

them as they went abroad upon their occasions; and

all this they might easily doe without any or litle

danger to them selves.  The which course being, held,

they well saw the English could not long subsiste, but

they would either be starved with hunger, or be forced

to forsake the countrie; with many ye like things; in-


424                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

so much that ye Narigansets were once wavering, and

were halfe minded to have made peace with them, and

joyed against ye English.  But againe when they con-

sidered, how much, wrong they had received from the

Pequents, and what an oppertunitie they now had by

ye help of ye English to right them selves, revenge

was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all ye

rest; so as they resolved to joyne with ye English

against them, & did.  [223]  The Court here agreed

forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and

wth as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them

armed, and had made them ready under sufficiente

leaders, and provided a barke to carrie them provisions

& tend upon them for all occasions; but when they

were ready to march (with a supply from ye Bay)

they had word to stay, for ye enimy was as good as

vanquished, and their would be no neede.

     I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their

proceedings in these things, because I expecte it will

be fully done by them selves, who best know the car-

rage & circumstances of things; I shall therfore but

touch them in generall.  From Connightecute (who

were most sencible of ye hurt sustained, & ye pres-

ent danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an

other partie mett them from ye Bay, at ye Narigansets,

who were to joyne with them.  Ye Narigansets were

ernest to be gone before ye English were well rested

and refreshte, espetially some of them which came last.


1637.]           PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                 425

 

It should seeme their desire was to come upon ye

enemie sudenly, -& undiscovered.  Ther was a barke

of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from

Conightecutte, who did encourage them to lay hold of

ye Indeans forwardness and to shew as great forward-

nes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedi-

tion might prove to their great advantage.  So they

went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans

brought them to a forte of ye enimies (in which most

of their cheefe men were) before day.  They ap-

proached ye same with great silence, and surrounded

it both with English & Indeans, that they might not

breake out; and so assualted them with great courage,

shooting, amongst them, and entered ye forte with all

speed; and those yt first entered found sharp resist-

ance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled

with them; others rane into their howses, & brought

out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in

their matts, &, standing close togeather, with ye wind,

all was quietly on a flame, and therby more were

burnte to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte

their bowstrings, and made them unservisable.  Those

yt scaped ye fire were slaine with ye sword; some

hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers,

so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few es-

caped.  It was conceived they thus destroyed about

400. at this time.  It was a fearfull sight to see

them thus frying, in ye fyer, and ye streams of blood


426                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

quenching ye same, and horrible was ye stinck &

sente ther of; but ye victory seemed a sweete sacri-

fice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who had

wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their

enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a

victory over so proud & insulting an enimie.  The

Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute,

but aloofe from all danger, and left ye whole [224 ]

execution to ye English, exept it were ye stoping of

any yt broke away, insulting over their enimies in this

their ruine & miserie, when they saw them dancing in

ye flames, calling them by a word in their owne lan-

guage, signifing, O brave Pequents!  which they used

familierly among them selves in their own prayes, in

songs of triumph after their victories.  After this ser-

vis was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the

water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells,

by which they had refreishing with victualls & other

necessaries.  But in their march ye rest of ye Pe-

quents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking

to have some advantage against them by reason of

a neck of land; but when they saw the English pre-

pare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither

did hurt, nor could receive any.  After their refreish-

ing & repair to geather for further counsell & direc-

tions, they resolved to pursue their victory, and follow

ye warr against ye rest, but ye Narigansett Indeans

*Be in manuscript.


 

1637.]                PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               427

 

most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they

had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found

them very could and backward in ye bussines, ether

out of envie, or yt they saw ye English would make

more profite of ye victorie then they were willing

they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as

them selves desired by having, them become tributaries

unto them, or ye like.

     For ye rest of this bussines, I shall only relate ye

same as it is in a leter which came from Mr. Win-

throp to ye Govr hear, as followeth.

 

     Worthy Sr: I received your loving letter, and am much

provocked to express my affections towards you, but strait-

nes of time forbids me; for my desire is to acquaints you

with ye Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing

against his & our enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise

his name with us.  About 80. of our men, haveing costed

along towards ye Dutch plantation, (some times by water,

but most by land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents,

whom they slew or tooke prisoners.  2. sachems they tooke,

& beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe

sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and find

him out.  He wente and brought them word where he was

but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was

gone, fled away with some 20. more to ye Mowakes, so our

men inissed of him.  Yet, deviding them selves, and rang-

ing up & downe, as ye providence of God guided them (for

ye Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not

whither to guid them, or els would not), upon ye 13. of this

month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80.

strong men, & 200. women & children, in a small Indean


428                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

towne, fast by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into

before our men could gett to them.  Our captains were not

then come togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine

Masson, with some 10. [225] of their men, & Captaine

Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at ye

Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at

ye noyse.  Then they gave order to surround ye swampe, it

being aboute a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte &

some 12. more, not hearing that comand, fell into ye swampe

among ye Indeans.  The swampe was so thicke with shrub-

woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them stuck

fast, and received many shott.  Levetenant Davenport was

dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott

in ye head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to

have been taken by ye Indeans.  But Sargante Rigges, &

Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse

of ye Indeans with their swords.  After they were drawne

out, the Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas

Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out,

and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all

that had not their hands in ye English blood.  Wherupon

ye sachem of ye place came forth, and an old man or 2. &

their wives and children, and after that some other women

& children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night.

Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call

them forth; but they said they would selle their lives their,

and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out,

and been presently rescued, they had slaine him.  Then

our men cutt of a place of ye swampe with their swords, and

cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could

easier kill them throw ye thickets.  So they continued all

ye night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and

ye Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows

so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, & their sleeves,


1637.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                429

 

& stockins, & other parts of their cloaths, yet so miracu-

lously did the Lord preserve them as not one of them was

wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into ye swampe.

When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of

them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though

they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly

discovered, & some killed in ye pursute.  Upon searching of

ye swampe, ye next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some

they pulled up, whom ye lndeans had buried in ye mire, so

as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did

escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight

of their wounds received.  The prisoners were devided, some

to those of ye river, and the rest to us.  Of these we send

ye male children to Bermuda,* by Mr. William Peirce, & ye

women & maid children are disposed aboute in ye townes.

Ther have been now slaine & taken, in all, aboute 700.

The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so

terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them.  2.

of ye sachems of Long Iland came to Mr. Stoughton and

tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection.

And 2. of ye Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke

our frendship.  Amonge the prisoners we have ye wife &

children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest counte-

nance and behaviour.  It was by her mediation that the !

2. English [226] maids were spared from death, and were

kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of her.

One of her first requests was, that the English would not

abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken

from her.  Those which were wounded were fetched of soone

by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie

houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded

men to ye pinass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, wth Mr.

* But yey were carried to ye West-Indeas.

! They in the manuscript.

430                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off.  Our people are all in

health, (ye Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched

in their armes all ye day, and had been in fight all ye night,

yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they

could willingly have gone to such another bussines.

      This is ye substance of that which I received, though I am

forced to omite many considerable circomstances.  So, being

in much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within

this 4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and Mr. Vane,) I

hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, &c.,  I rest

Yours assured,

       Jo: WINTHROP.

      The 28. of ye 5. month, 1637.

 

     The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sas-

sacouse & Monotto are yet living.

 

     That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassa-

couse (ye Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to ye

Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with some other

of ye cheefe of them, whether to satisfie ye English, or

rather ye Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard,

hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage,

I well know not; but thus this warr tooke end.  The

rest of ye Pequents were wholy driven from their place,

and some of them submitted them selves to ye

Narigansets, & lived under them; others of them be-

tooke them selves to ye Monhiggs, under Uncass, their

sachem, wth the approbation of ye English of Conigh-

tecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived, and he

and his men had been faithful to them in this warr,

& done them very good service.  But this did so vexe


1637.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                431

 

the Narrigansetts, that they had not ye whole sweay

over them, as they have never ceased plotting and

contriving how to bring them under, and because they

cannot attaine their ends, because of ye English who

have protected them, they have sought to raise a

generall conspiracie against ye English, as will appear

in an other place.

      They had now letters againe out of England from

Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither

had nor would pay them any money, or give them any

accounte, and so with much discontent desired them

hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that

they had sent all to Mr. Sherley, & none to them

selves.  Now, though they might have justly referred

them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon,

& some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet be-

cause they beleeved that [227] they were realy out

round sumes of money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and

they had some in their hands, they resolved to send

them what bever they had.*  Mr. Sherleys letters were

to this purpose: that, as they had left him in ye

paiment of ye former bills, so he had tould them

he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should

find it true.  And he was as good as his word, for

they could never gett peney from him, nor bring him

to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in ye

Chancerie.  But they all of them turned their com-

* But staid it till ye next year.


432                                HISTORY  OF                       [BOOK II.

 

plaints against them here, wher ther was least cause,

and who had suffered most unjustly; first from Mr.

Allerton & them, in being charged with so much of

yt which they never had, nor drunke for; and now

in paying all, & more then all (as they conceived), and

yet still thus more demanded, and that with many

heavie charges.  They now discharged Mr. Sherley from

his agencie, and forbad him to buy or send over any

more goods for them, and prest him to come to some

end about these things.

 

Anno Dom:  1638.

      THIS year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Govr.

      Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them,

this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for

robery & murder which they had committed; their

names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and

Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who

was also guilt, but he escaped away, and could not

be found.  This Arthur Peach was ye cheefe of them,

and ye ring leader of all ye rest.  He was a lustie

and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of ye

souldiers in ye Pequente warr, and had done as good

servise as ye most ther, and one of ye forwardest in

any attempte.  And being now out of means, and loath

to worke, and falling to idle courses & company, he

intended to goe to ye Dutch plantation; and had alured

these 3., being other mens servants and apprentices,


1638.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                433

 

to goe with him.  But another cause ther was allso

of his secret going away in this maner; he was not

only rune into debte, but he had gott a maid with

child, (which was not known till after his death,) a

mans servante in ye towne, and fear of punishmente

made him gett away.  The other 3. complotting with

him, rane away from their maisters in the night, and

could not be heard of, for they went not ye ordinarie

way, but shaped such a course as they thought to

avoyd ye pursute of any [228].  But falling into ye way

that lyeth betweene ye Bay of Massachusetts and the

Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them selves,

struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of ye way,

by ye way side.  At length ther came a Narigansett

Indean by, who had been in ye Bay a trading, and

had both cloth & beads aboute him.  (They had meett

him ye day before, & he was now returning.)  Peach

called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came

& sate downe with them.  Peach tould ye other he

would kill him, and take what he had from him.  But

they were some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him,

rogue, he had killed many of them.  So they let him

alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his time,

he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once

or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam,

and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving

him for dead.  But he scrabled away, when they were

gone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within


434                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

a few days after,) by which means they were dis-

covered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them.  For

they desiring a canow to sett them over a water,

(not thinking their facte had been known,) by ye

sachems comand they were carried to Aquidnett Iland,

& ther accused of ye murder, and were examed &

comitted upon it by ye English ther.  The Indeans sent

for Mr. Williams, & made a greeveous complainte; his

freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and

provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should

now find ye Pequents words trew: that ye English

would fall upon them.  But Mr. Williams pacified

them, & tould them they should see justice done upon

ye offenders; & wente to ye man, & tooke Mr. James,

a phisition, with him.  The man tould him who did it,

& in what maner it was done; but ye phisition found

his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he

after testified upon othe, before ye jurie in oppen

courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr.

Williams, Mr. James, & some Indeans testified in

courte.  The Govrt in ye Bay were aquented with it,

but refferrd it hither, because it was done in this

jurisdiction; * but pressed by all means yt justice

might be done in it; or els ye countrie must rise &

see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr.  Yet

some of ye rude & ignorante sorte murmured that any

    

      * And yet afterwards they laid claime to those parts in ye controversie

about Seacunk.


1638.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                435

 

English should be put to death for ye Indeans.  So at

last they of ye iland brought them hither, and being

often examened, and ye evidence prodused, they all in

the end freely confessed in effect all yt the Indean

accused them of, & that they had done it, in ye maner

afforesaid; and so, upon ye forementioned evidence,

were cast by ye jurie, & condemned, & executed for

the same.  And some of ye Narigansett Indeans, & of

ye parties freinds, were presente when it was done,

which gave them & all ye countrie good satisfaction.

But it was a matter of much sadnes to them hear,

and was ye 2. execution which they had since they

came; being both for wilfull murder, as hath bene

before related.  Thus much of this mater.

     [229] They received this year more letters from

England full of reneued complaints, on ye one side,

that they could gett no money nor accounte from Mr.

Sherley; & he againe, yt he was pressed therto, saying

he was to accounte with those hear, and not with

them, &c.  So, as was before resolved, if nothing came

of their last letters, they would now send them what

they could, as supposing, when some good parte was

payed them, that Mr. Sherley & they would more

easily agree aboute ye remainder.

     So they sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, by

Mr. Joseph Yonge, in ye Mary & Anne, 1325li. waight

of beaver, devided betweene them.  Mr. Beachamp re-

turned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400li,

 


436                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

starling of it, fraight and all charges paid.  But Mr.

Andrews, though he had ye more and beter parte, yet

he made not so much of his, through his owne indis-

cretion; and yet turned ye loss* upon them hear, but

without cause.

    They sent them more by bills & other paimente,

which was received & acknowledged by them, in

money ! & ye like; which was for katle sould of Mr.

Allertons, and ye price of a bark sold, which belonged

to ye stock, and made over to them in money, 434li.

sterling.  The whole sume was 1234li. sterling, save

what Mr. Andrews lost in ye beaver, which was other-

wise made good.  But yet this did not stay their

clamors, as will apeare here after more at large.

     It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse ye cuntry

with such access & confluance of people into it, as it

was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood

at a high rate for diverce years together.  Kine were

sould at 20li. and some at 25li. a peece, yea, some

times at 28li.  A cow-calfe usually at l0li.  A milch

goate at 3li. & some at 4li.  And femall kids at 30s.

and often at 40s. a peece.  By which means ye anciente

planters which had any stock begane to grow in their

estats.  Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s. a

bushell.  So as other trading begane to be neglected;

and the old partners (having now forbidden Mr. Sherley

to send them any more goods) broke of their trade at

 

      * Being about 40li.  ! And devided betweene them.


1638.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                437

 

Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no

longer.  But some of them, (with other they joyned

with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinuance,

agreed with ye company for it, and gave them aboute

ye 6. parte of their gaines for it; [230]. with ye first

fruits of which they builte a house for a prison; and

the trade ther hath been since continued, to ye great

benefite of ye place; for some well fore-sawe that these

high prises of corne and catle would not long continue,

and that then ye comodities ther raised would be much

missed.

     This year, aboute ye 1. or 2. of June, was a great

& fearfull earthquake; it was in this place heard be-

fore it was felte.  It came with a rumbling noyse, or

low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came from

ye norward, & pased southward.  As ye noyse aproched

nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length

with that violence as caused platters, dishes, & such

like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall

downe; yea, persons were afraid of ye houses them

selves.  It so fell oute yt at ye same time diverse of

ye cheefe of this towne were mett together at one

house, conferring with some of their freinds that

were upon their removall from ye place, (as if ye Lord

would herby shew ye signes of his displeasure, in their

shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.)

However it was very terrible for ye time, and as

* 130 in MS.


438                                HISTORY OF                        [ROOK II.

 

ye men were set talking in ye house, some women

& others were without ye dores, and ye earth shooke

with yt violence as they could not stand without

catching hould of ye posts & pails yt stood next

them; but ye violence lasted not long.  And about

halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse &

shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as ye former,

but quickly passed over; and so it ceased.  It was

not only on ye sea coast, but ye Indeans felt it

within land; and some ships that were upon ye coast

were shaken by it.  So powerfull is ye mighty hand of

ye Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake,

and the mountaines to tremhle before him, when he

pleases; and who can stay his hand?  It was observed

that ye somers, for divers years togeather after this

earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for ye

ripning of corne & other fruits as formerly; but

more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly & untimly

frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne

came not to maturitie; but whether this was any

cause, I leave it to naturallists to judge.

 

Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Dom: 1640.

     THESE 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them

fell not out many things more then ye ordinary pas-

sages of their comone affaires, which are not need-

full to be touched.  [231] Those of this plantation

having at sundrie times granted lands for severall


 

 

1639, 1640.]       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.             439

 

townships, and arnonost ye rest to ye inhabitants of

Sityate, some wherof issewed from them selves, and

allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4.

London partners in yt place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr.

Beacham, Mr. Andrews, & Mr. Hatherley.  At Mr.

Hatherley's request and choys it was by him taken

for him selfe and them in yt place; for the  other

3. had invested him with power & trust to chose

for them.  And this tracte of land extended to their

utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neig-

bours of ye Massachusets, who had some years after

seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next

to these parts.  So as now ther grue great difference

betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and

some  meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They

of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their

people, and measure stack them out.  The other

pulled up their stacks, threw them.  So it grew

to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, & many

letters and passages were betweene them aboute it;

and it hunge some 2. years in suspense.  The Courte

of Massachusets appointed some to range their line

according to ye bounds of their patente, and (as they

wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate,

and I know not how much more.  Againe, on ye

other hand, according to ye line of ye patente of

this place, it would take in Hingame and much more

within their bounds.


440                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     In ye end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comis-

sioners of each side, and to give them full & absolute

power to agree and setle ye bounds betwene them; and

what they should doe in ye case should stand irrevo-

cably.  One meeting they had at Hingam, but could

not conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiflly on

a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river,

or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend

their limits, and 3. myles further to ye southward;

or from ye most southward parte of ye Massachusets

Bay, and 3. mile further.  But they chose to stand

on ye former termes, for they had found a smale

river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in

land trended southward, and issued into some part

of yt river taken to be Charles-river, and from ye

most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more south-

ward of ye same, they would rune a line east to ye

sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say they) take in

a part of Plimoth itselfe.  Now it is to be knowne

yt though this patente & plantation were much the

ancienter, yet this inlargemente of ye same (in which

Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs

were first to take place, before this inlargmente.  Now

their answer was, first, that, however according to their

plan, they could noway come upon any part of

their ancieante grantee [232]  21y.  They could never

prove yt to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew

not which was Charles-river, but as ye people of this


1639, 1640.]       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                441

 

place, which came first, imposed such a name upon

yt river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte

(supposing yt was it, which Captaine Smith in his,

mapp so named).  Now they yt first named it have

best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it.

But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare

as it was by them navigated, and yt was as fall as

a boate could goe.  But yt every runlett or small

brooke, yt should, farr within land, come into it, or

mixe their stremes with it, and were by ye natives

called by other & differente names from it, should

now by them be made Charles-river, or parts of it,

they saw no reason for it.  And gave instance in

Humber, in Old England, which had ye Trente, Ouse,

and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet

were not counted parts of it; and many smaler rivers

& broks fell into ye Trente, & Ouse, and no parts

of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nom-

inations of them selves.  Againe, it was pleaded that

they had no east line in their patente, but were to

begine at ye sea, and goe west by a line, &c.  At

this meeting no conclution was made, but things dis-

cussed & well prepared for an issue.  The next year

ye same comissioners had their power continued or re-

newed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded ye mater,

as followeth.


442                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

The agreemente of ye bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massa-

chusetts.

           Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by ye

2. juris- dictions, ye one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto

John Endecott, gent: and Israell Stoughton, gent: the other

of New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Govr, and

Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for ye setting out,

setling, & determining of ye bounds & limitts of ye lands

betweene ye said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente

age, but ye posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly

in yt behalfe.  And for as much as ye said comissioners on

both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by ye

records of both jurisdictions; we therfore, ye said comissioners

above named, doe hearby with one consente & agreemente

conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all

ye marshes at Conahasett yt lye of ye one side of ye river

next to Hingam, shall belong to ye jurisdition of Massa-

chusetts Plantation; and all ye marshes yt lye on ye other

side of ye river next to Sityate, shall be long to ye jurisdiction

of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at ye mouth

of ye river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe

herby agree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to ye juris-

dition of Massachusetts.  And further, we doe hearby agree,

determine, and conclude, yt the bounds of ye limites betweene

both ye said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from ye mouth

of ye brook yt runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we

call by ye name of Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe

line to ye midle of a great ponde, yt lyeth on ye right hand

of ye uper path, or commone way, yt leadeth betweene

Waimoth and Plimoth, close to ye path as [233] we goe

alonge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may

be caled)  Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles from

Weimoth southerley; and from thence with a straight line to


1639, 1640.]       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.               443

ye souther-most part of Charles-river,* & 3. miles southerly,

inward into ye countrie, according as is expresed in ye patente

granted by his Matie to ye Company of ye Massachusetts Plan-

tation.  Provided all ways and never ye less concluded &

determined by mutuall agreemente betweene ye said comis-

sioners, yt if it fall out yt the said line from Accord-pond

to ye sothermost parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly

as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any

plantation begune by ye Govert of New-Plimoth, or hereafter

to be begune within 10. years after ye date of these psnts,

that then, notwithstanding ye said line, it shall be lawfull

for ye said Govrt of New-Plimoth to assume on ye northerly

side of ye said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid,

so much land as will make up ye quantity of eight miles

square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to

[be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, &

conclude to appertaine & belong to ye said Govrt of New-

Plimoth.  And wheras ye said line, from ye said brooke which

runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-

brooke, and ye pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere ye lands

belonging to ye tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe ther-

fore hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions

allready made and recorded, by either ye said townships, doe

crose the said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force

according to ye former intents and purposes of ye said townes

granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted).

And yt no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter ex-

ceede, but containe them selves within ye said lines expressed.

In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions,

doe by these presents indented set our hands & seales ye

ninth day of ye 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, .

king Charles; and in ye year of our Lord, 1640.

WILLIAM BRADFORD, Govr.        Jo: ENDECOTT.

ED: WINSLOW. ISRAELL STOUGHTON.

 Which is Charles River may still be questioned.


444                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     Wheras ye patente was taken in ye name of William

Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes: To

him, his heires, and associats & assignes; and now ye

noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce

tounships established and setled in severall quarters of

ye govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton,

Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not

longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at ye desire

of ye inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by

ye Courte desired that William Bradford should make a

surrender of ye same into their hands.  The which he

willingly did, in this maner following.

 

      Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others ye first in-

struments of God in the begining of this great work of

plantation, togeather with such as ye allordering hand of God

in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very

great charges to procure ye lands, priviledges, & freedoms

from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie

deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of

debts, &c., by reason wherof ye title to ye day of these

presents [234] remaineth in ye said William Bradford, his

heires, associats, and assignes: now, for ye better setling

of ye estate of the said lands (contained in ye grant or

pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instru-

ments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick recorde,

ye Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetialI, the one

bearing date ye 3, of March, 1639. the other in Des: the

1. Ano 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation

& agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other

ye freemen & inhabitants of ye said corporation.  Be it

knowne unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the


1639, 1640.]       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                445

said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with

ye said purchasers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their

heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in ye

said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date ye first

of Des: 1640. viz. first, from ye bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles

to ye eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose

the neck of land.  The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss,

which lyeth in ye botome of ye bay adjoyning to ye west-side

of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to ye westerne side of ye said

river, to an other place called Acushente liver, which entereth

at ye westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to ye eastward

therof, and to extend 8. myles up into ye countrie.  The

3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Caw-

sumsett neck,) which is ye cheefe habitation of ye Indeans,

& reserved for them to dwell upon,) extending into ye land 8.

myles through ye whole breadth therof.  Togeather with such

other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are per-

sonally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former

titles or grante whatsoever.  And ye said William Bradford

doth, by ye free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente

of ye said old-planters, or purchasers, together with ye liking,

approbation, and acceptation of ye other parte of ye said

corporation, surrender into ye hands of ye whole courte, con-

sisting of ye free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all

yt other right & title, power, authority, priviledges, immu-

nities, & freedomes granted in ye said letters patents by ye

said right Honble Counsell for New-England; reserveing his

& their personall right of freemen, together wth the said old

planters afforesaid, excepte ye said lands before excepted,

declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all

such as shal be legally admitted into ye same, his associats:

And ye said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes,

doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & performe

whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in

him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for ye better


446                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

confirming and establishing the said premises, as by Counsel

lerned in ye lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised,

when he shall be ther unto req~lired. In witness wherof, the

! said William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered

the said letters patents actually into ye hands & power of ye

said courte, binding him selie, his heires, executors, admin-

 istrators, and assignes to deliver up whatsoever spetialties

are in his hands that doe or may concerne the same.

 

     [235]  In these 2. years they had sundry letters out

of England to send one over to end the buissines and

accounte with Mr. Sherley; who now professed he

could not make up his accounts without ye help of

some from hence, espetialy Mr. Winslows.  They had

serious thoughts of it, and ye most parte of ye partners

hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly

written such bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Wins-

low was neither willing to goe, nor yt any other of ye

partners should; for he was perswaded, if any of them

wente, they should he arested, and an action of such

a sume layed upon them as they should not procure

baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would

bring them to what they liste; or other wise they

might be brought into trouble by ye arch-bishops

means, as ye times then stood.  But, notwithstand-

ing, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine

Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, see-

ing they could not all agree in this thing, and that

it was waighty, and ye consequence might prove dan-

gerous, to take Mr. Winthrops advise in ye thing,


1639, 1640.]       PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                447

 

and ye rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many

letters acquaynted him with ye differences betweene

them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive

his parte of ye debte.  (And though they deneyed to

pay him any as a debte, till ye controversie was ended,

yet they had deposited 110li. in money in his hands

for Mr. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone

as he would come to any agreement with ye rest.)

But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and

disswaded them from sending; so they broak of their

resolution from sending, and returned this answer:

that the times were dangerous as things stood with

them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered

formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in

ye Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out,

to both his & their great loss and damage; and

times were not better, but worse, in yt respecte.

Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare

to, all men, they made them this tender: to refferr ye

case to some gentle-men and marchants in ye Bay of

ye Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were

well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived

their wer many of their aquaintance and freinds ther,

better knowne to them then ye partners hear,) and

let them be informed in ye case by both sids, and

have all ye evidence yt could be prodused, in writ-

ing, or other wise; and they would be bound to

stand to their determination, and make good their


448                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

award, though it should cost them all they had in

ye world.  But this did not please them, but they

were offended at it, without any great reasone for

ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear

accountes, ye partners here could not, by reason they

(to their smarte) were failed by ye accountants they

sent them, and Mr. Sherley pretened he could not

allso,) save as they conceived it a disparagmente

to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of ye place

and other concurring circomstances.  So this came to

nothing; and afterward Mr. Sherley write, yt if Mr.

Winslow would mett him in France, ye Low-Coun-

tries, or Scotland, let ye place be knowne, and he

[236] come to him ther.  But in regard of ye troubles

that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and

other reasons, this did not come to any effecte.  That

which made them so desirous to bring things to an

end was partly to stope ye clamours and assertions

raised & cast upon them hereabouts; though they

conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong,

and had most cause of complaints; and partly because

they feared ye fall of catle, in which most parte of

their estats lay.  And this was not a vaine feare; for

they fell indeede before they came to a conclu-

sion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a

month before was worth 20li., and would so have

passed in any paymente, fell now to 5li. and would

yeeld no more; and a goate that wente at 3li. or 50s.


1641.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                449

 

would now yeeld but, 8. or 10s. at most.  All men

feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would

be by degrees; and not to be from ye highest pitch

at once to ye lowest, as it did, which was greatly

to ye damage of many, and ye undoing of some.  An

other reason was, they many of them grew aged,

(and indeed a rare thing it was that so many part-

ners should all live together so many years as these

did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so

as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon

their children and posteritie, who might be driven to

remove places, as they had done; yea, them selves

might doe it yet before they dyed.  But this bussi-

nes must yet rest; ye next year gave it more rip-

nes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for

ye reasons afforesaid.

 

Anno Dom: 1641.

     MR. SHERLEY being weary of this controversie, and

desirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to

Mr. John Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of ye

inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaint-

ance, and desired them to be a means to bring this

bussines to an end, by advising & counselling the

partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composi-

tion, by mutuall agreemente.  And he write to them

selves allso to yt end, as by his letter may apear; so

much therof as concernse ye same I shall hear relate.


450                       HISTORY OF                  [BOOK II.

 

    Sr.  My love remembered, &c.  I have writte so much con-

cerning ye ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I

know not what move to write, &c.  If you desire an end

as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise;

that is, to parfecte all accounts, from ye first to ye last, &c.

Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been

so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have

done, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been some-

what to remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c.  I

fear you can never make a perfecte accounte of all your

pety viages, out, & home too & againe, &c.*  So then ye

second way must be, by bicling, or [237] compounding; and

this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &e.  If we must

warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether

will I from you, but to cleave ye heare, and then I dare say

ye lawyers will be most gainers, &c.  Thus let us set to ye

worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways

suffer in my name & estate.  And you are not free; nay,

ye gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth ye professors

of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now

able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppress & bur-

den me, &e.  Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer;

beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it

against you, or to wrong you; or else let Mr. Winslow come

over, and let him have such full power & authority as we may

ende by compounding; or else, ye accounts so well and fully

made up, as we may end by reconing.  Now, blesed be God,

ye times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you

returne to your native countrie againe, and have such free-

dome & libertie as ye word of God prescribs.  Our bishops

were never so near a downfall as now; God hath miracu-

lously confounded them, and turned all their popish

 

     * This was but to pretend advantage, for it could not be done, neither did

it need.


1641.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                451

 

Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c.

Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our per-

ticulere greevances.  I pray you take it seriously into consid-

eration; let each give way a litle that we may meete, &c.

Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c.  So ever rest,

                                                Your loving friend,

                                                          JAMES SHERLEY.

Clapham, May 18. 1641.

 

      Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr. Atwodes

& Mr. Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an

end, (and ye continuall clamors from ye rest,) and by

none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke

this course (because many scandals had been raised

upon them).  They apoynted these 2. men before men-

tioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some

other freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother

in law to Mr. Beachamp, and having drawne up a col-

lection of all ye remains of ye stock, in what soever it

was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements be-

longing to ye same, as they were used in ye time of

ye trad, were they better or worce, with ye remaines

of all comodities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or

any thing els, as well ye refuse as ye more vendible,

with all debts, as well those yt were desperate as

others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days

to bring this to pass, having ye helpe of all bookes and

papers, which either any of them selves had, or Josias

Winslow, who was their accountante; and they found

ye sume in all to arise (as ye things were valued) to


452.                               HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

aboute 1400li.  And they all of them tooke a volun-

tary but a sollem oath, in ye presence one of an

other, and of all their £rends, ye persons abovesaid yt

were now presente, that this was all that any of them

knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did

ye like for his parte.  But ye truth is they wrongd

them selves much in ye valuation, for they recon

some catle as they were taken of Mr. Allerton, as for

instance a cowe in ye hands of one cost 25li. and so

she was valued in this accounte; but when she came

to be past away in parte of paymente, after ye agree-

mente, she would be accepted but at 4li. 15s.  [238]

Also, being tender of their oaths, they brought in

they knew owing to ye stock; but they had not made

ye like diligente search what ye stocke might owe to

any, so as many scattering debts fell upon afterwards

more then now they knew of.

      Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente

betweene Mr Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and

 them selves.  The effecte is as folloeth.

 

Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon ye 15. day of

October, 1641. &c.

     Imp:  Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years

agreed upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and

Richard Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Brad-

ford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish,

William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, wth Isaack

Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising


1641.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                453

 

in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being

expired, and diverse sumes of money in goods adventured

into New-England by ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp,

& Richard Andrews, and many large returnes made from

New-England by ye said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow,

&c.; and differauce arising aboute ye charge of 2. ships, the

one called ye White Angele, of Bristow, and ye other ye

Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c.;

which said ships & their viages, ye said William Bradford,

Ed: W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their ac-

counts of partnership; and weras ye accounts of ye said

partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley

appeare (through ye defaulte of J osias Winslow, ye booke

keeper); and weras ye said W. B. &c. have received all

their goods for ye said trade from the foresaid James Sher-

ley, and have made most of their returnes to him, by con-

sente of ye said John Beachamp & Richard Andrews; and

wheras also ye said James Sherley hath given power &

authoritie to Mr. John Atwode, with ye advice & consente

of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to

put such an absolute end to ye said partnership, with all

and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, what-

soever, to ye said James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard

Andrews, from ye said W. B. &c. for and concerning ye said

beaver trade, & also ye charge ye said 2. ships, and their

viages made or pretended, whether just 'or unjuste, from ye

worlds begining to this presente, as also for ye paimente

of a purchas of 18001i. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on

ye behalfe of ye said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of ye joynt

stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-

England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date ye

6. Novbr. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes

of money or goods as are received by William Bradford,

Tho: Prence, & Myles Standish, for ye recovery of dues, by

accounts betwexte them, ye said James Sherly, John Bea-


454                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

champ, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for ye ship

caled ye White Angell.  Now ye said John Attwode, with ad-

vice & counsell of ye said William Collier, having had much

comunication & spente diverse days in agitation of all ye

said differances & accounts with ye said W. B., E. W.,

&c.; and ye said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with ye said

book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering

togeither ye remainder of ye stock of partnership for ye said

trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by ye

said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manne

of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those

debts that are weake and doubtfull [239] and desperate, as

those yt are more secure, which in all doe amounte to ye

sume of 1400li. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfac-

tion of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard

Andrews, the said W. B. and all ye rest of ye abovesaid

partners, togeither with Josias Winslow ye booke keeper

have taken a voluntarie oath, yt within ye said sume of

1400li. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to

ye utmost of their rememberance.

     In consideration of all which matters & things before ex-

pressed, and to ye end yt a full, absolute, and finall end

may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded

and love & peace continued, it is therfore agreed and con-

cluded betweene ye said John Attwode, with ye advice &

consent of ye said William Colier, for & on ye behalfe of

ye said James Sherley, to and with ye said W. B., &c. in

maner and forme following: viz. that ye said John Attwode

shall procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under ye

hands & seals of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp,

Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer & unconcealed unto

ye said William Bradford, &c., at or before ye last day of

August, next insuing ye date hereof, whereby ye said William

Bradford &c., their heires, executors, & administrators, &


1641.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                455

 

every of them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & dis-

charged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and

demands whatsoever concerning ye generall stock of beaver

trade, paymente of ye said 1800li. for ye purchass, and all

demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, con-

cerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship aforesaid,

togeather with whatsoever hath been received by ye said

William Bradford, of ye goods or estate of Isaack Allerton,

for satisfaction of ye accounts of ye said ship called ye

Whit Angele, by vertue of a lre of attourney to him, Thomas

Prence, & Myles Standish, directed from ye said James Sher-

ley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for yt purpose as

afforesaid.

      It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said

parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c.

shall now be bound in 2400li. for paymente of 1200li. in full

satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid; to be payed in

maner & forme following; that is to say, 4001i. within 2.

months next after ye receite of the aforesaid releases and

discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready

in ye hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by

the means of Mr. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80li.

waight of beaver now deposited into ye hands of ye said

John Attwode, to be both ill part of paimente of ye said

400li. and ye other 800li. to be payed by 200li. pr anume, to

such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in

Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodi-

ties, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at ye

time of delivery & paymente; and in ye mean time ye said

bond of 2400li. to be deposited into ye hands of ye said John

Attwode.  And it is agreed upon by & betweene ye said

parties to these presents, that if ye said John Attwode shall

not or cannot procure such said releases & discharges as

afforesaid from ye said James Sherley, John Bachamp, &


456                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Richard Andrews, at or before ye last day of August next

insuing ye date hear of, yt then ye said John Attwode shall,

at ye said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be de-

livered unto ye said W. B., F. W., &e. their said bond of

2400li. and ye said 80li. waight of beaver, or ye due valew

therof, without any fraud or further delay; and for perform-

ance of all & singuler ye covenants and agreements hearin

contained and expressed, which on ye one parte and behalfe

of ye said James Sherley are to be observed & performed,

shall become bound in ye sume of 2400li. to them, ye said  

William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles

Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John How-

land.  And it is lastly agreed upon betweene ye said parties,

that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte forboath

parties, in ye hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of

Plimoth.  In witnes wherof, all ye said parties have here-

unto severally sett their hands, ye day and year first above

writen.

     JOHN ATWODE, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD WINSLOW, &c.

In ye presence Of EDMOND FRFEMAN,

WILLIAM THOMAS,

WILLIAM PADY,

NATHANIF,LL SOUTHER.

 

     The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came

to some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a

finall ende with all ye, parties; but this much for ye

presente.

     I had forooten to inserte in its place how ye church

here had invited and Sent for Mr. Charles Chansey,* a

 

* Mr. Chancey came to them in ye year 1638. and staid till ye later part of

this year 1641.


 

 

1641.]           PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                 457

 

reverend, godly, and very larned man, intending upon

triall to chose him pastor of ye church hear, for ye

more comfortable performance of ye ministrie with Mr.

John Reinor, the teacher of ye same.  But ther fell

out some difference aboute baptising, be holding it

ought only to be by diping, and putting ye whole body

under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull.  The

church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was law-

full, but in this could countrie not so conveniente.

But they could not nor durst not yeeld to him in

this, that sprinkling, (which all ye churches of Christ

doe for ye most parte use at this day) was unlawfull,

& an humane invention, as ye same was prest; but

they were willing, to yeeld to him as far as yey could,

& to ye utmost; and were contented to suffer him to

practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to

minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any yt

did desire it in yt way, provided he could peacably

suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs

otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering

on of water upon them; so as ther might be no dis-

turbance in ye church hereabouts.  But he said he

could not yeeld herunto.  Upon which the church pro-

cured some other ministers to dispute ye pointe with

him publikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who

did it sundrie times, very ablie and suffieently, as allso

some other ministers within this govermente.  But he

was not satisfied; so ye church sent to many other


458                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

churches to crave their help and advise in [241] this

mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his

arguments writen under his owne hand.  They sente

them to ye church at Boston in ye Bay of Massachu-

sets, to be comunicated with other churches ther.

Also they sent the same to ye churches of Conighte-

cutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and re-

ceived very able & sufficent answers, as they con-

ceived, from them and their larned ministers, who all

concluded against him.  But him selfe was not satis-

fied therewth.  Their answers are too large hear to

relate.  They conceived ye church had done what was

meete in ye thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been ye most

parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate,

wher he now remaines a minister to ye church ther. 

Also about these times, now, yt catle &- other things

begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and

persons begane to fall into more straits, and many

being, allready gone from them, (as is noted before,)

both to Duxberie, Alarshfeeld, and other places, &

those of ye cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine

Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other & stille some

dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many

more unsetled, it did greatly weaken ye place, and by

reason of ye straitnes and barrennes of ye place, it sett

ye thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere

more hereafter.


1642.]           PLYMOLTTH PLANTATION.                459

 

Anno Dom: 1642.

       MARVILOUS it may be to see and consider how some

kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a

land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and

so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it

was knowne; as in no place more, or so much, that

I have known or heard of; insomuch as they have

been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good

men, for their severitie in punishments.  And yet all

this could not suppress ye breaking out of sundrie no-

torious sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too

many sad presidents and instances,) espetially drunk-

ennes and unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene

persons unmaried, for which many both men & women

have been punished sharply enough, but some maried

persons allso.  But that which is worse, even sod-

omie and bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak

forth in this land, oftener then once.  I say it may

justly be marveled at, and. cause us to fear & tremble

at the consideration of our corrupte natures, which are

so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot

by any other means but ye powerful worke & grace of

Gods spirite.  But (besids this) one reason may be

that ye Divell may carrie a greater spite against the

churches of Christ and ye gospell hear, by how much

ye more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie

amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary


460                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth;

that he might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon

them in ye eyes of [ye] world, who use to be rash in

judgmente.  I would rather thinke thus, then that

Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as

som have thought, then in more Christian nations, es-

petially over Gods servants in them.

     2.  An other reason may be, that it may be in this

case as it is with waters when their streames are

stopped or damed up, when they gett passage they

flow with more violence, and make more noys and dis-

turbance, then when they are suffered to rune quietly

in their owne chanels.  So wikednes being here more

stopped by strict laws, and ye same more nerly looke

unto, so as it cannot rune in a comone road of liberty

as it would, and is inclined, it searches every wher

and at last breaks out wher it getts vente.

    3.  A third reason may be, hear (as I am verily per-

swaded) is not more evills in this kind, nor nothing

nere so many by proportion, as in other places; but

they are here more discoverd and seen, and, made pub-

lick by due serch, inquisition, and due punishment;

for ye churches looke narrowly to their members, an

ye magistrats over all, more strictly then in other

places.  Besids, here the people are but few in com-

parison of other places, which are full & populous

and lye hid, as it were, in a wood or thickett, and

many horrible evills by yt means are never seen nor


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                461

 

knowne; wheras hear, they are, as it were, brought

into ye light, and set in ye plaine feeld, or rather on

a hill, made conspicuous to ye veiw of all.

     But to proceede; ther came a letter from ye Govr

in ye Bay to them here, touching matters of ye fore-

mentioned nature, which because it may be usefull

I shall hear relate it, and ye passages ther aboute.

 

    Sr: Having an opportunitie to signifie ye desires of our Gen-

erall Court in toow things of spetiall importance, I willingly

take this occasion to imparte them to you, yt you may imparte

them to ye rest of your magistrats, and also to your Elders,

for counsell; and give us your advise in them, The first is

concerning heinous offences in point of uncleannes; the per-

ticuler cases, with ye circomstances, and ye questions ther

upon, you have hear inclosed.  The 2. thing is concerning

ye Ilanders at Aquidnett; yt seeing the cheefest of them are

gone from us, in offences, either to churches, or comone welth,

or both; others are dependants on them, and ye best sorte

are such as close with them in all their rejections of us. 

Neither is it only in a faction yt they are devided from us,

but in very deed they rend them selves from all ye true

churches of Christ, and, many of them, from all ye powers

of majestracie.  We have had some experience hereof by some

of their underworkers, or emissaries, who have latly come

amongst us, and have made publick defiance against magis-

tracie, ministrie, churches, & church covenants, &c. as anti-

christian; secretly also sowing ye seeds of Familisme, and

Anabaptistrie, to ye infection of some, and danger of others;

so that we are not willing to joyne with them in any league

or confederacie at all, but rather that you would consider &

advise with us how we may avoyd them, and keep ours from

being infected by them. Another thing I should mention


462                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

to you for ye maintenance of ye trad of beaver; if ther be

not a company to order it in every jurisdition among ye

English, which companies should agree in generall of their

way in trade, I supose that ye trade will be overthrowne, and

ye Indeans will abuse us.  For this cause we have latly put

it into order amonost us, hoping, of incouragmente from you

(as we have had) yt we may continue ye same.  Thus not

further to trouble you, I rest,  with my loving remembrance

to your selfe, &c.

Your loving friend,

Ri :  BELLINCHAM.

Boston, 28. (1.) 1642.

 

The note inclosed follows on ye other side.*

 

      [244] Worthy & beloved Sr:

      Your letter (with ye questions inclosed) I have comunicated

with our Assistants, and we have refered ye answer of them

to such Reved Elders as are amongst us, some of whose

answers thertoo we have here sent you inclosed, under their

owne hands; from ye rest we have not yet received any.  Our

farr distance hath bene ye reason of this long delay, as also

yt they could not conferr their counsells togeather.

      For our selves, (you know our breedings & abillities,) we

rather desire light from your selves, & others, whom God

hath better inabled, then to presume to give our judgments in

cases so difficulte, and of so high a nature.  Yet under cor-

rection, and submission to better judgments, we propose this

one thing, to your prudent considerations.  As it seems to us,

in ye case even of willfull murder, that though a man did

smite or wound an other, with a full potirpose or desire to kill

him, (wch is murder in a high degree, before God,) yet if he

 

*A leaf is here wanting in the original manuscript, it having been cut out.


1642          PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                           463

 

did not dye, the magistrate was not to take away ye others

life.*  So by proportion in other grosse & foule sines, though

high attempts & nere approaches to ye same be made, and

such as in the sight & account of God may be as ill as ye

accomplishmente of ye foulest acts of yt sine, yet we doute

whether it may be safe for ye magistrate to proceed to death;

we thinke, upon ye former grounds, rather he may not.  As,

for instance, in ye case of adultrie, (if it be admitted yt it is

to be punished wth death, which to some of us is not cleare,)

if ye body be not actually defiled, then death is not to be

inflicted.  So in sodomie, & beastialitie, if ther be not pene-

tration.  Yet we confess foulnes of circomstances, and fre-

quencie in ye same, doth make us remaine in ye darke, and

desire further light from you, or any, as God shall give.

     As for ye 2. thing, concerning ye Ilanders?  we have no con-

versing with them, nor desire to have, furder then necessitie

or humanity may require.

      And as for trade? we have as farr as we could ever therin

held an orderly course, & have been sory to see ye spoyle

therof by others, and fear it will hardly be recovered.  But

in these, or any other things which may concerne ye comone

good, we shall be willing to advise & concure with you in

what we may.  Thus wth my love remembered to your selfe,

and ye rest of our worthy friends, your Assistants, I take

leave, & rest,

Your loving friend,

W. B.

Plim: 17. 3. month, 1642.

 

Now follows ye ministers answers.  And first Mr.

Reynors.

* Exod: 21. 22. Deu: 19. 11.  Num: 35. 16. 18.


464                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     Qest:  What sodmiticall acts are to be punished with death,

& what very facte (ipso facto) is worthy of death, or, if ye

fact it selfe be not capitall, what circomstances concurring

may make it capitall?

      Ans:  In ye judiciall law (ye moralitie wherof concerneth us)

it is manyfest yt carnall knowledg of man, or lying wth man,

as with woman, cum penetratione corporis, was sodomie, to

be punished with death; what els can be understood by Levit:

18. 22. & 20. 13. & Gen: 19. 5?   21y.  It seems allso yt  this

foule sine might be capitall, though ther was not penitratio

corporis, but only contactus & fricatio usq ad effusionem

seminis, for these reasons: [245]  1. Because it was sin to be

punished with death, Levit. 20. 13. in ye man who was lyen

withall, as well as in him yt lyeth with him; now his sin is

not mitigated wher ther is not penitration, nor augment

wher it is; wheras its charged upon ye women, yt they were

guilty of this unnaturall sine, as well as men, Rom. 1. 26. 27.

Ye same thing doth furder apeare, 2. because of yt proportion

betwexte this sin & beastialitie, wherin if a woman did stand

before, or aproach to, a beast, for yt end, to lye downe therto,

(whether penetration was or not,) it was capitall, Levit: 18.

23. & 20. 16.  31y.  Because something els might be equivalent

to penetration wher it had not been, viz. ye fore mentioned

acts with frequencie and long continuance with a high hand

utterly extinguishing all light of nature; besids, full intention

and bould attempting of ye foulest acts may seeme to have

been capitall here, as well as coming presumptuously to slay

with guile was capitall.  Exod: 21. 14.

     Yet it is not so manyfest yt ye same acts were to be pun-

ished with death in some other sines of uncleannes, wch yet

by ye law of God were capitall crimes; besids other reasons,

(1.) because sodomie, & also beastialitie, is more against ye

light of nature then some other capitall crimes of unclainnes,

which reason is to be attended unto, as yt which most of all


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                465

 

made this sin capitall; (2.) because it might be comited with

more secrecie & less suspition, & therfore needed ye more to

be restrained & suppresed by ye law;  (3ly) because ther was

not ye like reason & degree of sining against family & pos-

teritie in this sin as in some other capitall sines of uncleannes.

     2. Quest:  How farr a magistrate may extracte a confession

from a delinquente, to acuse him selfe of a capitall crime,

seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.

     Ans:  A majestrate cannot without sin neglecte diligente

inquision into ye cause brought before him.  Job 29. 16.

Pro: 24. 11. 1'4. & 25. 2.   (2ly.) If it be manifest yt a capitall

crime is committed, & yt comone reporte, or probabilitie,

suspition, or some complainte, (or ye like,) be of this or yt

person, a magistrate ought to require, and by all due means

to procure from ye person (so farr allready bewrayed) a naked

confession of ye fact, as apears by yt which is morall & of

perpetuall equitie, both in ye case of uncertaine murder, Deut :

21.1.9. and slander, Deut: 22.13.21; for though nemo

tenetur prodere seipsum, yet by that wch may be known to

ye magistrat by ye forenamed means, he is bound thus to doe,

or els he may betray his countrie & people to ye heavie dis-

pleasure of God, Levit: 18. 24. 25. Jos: 22. 18. Psa: 106.

30; such as are inocente to ye sinfull, base, cruell lusts of

ye profane, & such as are delinquents, and others with them,

into ye hands of ye stronger temptations, & more bouldness,

& hardnes of harte, to comite more & worse villany, besids

all ye guilt & hurt he will bring upon him selfe.  (3ly.) To

infiicte some punishmente meerly for this reason, to extracte

a conffession of a capitall crime, is contrary to ye nature of

vindictive justice, which always hath respecte to a know crime

comitited by ye person punished; and it will therfore, for any

thing which can before be knowne, be ye provocking and

forcing of wrath, compared to ye wringing of ye nose, Pro:

30. 33. which is as well forbiden ye fathers of ye countrie as


466                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

of ye family, Ephe. 6. 4. as prod using many sad & dangerous

effects.  That an oath (ex officio) for such a purpose is no

due means, hath been abundantly proved by ye godly learned,

& is well known.

     Q. 3.  In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with

other circomstances shall be sufficiente to convince? or is ther

no conviction without 2. witneses?

     Ans: In taking away ye life of man, one witnes alone

will not suffice, ther must be tow, or yt which is instar

ye texts are manifest, Numb: 35. 30.  Deut: 17. 6. & 19. 15

2ly.  Ther may be conviction by one witnes, & some thing

yt hath ye force of another, as ye evidencie of ye fact done

by such an one, & not an other; unforced confession when

ther was no fear or danger of suffering for ye fact, hand

writings acknowledged & confessed.

JOHN REYNOR.

 

     [246] Mr. Partrich his writing, in ans: to ye questions.

     What is yt sodomiticall acte which is to be punished with

death?

      Though I conceive probable yt a voluntary effusion of seed

per modum concubitus of man with man, as of a man with

woman, though in concubitu ther be not penetratio corporis,

is yt sin which is forbiden, Levit: 18. 22. & adjudged to be

punished with death, Levit: 20. 13. because, though ther be

not penetratio corporis, yet ther may be similitudo concubitus

muliebris, which is yt the law specifieth; yet I dar not be

con-* (1.) because, Gen: 19. 5. ye intended acte of ye Sodo-

mits (who were ye first noted maisters of this unnaturall act

of more then brutish filthines) is expressed by carnall copu-

lation of man with woman:  Bring them out unto us, yt we

may know them; (21y.) because it is observed among ye

nations wher this unnaturall unclainnes is comited, it is wth

penetration of ye body; (3ly.) because, in ye judiciall pro-

* "Confident"?

1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 467

 

ceedings of ye judges in England, ye indict: so rune (as

I have been informed).

     Q. How farr may a magistrat extracte a confession of

a capitall crime from a suspected and an accused person?

     Ans.  I conceive yt a magistrate is bound, by carfull ex-

amenation of circomstances & waighing of probabilities, to

sifte ye accused, and by force of argumente to draw him

to an acknowledgment of ye truth; but he may not extracte

a confession of a capitall crime from a suspected person by

any violent means, whether it be by an oath imposed, or

by any punishmente inflicted or threatened to be inflicted,

for so he may draw forth an acknowledgmente of a crime

from a fearfull inocente; if guilty, he shall be compelled to

be his owne accuser, when no other can, which is against

ye rule of justice.

      Q. In what cases of capitall crimes one witnes with other

circomstances shall be sufficente to convicte; or is ther no,

conviction without two witnesses?

      Ans:  I conceive yt, in ye case of, capitall crimes, ther can

be no safe proceedings unto judgmente without too witnesses,

as Numb: 35.30. Deut: 19.15. excepte ther can some evi-

dence be prodused as aveilable & firme to prove ye facte as

a witnes is, then one witnes may suffice; for therin ye end

and equitie of ye law is attained.  But to proceede unto

sentence of death upon presumptions, wher probably ther

may subesse falsum, though ther be ye testimony of one

wittnes, I supose it cannot be a safe way; better for such a

one to be held in safe custodie for further triall, I conceive.

RALPH PARTRICH.

 

The Answer of Mr. Charles Chancy.

    An contactus et fricatio usq ad seminis effusioem sine

penetratione corporis sit sodomia morte plectenda?

Q. The question is what sodomiticall acts are to be pun-


468                      HISTORY OF                   [BOOK II.

 

ished wth death, & what very facte committed, (ipso facto,)

is worthy of death, or if ye faete it selfe be not capitall,

what circomstances conjuring may make it capitah.  The

same question may be asked of rape, inceste, beastialitie,

unnaturall sins, presumtuous sins.  These be ye words of ye

first question.

     Ans:  The answer unto this I will lay downe (as God

shall directe by his word & spirite) in these following con-

clusions:  (1.) That ye judicials of Moyses, that are appen-

dances to ye morall law, grounded on ye law of nature,

or ye decalooue, are imutable, and  ppetuall, wch all orthodox

devines acknowledge; see ye authors following.  Luther

Tom. 1.  Whitenberge:  fol. 435. & fol. 7.  Melanethon,

in loc: com loco de conjugio. Calvin, 1. 4. Institu. c. 4.

sect. 15.  Junious de politia Moysis, thes. 29. & 30. Hen:

Bulin:  Decad. 3. sermo. 8.  Wolf:  Museu. loc.:  com: in 6.

precepti explicaci:  Bucer de reano Christi, 1. 2. c. 17.

Theo: Beza, vol: 1. de hereti: puniendis, fol. 154. Zanch:

in 3. precept: Ursin: Pt. 4. explicate contra John. Piscat:

in Aphorismi Loe,. de lege dei aphorism. 17.  And more

might be added.  I forbear, for brevities sake, to set downe

their very words; this being ye constants & generall oppinion

of ye best devines, I will rest in this as undoubtedly true,

though much more might be said to confirme it.

     2. That all ye sines mentioned in ye question were pun-

ished with death by ye judiciall law of Moyses, ast adultry,

Levit: 20. 10. Deut: 22. 22. Esech: 16. 38. Jhon. 8. 5.

which is to be understood not only of double adultrie, when

as both parties are maried, (as some conceive,) but who-

soever (besids her husband) lyes with a married woman,

whether ye man be maried or not, as in ye place, Deut: 22.

22. or whosoever, being a maried man, lyeth with another

woman (besids his wife), as P. Martire saith, loc: com:

which in diverce respects maks ye Sine worse on ye maried


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                469

 

mans parte; for ye Lord in this law hath respect as well to

publick honesty, (the sin being so prejudicall to ye church

& state,) as ye private wrongs (saith Juniolls).  So incest

is to be punished with death, Levit: 20. 11. 22.  Beastiality

likwise, Lev: 20. 15. Exod: 22. 19.  Raps in like maner,

Deut: 22. 25.  Sodomie in like sort, Levit: 18. 22. & 20.

13.  And all presumptuous sins, Numb: 15. 30. 31.

     3.  That ye punishmente of these foule sines wth death is

grounded on ye law of nature, & is agreeable to the morall

law.  (1.) Because ye reasons anexed shew them to be per-

petuall.  Deut. 22. 22.  So shalt thou put away evill.  Incest,

beastiality, are caled confusion, & wickednes.  (2.) Infamie

to ye whole humane nature, Levit: 22. 12. Levit: 18. 23.

Raps are as murder, Deut: 22. 25.  Sodomie is an abomi-

nation, Levit: 22. 22. [247] No holier & juster laws can

be devised by any man or angele then have been by ye

Judg of all ye world, the wisdome of ye Father, by whom

kings doe raigne, &c. (3.)  Because, before ye giving of ye

Law, this punishmente was anciently practised, Gen: 26. 11.

38.29. 39.20. & even by the heathen, by ye very light of

nature, as P. Martire shews.  (4ly.)  Because ye land is de-

filed by such sins, and spews out ye inhabitants, Levit: 18.

24, 25. & that in regard of those nations yt were not ac-

quainted wth the law of Moyses.  5. All ye devins above

specified consent in this, that ye unclean acts punishable

with death by ye law of God are not only ye grose acts of

uncleannes by way of carnall copulation, but all ye evidente

attempts therof, which may appeare by those severall words

yt are used by ye spirite of God, expressing ye sins to be

punished with death; as ye discovering of nakednes, Levit:

18. 20. which is retegere pudenda, as parts pr euphemismum

(saith Junius ), or detegere ad cubandum (saith Willett), to

uncover ye shamefull parts of ye body (saith Ainsworth),

which, though it reaches to ye grose acts, yet it is plaine it


470                     HISTORY OF                         [BOOK II.

 

doth comprehend ye other foregoing immodest attempts, as

contactum, fricationem, &c.; likwise ye phrase of lying with

so often used, doth not only signifie carnall copulation, but

other obscene sets, preeding ye same, is implyed in Pauls

word a]rsenokoi?tai  1 Cor: 6. 9. & men lying with men

1. Tim: 1. 9. men defiling them selves wth mankind, men

burning with lust towards men, Rom: 1. 26. & Levit: 18.*22.

sodom & sin going after strange flesh, Jud: v. 7. S. and

lying with mankind  as with a woman, Levit: 18. 22.  Abu-

lentis says yt it signifies omnes modos quibus masculus mas-

culo abutatur, changing ye naturall use into yt which is against

nature, Rom: 1. 26. arrogare sibi cubare, as Junius well

translats Levit 20. 15. to give consente to lye withall, so

approaching to a beast, & lying downe therto, Levit : 20. 16.

ob solum conatu ! (saith Willett) or for going about to doe

it.  Add to this a notable speech of Zepperus de legibus

(who hath enough to end controversies of this nature).

L. 1. he saith: In crimine adulterii voluntas (understand-

ing manifeste) sine effectu subsecuto de jure attenditur;

and he proves it out of good laws, in these words : Solici-

tatores + alienum nuptiam itemq matrimonium interpellatores,

etsi effectu sceleris potiri non possunt, propter voluntatem

tamen perniciosee libidinis extra ordinem puniuntlir; nam

generate est quidem affectu sine effectu [non] puniri, sed

contrariur, observatur in atrocioribus & horum similibus.

     5.  In concluding punishments from ye judiciall law of

Moyses yt is perpetuall, we must often preeed by analogicall

proportion & interpretation, as a paribus similibus, minore

ad majus, &e. ; for ther will still fall out some cases, in

every comone-wealth, which are not in so many words ex-

tante in holy write, yet ye snbstance of ye matter in every

kind (I conceive under correction) may be drawne and con-

cluded out of ye scripture by good consequence of an equeva-

 

* 8 in MS.        ! Contic in MS.    + Solicitations in MS.


1642.]                 PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                471

 

lent nature; as, for example, ther is no express law against

destroying conception in ye wombe by potions, yet by anologie

with Exod: 21. 22, 23. we may reason yt life is to be given

for life.  Againe, ye question, An contactus & fricatio, &c.,

and methinks yt place Gen: 38. 9. in ye punishmente of

Onans sin, may give some cleare light to it; it was (saith

Pareus) beluina crudelitas quam Deus pari loco cum parri-

cidio habuit, nam semen corrumpere, quid fuit aliud quam

hominem ex semine generandum occidere?  Propterea juste

a Deo occisus est.  Observe his words.  And againe, Disca-

mus quantopere Deus abominetur omnem seminis genitalis

abusum, illicit effusionem, & corruptione, &c., very perti-

nente to this case.  That allso is considerable, Deut: 25.

11, 12.  God comanded yt, if any wife drue nigh to deliver

her husband out of ye hand of him yt smiteth him, &c., her

hand should be cutt off.  Yet such a woman in yt case might

say much for her selfe, yt what she did was in trouble &

perplexitie of her minde, & in her husbands defence; yet

her hand must be cutt of for such impuritie (and this is

morall, as I conceive).  Then we may reason from ye less

to ye greater, what greevous sin in ye sight of God it is,

by ye instigation of burning lusts, set on fire of hell, to

proceede to contactum & fricationem ad emissionem seminis,

&c., & yt contra naturam, or to attempte ye grosse acts of

unnaturall filthines.  Againe, if yt unnaturall lusts of men

with men, or woman with woman, or either with beasts, be

to be punished with death, then a pari naturall lusts of men

towards children under age are so to be punished.

     6.  Circumstantire variant vis e actiunes, (saith ye lawiers,)

& circomstances in these cases cannot possibly be all reeked

up; but God hath given laws for those causes & cases that

are of greatest momente, by which others are to be judged of,

as in ye differance betwixte chane medley, & willfull

murder; so in ye sins of uncleannes, it is one thing to doe


472                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

an acte of uncleannes by sudden temptation, & another to

lye in waite for it, yea, to make a Comune practise of it;

this mightily augments & multiplies ye sin.  Againe, some

sines of this nature are simple, others compound, as yt is

simple adultrie, or inceste, or simple sodomie; but when

ther is a mixture of diverce kinds of lust, as when adultery

& sodomie & prditio seminis goe togeather in ye same acte

of uncleannes, this is capitall, double, & trible.  Againe,

when adultrie or sodomie is comited by pfessors or church

members, I fear it coms too near ye sine of ye preists daugh

ters, forbidden, & comanded to be punished, Levit: 21. 9.

besids ye presumption of ye sines of such.  Againe, when

uncleannes is comited with those whose chastity they are

bound to pserve, this coms very nere the incestious copula-

tion, I feare; but I must hasten to ye other questions.

      [248] 2. Question ye second, upon ye pointe of exami

nation, how farr a magistrate may extracte a confession

from a delinquente to accuse him selfe in a capitall crime,

seeing Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum.

     Ans:  The words of ye question may be understood of

extracting a confession from a delinquente either by oath or

bodily tormente.  If it be mente of extracting by requiring

an oath, (ex officio, as some call it,) & that in capitall

crimes, I fear it is not safe, nor warented by Gods word,

to extracte a confession from a delinquente by an oath in

matters of life and death.  (1.) Because ye practise in ye

Scripturs is other wise, as in ye case of Achan, Jos: 7. 19.

Give, I pray ye, glorie to ye Lord God of Israll, and make

a confession to him, & tell roe how thou hast done.  He

did not compell him to sweare.  So when as Johnathans life

was indangered, 1. Sam. 14.43. Saule said unto Johnathan,

Tell me what thou hast done; he did not require an oath.

And notable is yt, Jer: 38. 14.  Jeremiah was charged by

Zedechias, who said, I will aske the a thing, hide it not


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                473

 

from me; & Jeremiah said, If I declare it unto ye, wilt

thou not surely put me to death?  impling yt, in case of

death, he would have refused to answer him.  (2.) Reason

shews it, & experience; Job: 2. 4. Skin for skin, &c.  It

is to be feared yt those words (whatsoever a man hath) will

comprehend also ye conscience of an oath, and ye fear of

God, and all care of religion; therfore for laying a snare

before ye  guiltie, I think it ought not to be donn.  But

now, if ye question be mente of inflicting bodyly torments

to extracte a confession from a mallefactor, I conceive yt

in maters of higest consequence, such as doe conceirne

ye saftie or ruine of stats or countries, magistrats may

proceede so farr to bodily torments as racks, hote-irons,

&c., to extracte a conffession, espetially wher presumptions

are strounge; but otherwise by no means.  God sometims

hids a sinner till his wickednes is filled up.

     Question 3.  In what cases of capitall crimes, one witnes

with other circumstances shall be sufficente to convicte, or

is ther no conviction without 2. witneses?

      Deut: 19. 25.  God hath given an express rule yt in no

case one witness shall arise in judgmente, espetially not in

capitall cases.  God would not put our lives into ye power

of anyone toungue.  Besids, by ye examination of more

wittneses agreeing or disagreeing, any falshood ordenarilly

may be discovered; but this is to be understood of one

witnes of another; but if a man witnes against him selfe,

his owne testimony is sufficente, as in ye case of ye Amala-

kite, 2. Sam: 1. 16.  Againe, when ther are sure & certaine

signee & evidences by circumstances, ther needs no witnes

in this case, as in ye bussines of Adoniah desiring Abishage

ye Shunamite to wife, that therby he might make way for

him selfe unto ye kingdome, 1. King: 2. 23, 24.  Againe,

probably by many concurring circumstances, if probabillity

may have ye strength of a witnes, somthing may be this


474                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

way gathered, me thinks, from Sallomons judging betweexte

ye true mother, and ye harlote, 1. King. 3. 25.  Lastly,  I

see no cause why in waighty matters, in defecte of witneses

& other proofes, we may not have recourse to a lott, as in

ye case of Achan, Josu: 7. 16. which is a clearer way in

such doubtfull cases (it being solemnely & religiously per-

formed) then any other that I know, if it be made ye last

refuse.  But all this under correction.

      The Lord in mercie directe & prosper ye desires of his

servants that desire to walk before him in truth & right-

eousnes in the administration of justice, and give them wis-

dome and largues of harte.

CHARLES CHANNCY.

 

     Besids ye occation before mentioned in these writ-

ings concerning the abuse of those 2. children, they

had aboute ye same time a case of buggerie fell out

amongst them, which occasioned these questions, to

which these answers have been made.

     And after ye time of ye writig of these things

befell a very sadd accidents of the like foule nature

in this govermente, this very year, which I shall

now relate.  Ther was a youth whose name was

Thomas Granger; he was servant to an honest man

of Duxbery, being aboute 16. or 17. years of age.

(His father & mother lived at the same time at

Sityate.)  He was this year detected of buggery (and

indicted for ye same) with a mare, a cowe, tow goats,

five sheep, 2. calves, and a turkey.  Horrible [249] it is

to mention, but ye truth of ye historie requires

it.  He was first discovered by one yt  accidentally


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                475

 

saw his lewd practise towards the mare.  (I forbear

perticulers.)  Being upon it examined and comitted,

in ye end he not only confest ye, fact with that beast

at that time, but sundrie times before, and at sev-

erall times with all ye rest of ye forenamed in his

indictmente; and this his free-confession was not only

in private to ye magistrats, (though at first he strived

to deney it,) but to sundrie, both ministers & others,

and afterwards, upon his indictmente, to ye whole

court & jury; and confirmed it at his execution.

And wheras some of ye sheep could not so well be

knowne by his description of them, others with them

were brought before him, and he declared which were

they, and which were not.  And accordingly he was

cast by ye jury, and condemned, and after executed

about ye 8. of Septr, 1642.  A very sade spectakle

it was; for first the mare, and then ye cowe, and

ye rest of ye lesser catle, were kild before his face,

according to ye law, Levit: 20. 15. and then he him

selfe was executed.  The catle were all cast into a

great & large pitte that was digged of purposs for

them, and no use made of any part of them.

      Upon ye examenation of this person, and also of a

former that had made some sodomiticall attempts upon

another, it being demanded of them how they came

first to ye knowledge and practice of such wickednes,

the one confessed he had long used it in old England;

and this youth last spoaken of said he was taught it


476                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

by an other that had heard of such things from some

in England when he was ther, and they kept catle

togeather.  By which it appears how one wicked per-

son may infecte many; and what care all ought to

have what servants they bring into their families.

      But it may be demanded how came it to pass that

so many wicked persons and profane people should

so quickly come over into this land, & mixe them

selves amongst them?  seeing it was religious men yt

begane ye work, and they came for religions sake.

I confess this may be marveilled at, at least in time

to come, when the reasons therof should not be

knowne; and ye more because here was so many

hardships and wants mett withall.  I shall therfore

indeavor to give some answer hereunto.  And first,

according to yt in ye gospell, it is ever to be remem-

bred that wher ye Lord begins to sow good seed,

ther ye envious man will endeavore to sow tares.

2.  Men being to come over into a wildernes, in

which much labour & servise was to be done aboute

building & planting, &c., such as wanted help in yt

respecte, when they could not have such as yey would,

were glad to take such as they could; and so, many

untoward servants, sundry of them proved, that were

thus brought over, both men & women kind; who,

when their times were expired, became families of

them selves, which gave increase hereunto.  3. An

other and a maine reason hearof was, that men, find-


1642]                   PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                477

 

ing so many godly disposed persons willing to come

into these parts, some begane to make a trade of it,

to transeport passengers & their goods, and hired

ships for that end; and then, to make up their

fraight and advance their profite, cared not who ye

persons were, so they had money to pay them.  And

by this means the cuntrie became pestered with many

unworthy persons, who, being come over, crept into

one place or other.  4.  Againe, the Lords blesing

usually following his people, as well in outward as

spirituall things, (though afflictions be mixed with-

all,) doe make many to adhear to ye people of

God, as many followed Christ, for ye loaves sake,

Iohn 6. 26. and a mixed multitud came into ye

willdernes with ye people of God out of Eagipte

of old, Exod. 12. 38; so allso ther were sente by

their freinds some under hope yt they would be made

better; others that they might be eased of such bur-

thens, and they kept from shame at home yt would

necessarily follow their dissolute courses.  And thus,

by one means or other, in 20. years time, it is a

question whether ye greater part be not growne ye

worser.

      [250] I am now come to ye conclusion of that long

& tedious bussines betweene ye partners hear, & them

in England, the which I shall manifest by their owne

letters as followeth, in such parts of them as are per-

tinente to ye same.


478                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Mr. Sherleys to Mr. Attwood.

Mr. Attwood, my approved loving freind:  Your letter of ye

18. of October last I have received, wherin I find you have

taken a great deall of paines and care aboute yt trouble-

some bussines betwixte our Plimoth partners & freinds, &

us hear, and have deeply ingaged your selfe, for which

complements & words are no reall satisfaction, &c.  For ye

agreemente you have made with Mr. Bradford, Mr. Wins-

low, & ye rest of ye partners ther, considering how honestly

and justly I am perswaded they have brought in an accounte

of ye remaining stock, for my owne parte I am well satis-

fied, and so I thinke is Mr. Andrewes, and I supose will

be Mr. Beachampe, if most of it might acrew to him, to

whom ye least is due, &c.  And now for peace sake, and

to conclud as we began, lovingly and freindly, and to pass

by all failings of all, the conclude is accepted of; I say this

agreemente yt you have made is condesended unto, and Mr.

Andrews hath sent his release to Mr. Winthrop, with such

directions as he conceives fitt; and I have made bould to

trouble you with mine, and we have both sealed in ye pres-

ence of Mr. Weld, and Mr. Peeters, and some others, and

I have also sente you an other, for the partners ther,

to seale to me; for you must not deliver mine to them,

excepte they seale & deliver one to me; this is fitt and

equall, &c.

Yours to comand in what I mayor can,

JAMES SHERLEY.

June 14. 1642.

 

His to ye partners as followeth.

Loving freinds,

     Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prence, Captaine Stan-

dish, Mr, Brewster, Mr. Alden, & Mr, Howland, give me

leave to joyne you all in one letter, concerning ye finall end


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATJON.                479

 

& conclude of yt tedious & troublsome bussines, & I thinke

may truly say uncomfurtable & unprofitable to all, &c.  It

hath pleased God now to put us upon a way to sease all suits,

and disquieting of our spirites, and to conclude with peace

and love, as we began.  I am contented to yeeld & make

good what Mr. Attwood and you have agreed upon; and for

yt end have sente to my loving freind, Mr. Attwood, an abso-

lute and generall release unto you all, and if ther wante any

thing to make it more full, write it your selves, & it shall be

done, provided yt all you, either joyntly or severally, seale

ye like discharge to me.  And for yt end I have drawne one

joyntly, and sent it to Mr. Attwood, with yt I have sealed to

you.  Mr. Andrews hath sealed an aquitance also, & sent

it to Mr. Winthrop, whith such directions as he conceived

fitt, and, as I hear, hath given his debte, which he maks 5441i.

unto ye gentlemen of ye Bay.  Indeed, Mr. Welld, Mr. Peters,

& Mr. Hibbens have taken a great deale of paines with Mr.

Andrews, Mr. Beachamp, & my selfe, to bring us to agree,

and to yt end we have had many meetings and spent much

time aboute it.  But as they are very religious & honest

gentle-men, yet they had an end yt they drove at & laboured

to accomplish (I meane not any private end, but for ye gen-

erall good of their patente).  It had been very well you had

sent one over.  Mr. Andrew wished you might have one 3.

parte of ye 1200li. & ye Bay 2. thirds; but then we 3. must

have agreed togeather, which were a hard mater now.  But

Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, & Mr., Hibbens, & I, have agreed, they

giving you bond (so to compose with Mr. Beachamp, as) to

procure his generall release, & free you from all trouble &

charge yt he may put you too; which indeed is nothing, for

I am perswaded Mr. Weld will in time gaine him to give them

all that is dew to [251] him, which in some sorte is granted

allready; for though his demands be great, yet Mr. Andrewes

hath taken some paines in it, and makes it appear to be less

then I thinke he will consente to give them for so good an


480                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

use; so you neede not fear, that for taking bond ther to save

you harmles, you be safe and well.  Now our accord is, yt

you must pay to ye gentle-men of ye Bay 900li. ; they are to

bear all chargs yt may any way arise concerning ye free

& absolute clearing of you from us three.  And you to have

ye other 300li. &c.

     Upon ye receiving of my release from you, I will send you

your bonds for ye purchass money.  I would have sent them

now, but I would have Mr. Beachamp release as well as I, be-

cause you are bound to him in them.  Now I know if a man

be bound to 12. men, if one release, it is as if all released,

and my discharge doth cutt them of; wherfore doubte you not

but you shall have them, & your comission, or any thing els

that is fitt.  Now you know ther is tow years of ye purchass

money, that I would not owne, for I have formerley certified

you yt I would but pay 7. years; but now you are discharged

of all, &c.

Your loving and kind friend in what I mayor can,

JAMES SHERLEY.

June 14. 1642.

 

The coppy of his release is as followeth.

 

     Wheras diverce questions, differences, & demands have

arisen & depended betweene William Bradford, Edward Wins-

low, Thomas Prence, Mylest Standish, William Brewster, John

Allden, and John Howland, gent:  now or latly inhabitants or

resident at New-Plimoth, in New-England, on ye one party,

and James Sherley of London, marchante, and others, in th

other parte, for & concerning a stocke & partable trade of

beaver & other comodities, and fraighting of snips, as ye

White Angell, Frindship, or others, and ye goods of Isaack

Allerton which were seazed upon by vertue of a leter of

atturney made by ye said James Sherley and John Beachamp

and Richard Andrews, or any other maters concerning ye said


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                481

 

trade, either hear in Old-England or ther in New-England or

elsewher, all which differences are since by mediation of

freinds composed, compremissed, and all ye said parties

agreed.  Now know all men by these presents, that I, the

said James Sherley, in performance of ye said compremise &

agreemente, have remised, released, and quite claimed, & doe

by these presents remise, release, and for me, myne heires,

executors, & Administrators, and for every of us, for ever

quite claime unto ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow,

Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John

Allden, & John Howland, and every of them, their & every

of their heires, executors, and administrators, all and all

mailer of actions, suits, debts, accounts, rekonings, comissions,

bonds, bills, specialties, judgments, executions, claimes, chal-

linges, differences, and demands whatsoever, with or against

ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, 'Thomas Prence,

Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John

Howland, or any of them, ever I had, now have, or in time

to come can, shall, or may have, for any mater, cause, or

thing whatsoever from ye begining of ye world untill ye day

of ye date of these presents.  In witnes wherof I have here-

unto put my hand & seale, given ye second day of June, 1642,

and in ye eighteenth year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord,

king Charles, &c.

JAMES SHERLEY.

Sealed and delivered

in ye presence of   THOMAS WELD,

HUGH PETERS,

WILLIAM HIBBINS.

ARTHUR TIRREY, Scr.

THO: STURGS, his servante.

 

    Mr. Andrews his discharg was to ye same effecte; he

was by agreemete to have 500li. of ye money, the which


482                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

he gave to them in ye Bay, who brought his discharge

and demanded ye money.  And they tooke in his re-

lease and paid ye money according to agreemete,

one third of the 500li. they paid downe in hand, and

ye rest in 4. equall payments, to be paid yearly,

for which they gave their bonds.  And wheras 44li.

was more demanded, they conceived they could take

it of with Mr. Andrews, and therfore it was not in the

bonde.  [252]  But Mr. Beachamp would not parte with

any of his, but demanded 400li. of ye partners here, &

sent a release to a friend, to deliver it to them upon

ye receite of ye money.  But his relese was not per-

fecte, for he had left out some of ye partners names,

with some other defects; and besids, the other gave

them to understand he had not near so much due.  So

no end was made with him till 4. years after; of which

in it plase.  And in yt regard, that them selves did not

agree, I shall inserte some part of Mr. Andrews letter,

by which he conceives ye partners here were wronged,

as followeth.  This leter of his was write to Mr.

Edmond Freeman, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp.

 

Mr. Freeman,

    My love remembred unto you, &c.  I then certified ye part-

ners how I found Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Sherley, in their per-

ticuler demands, which was according to mens principles, of

getting what they could; allthough ye one will not shew any

accounte, and ye other a very unfaire and unjust one; and

both of them discouraged me from sending ye partners my

accounte, Mr. Beachamp espetially.  Their reason, I have


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                483

 

cause to conceive, was, yt allthough I doe not, nor ever

intended to, wrong ye partners or ye bussines, yet, if I gave

no accounte, I might be esteemed as guiltie as they, in some

degree at least; and they might seeme to be ye more free

from taxation in not delivering their accounts, who have both

of them charged ye accounte with much intrest they have

payed forth, and one of them would likwise for much intrest

he hath not paid forth, as appeareth by his accounte, &c.  And

seeing ye partners have now made it appear yt ther is

1200li. remaining due between us all, and that it may appear

by my accounte I have not charged ye bussines with any in-

trest, but doe forgive it unto ye partners, above 200li. if Mr.

Sherley & Mr. Beachamp, who have betweene them wronged

ye bussines so many 100li. both in principall & intrest likwise,

and have therin wronged me as well and as much as any of

ye partners; yet if they will not make & deliver faire & true

accounts of ye same, nor be contente to take what by com-

putation is more then can be justly due to either, that is, to Mr.

Beachamp 150li. as by Mr. Allertons accounte, and Mr.

Sherleys accounte, on oath in chancerie; and though ther

might be nothing due to Mr. Sherley, yet he requirs 100li.

&c.  I conceive, seing ye partners have delivered on their

oaths ye sume remaining in their hands, that they may justly

detaine ye 650li. which may remaine in their hands, after I am

satisfied, untill Mr. Sherley & Mr. Beachamp will be more fair

& just in their ending, &c.  And as I intend, if ye partners

fayrly end with me, in satisfing in parte and ingaging them

selves for ye rest of my said 544li. to returne back for ye poore

my parte of ye land at Sityate, so likwise I intend to re-

linquish my right & intrest in their dear patente, on which

much of our money was laid forth, and also my right &

intrest in their cheap purchass, the which may have cost me

first & last 350li.*  But I doubte whether other men have not

    * This he means of ye first adventures, all which were lost, as hath before

been shown; and what he here writs is probable at least.


484                      HISTORY OF                  [BOOK II.

 

charged or taken on accounte what they have disbursed in ye

like case, which I have not charged, neither did I conceive

any other durst so doe, untill I saw ye  accounte of the one

and heard ye words of ye other; the which gives me just cause

to suspecte both their accounts to be unfaire; for it seerneth

they consulted one with another aboute some perticulers

therin.  Therfore I Conceive ye partners ought ye rather to

require just accounts from each of them before they parte

with any money to either of them.  For merchants understand

how to give an acounte; if they mean fairley, they will not

deney to give an accounte, for they keep memorialls to helpe

them to give exacte acounts in all perticulers, and memoriall

cannot forget his charge, if ye man will remember.  I desire

not to wrong Mr. Beachamp or Mr. Sherley, nor may be

silente in such apparente probabilities of their wronging ye

partners, and me likwise, either in deneying to deliver or shew

any accounte, or in delivering one very unjuste in some per-

ticulers, and very suspitious in many more; either of which,

being from understanding merchants, cannot be from weaknes

or simplisitie, and therfore ye more unfaire.  So comending

you & yours, and all ye Lord's people, unto ye gratious pro-

tection and blessing of ye Lord, and rest your loving friend,

RICEEARD ANDREWES.

Aprill 7. 1643.

 

      This leter was write ye year after ye agreement, as

doth appear; and what his judgments was herein, ye

contents doth manifest, and so I leave it to ye equall

judgments of any to consider,  as they see cause.

      Only I shall adde what Mr. Sherley furder write in

a leter of his, about ye same time, and so leave this

bussines.  His is as followeth on ye other side.*

* Being the conclusion, as will be seen, of page 252 of the original.


1642.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                485

 

     [253] Loving freinds, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Cap:

Standish, Mr. Prence, and ye rest of ye partners wth you;  I

shall write this generall leter to you all, hoping it will be a

good conclude of a generall, but a costly & tedious bussines

I thinke to all, I am sure to me, &c.

     I received from Mr. Winslow a letter of ye 28. of Sept: last,

and so much as concernes ye generall bussines I shall answer

in this, not knowing whether I shall have opportunitie to

write perticuler letters, &c.  I expected more letters from you

all, as some perticuler writs,*  but it seemeth no fitt oppor-

tunity was offered.  And now, though ye bussines for ye

maine may stand, yet some perticulers is alltered; I say my

former agreemente with Mr. Weld & Mr. Peters, before they

could conclude or gett any grante of Mr. Andrews, they

sought to have my release; and ther upon they sealed me a

bond for a 110li.  So I sente my acquittance, for they said

without mine ther would be no end made (& ther was good

reason for it).  Now they hoped, if yey ended with me, to

gaine Mr. Andrews parte, as they did holy, to a pound, (at

which I should wonder, but yt I observe some passages,) and

they also hoped to have gotten Mr. Beachamps part, & I did

thinke he would have given it them.  But if he did well

understand him selfe, & that acounte, he would give it; for

his demands make a great sound. + But it seemeth he would

not parte with it, supposing it too great a sume, and yt he

might easily gaine it from you.  Once he would have given

them 40li. but now they say he will not doe that, or rather

I suppose they will not take it; for if they doe, & have Mr.

Andrewses, then they must pay me their bond of 110li.

3 months hence.  Now it will fall out farr better for you,

yt they deal not with Mr. Beachamp, and also for me, if you

            * Perhaps write, for wrote.       ! The in the manuscript.

          +This was a misterie to them, for they heard nothing hereof from any

side ye last year, till now ye conclution was past, and bonds given.


486                      HISTORY OF                                  [BOOK II.

 

be as kind to me as I have been & will be to you; and yt

thus, if you pay Mr. Andrews, or ye Bay men, by his order,

544li. which is his full demande; but if looked into, perhaps

might be less.  The man is honest, & in my conscience would

not wittingly doe wronge, yett he may forgett as well as other

men; and Mr. Winslow may call to minde wherin he for-

getts; (but some times it is good to buy peace.)  The gentle-

men of ye Bay may abate 100li. and so both sids have more

right & justice then if they exacte all, &c.  Now if you send

me a l50li. then say Mr. Andrews full sume, & this, it is nere

700li. Mr. Beachamp he demands 4001i. and we all know

that, if a man demands money, he must shew wherfore, and

make proofe of his debte; which I know he can never make

good proafe of one hunderd pound dew unto him as principall

money; so till he can, you have good reason to keep ye

500li. &c.  This I proteste I write not in malice against

Mr. Beachamp, for it is a reall truth.  You may partly see it

by Mr. Andrews making up his accounte, and I think you

are all perswaded I can say more then Mr. Andrews con-

cerning that accounte.  I wish I could make up my owne as

plaine & easily, but because of former discontents, I will

be sparing till I be called; & you may injoye ye 500li. quietly

till he begine; for let him take his course hear or ther, it shall

be all one, I will doe him no wronge; and if he have not on

peney more, he is less loser then either Mr. Andrews or I.

This I conceive to be just & honest; ye having or not having o

of his release matters not; let him make such proafe of his

debte as you cannot disprove, and according to your first

agreemente you will pay it, &c.

Your truly affectioned freind,

JAMES SHERLEY.

London, Aprill 27. 1643.


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION                 487

 

Anno Dom. 1643.

     I AM to begine this year whith that which was a

mater of great saddnes and mouring unto them all.

Aboute ye 18. of Aprill dyed their Reved Elder, and

my dear & loving friend, Mr. William Brewster; a

man that had done and suffered much for ye Lord

Jesus and ye go spells sake, and had bore his parte in

well and woe with this poore persecuted church above

36. years [254] in England, Holand, and in this

wildernes, and done ye Lord & them faithfull service

in his place & call1ing.  And notwithstanding ye many

troubls and sorrows he passed throw, the Lord upheld

him to a great age.  He was nere fourskore years

of age (if not all out) when he dyed.  He had this

blesing added by ye Lord to all ye rest, to dye in his

bed, in peace, amongst ye mids of his freinds, who

mourned & wepte over him, and ministered what help

& comforte they could unto him, and he againe re-

comforted them whilst he could.  His sicknes was not

long, and till ye last day therof he did not wholy

keepe his bed.  His speech continued till somewhat

more then halfe a day, & then failed him; and aboute

9. or 10. a clock that eving he dyed, without any

pangs at all.  A few howers before, he drew his

breath shorte, and some few minuts before his last,

he drew his breath long, as a man falen into a sound

slepe, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly

departed this life unto a better.


488                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

I would now demand of any, what he was ye worse

for any former sufferings? What doe I say, worse?

Nay, sure he was ye better, and they now added to

his honour.  It is a manifest token (saith ye Apostle,

2. Thes: 1. 5, 6, 7.) of ye righeous judgmente of God

yt ye may be counted worthy of ye kingdome of God,

for which ye allso suffer; seing it is a righteous thing

with God to recompence tribulation to them yt trouble

you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when

ye Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven, with his

mighty angels.  1. Pet. 4. 14. if you be reproached

for ye name of Christ, hapy are ye, for ye spirite

of glory and of God resteth upon you.  What though

he wanted ye riches and pleasurs of ye world in this

life, and pompous monuments at his funurall?  yet ye

memoriall of ye just shall be blessed, when ye name

of ye wicked shall rott (with their marble monuments).

Pro: 10. 7.

     I should say something of his life, if to say a litle

were not worse then to be silent.  But I cannot wholy

forbear, though hapily more may be done hereafter. 

After he had attained some learning, viz. ye knowledg

of ye Latine tongue, & some insight in ye Greeke, and

spent some small time at Cambridge, and then being

first seasoned with ye seeds of grace and vertue, he went

to ye Courte, and served that religious and godly gentl-

man, Mr. Davison, diverce years, when he was Secre-

tary of State; who found him so discreete and faithfull


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                489

 

as he trusted him above all other that were aboute

him, and only imployed him in all matters of greatest

trust and secrecie.  He esteemed him rather as a sonne

then a servante, and for his wisdom & godlines (in

private) he would converse with him more like a freind

& familier then a maister.  He attended his mr. when

he was sente in ambassage by the Queene into ye Low-

Countries, in ye Earle of Leicesters time, as for other

waighty affaires of state, so to receive possession of the

cautionary townes, and in token & signe therof the

keyes of Flushing being delivered to him, in her matis

name, he kepte them some time, and comitted them

to this his servante, who kept them under his pilow,

on which he slepte ye first night.  And, at his returne,

ye States honoured him with a gould chaine, and his

maister comitted it to him, and comanded him to wear

it when they arrived in England, as they ridd thorrow

the country, till they came to ye Courte.  He afterwards

remained with him till his troubles, that he was put

from his place aboute ye death of ye Queene of Scots;

and some good time after, doeing him manie faithfull

offices of servise in ye time of his troubles.  Afterwards

he wente and lived in ye country, in good esteeme

amongst his freinds and ye gentle-men of those parts,

espetially the godly & religious.  He did much good

in ye countrie wher he lived, in promoting and further-

ing religion, not only by his practiss & example, and

provocking and incouraging of others, but by procuring


490                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

of good preachers to ye places theraboute, and drawing

on of others to assiste & help forward in such a worke

he him selfe most comonly deepest in ye charge, &

some times above his abillitie.  And in this state he

continued many years, doeing ye best good he could

and walking according to ye light he saw, till ye Lord

reveiled further unto him.  And in ye end, by ye tir-

rany of ye bishops against godly preachers & people

in silenceing the one & persecuting ye other, he and

many more of those times begane to looke further into

things, and to see into ye unlawfullnes of their callings

and ye burthen of many anti-christian corruptions, which

both he and they endeavored to cast of; as yey aIlso

did, as in ye begining of this treatis is to be seene

[255]  After they were joyned togither in comunion,

he was a spetiall stay & help unto them.  They ordi-

narily mett at his house on ye Lords day, (which was

a manor of ye bishops,) and with great love he enter-

tained them when they came, making provission for

them to his great charge.  He was ye cheefe of those

that were taken at Boston, and suffered ye greatest

loss; and of ye seven that were kept longst in prison

and after bound over to ye assises.  Affter he came

into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had

spente ye most of his means, haveing a great charge

and many children; and, in regard of his former breed-

ing & course of life, not so fitt for many imployments

as others were, espetially such as were toylesume &


1643.]            PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                    491

 

laborious.   But yet he ever bore his condition with

much cherfullnes and contentation.  Towards ye later

parte of those 12. years spente in Holland, his outward

condition was mended, and he lived well & plentifully;

for he fell into a way (by reason he had ye Latine

tonogue) to teach many students, who had a disire

to lerne ye English tongue, to teach them English;

and by his method they quickly attained it with great

facilitie; for he drew rules to lerne it by, after ye

Latine maner; and many gentlemen, both Danes &

Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other

studies, some of them being, great mens sones.  He

also had means to set up printing, (by ye help of some

freinds,) and so had imploymente inoughg, and by

reason of many books which would not be alowed

to be printed in England, they might have had more

then they could doe.  But now removeing into this

countrie all these things were laid aside againe, and

a new course of living must be framed unto; in which

he was no way unwilling to take his parte, and to bear

his burthen with ye rest, living many times without

bread, or corne, many months together, having many

times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also;

and drunke nothing but water for many years togeather

yea, till within 5. or 6. years of his death.  And yet

he lived (by ye blessing of God) in health till very old

age.  And besids yt, he would labour with his hands

in ye feilds as lono, as he was able; yet when the


492                    HISTORY OF                      [BOOK II.

 

church had no other minister, he taught twise every

Saboth, and yt both powerfully and profitably, to ye

great contentment of ye hearers, and their comfortable

edification; yea, many were brought to God by his

ministrie.  He did more in this behalfe in a year, then

many that have their hundreds a year doe in all their

lives.  For his personall abilities, he was qualified

above many; he was wise and discreete and well

spoken, having a grave & deliberate utterance, of a

very cherfull spirite, very sociable & pleasante amongs

this freinds, of an humble and modest mind, of a peace-

able disposition, under vallewing him self & his owne

abilities, and some time over valewing, others; inoffen-

cive and inocente in his life & conversation, wch gained

him ye love of those without, as well as those within;

yet he would tell them plainely of their faults & evills,

both publickly & privatly, but in such a maner as usu-

ally was well taken from him.  He was tender harted,

and compassionate of such as were in naiserie, but

espetialy of such as had been of good estate and ranke

and were fallen unto want & poverty, either for good-

nes &, religions sake, or by ye injury & oppression

of others; he would say, of all men these deserved

to be pitied most.  And none did more offence & dis-

please him then such as would hautily and proudly

carry & lift up themselves, being rise from nothing,

and haveing litle els in them to comend them but a few

fine cloaths, or a Title riches more then others.  In


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                493

 

teaching, he was very moving & stirring of affections,

also very plaine & distincte in what he taught; by

which means he became ye more profitable to ye hearers.

He had a singuler good gift in prayer, both publick

& private, in ripping up ye hart & conscience before

God, in ye humble confession of sinne, and begging ye

mercies of God in Christ for ye pardon of ye same. 

He always thought it were better for ministers to pray

oftener, and devide their prears, then be longe & te-

dious in ye same ( excepte upon sollemne & spetiall

occations, as in days of humiliation & ye like).  His

reason was, that ye harte & spirits of all, espetialy

ye weake, could hardly continue & stand bente (as it

were) so long towards God, as they ought to doe

in yt duty, without flagging and falling of.  For

ye govermente of ye church, (which was most [256]

proper to his office,) he was carfull to preserve good

order in ye same, and to preserve puritie, both in

ye doctrine & comunion of ye same; and to supress

any errour or contention that might begine to rise

up amongst them; and accordingly God gave good

success to his indeavors herein all his days, and he

saw ye fruite of his labours in that behalfe.  But

I must breake of, having- only thus touched a few,

as it were, heads of things.

     I cannot but here take occasion, not only to men-

tion, but greatly to admire ye marvelous providence

of God, that notwithstanding ye many changes and


494                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

hardships that these people wente throwgh, and ye

many enemies they had and difficulties they mette with

all, that so many of them should live to very olde age!

It was not only this reved mans condition, (for one

swallow maks no summer, as they say,) but many

more of them did ye like, some dying aboute and

before this time, and many still living, who attained

to 60. years of age, and to 65. diverse to 70. and

above, and some nere 80. as he did.  It must needs

be more then ordinarie, and above naturall reason, that

so it should be; for it is found in experience, that

chaing of aeir, famine, or unholsome foode, much drink-

ing of water, sorrows & troubls, &c., all of them are

enimies to health, causes of many diseaces, consumers

of naturall vigoure and ye bodys of men, and shortners

of life.  And yet of all these things they had a large

parte, and suffered deeply in ye same.  They wente

from England to Holand, wher they found both worse

air and dyet then that they came from; from thence

(induring a long, imprisonmente, as it were, in ye ships

at sea) into New-England; and how it hath been with

them hear hath allready beene showne; and what crosses,

troubls, fears, wants, and sorrowes they had been lyable

unto, is easie to conjecture; so as in some sorte they

may say with ye Apostle, 2. Cor: 11. 26, 27. they

were in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perills

of robers, in perills of their owne nation, in perils among

ye heathen, in perills in ye willdernes, in perills in ye sea,


1643.]           PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                  495

 

in perills among false breethern; in wearines & painfull-

nes, in watching often, in hunger and thirst, in fasting

often, in could and nakedness.  What was it then that

upheld them?  It was Gods vissitation that preserved

their spirits. Job 10. 12.  Thou hast given me life

and grace, and thy vissitation hath preserved my spirite.

He that upheld ye Apostle upheld them. They were

persecuted, but not forsaken, cast downe, but perished

not. 2. Cor: 4. 9.  As unknowen, and yet knowen;

as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and yett

not kiled. 2. Cor: 6. 9.  God, it seems, would have

all men to behold and observe such mercies and works

of his providence as these are towards his people, that

they in like cases might be encouraged to depend upon

God in their trials, & also blese his name when they

see his goodnes towards others.  Man lives not by

bread only, Deut: 8. 3.  It is not by good & dainty

fare, by peace, & rest, and harts ease, in injoying

ye contentments and good things of this world only,

that preserves health and prolongs life.  God in such

examples would have ye world see & behold that he

can doe it without them; and if ye world will shut

ther eyes, and take no notice therof, yet he would

have his people to see and consider it.  Daniell could

be better liking with pulse then others were with

ye kings dainties.  Jaacob, though he wente from one

nation to another people, and passed thorow famine,

fears, & many afflictions, yet he lived till old age, and

 


496                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

dyed sweetly, & rested in ye Lord, as infinite others

of Gods servants have done, and still shall doe, (through

Gods goodnes,) notwithstanding all ye malice of their

enemies; when ye branch of ye wicked shall be cut of

before his day, Job. 15. 32. and ye bloody and deceitful

men shall not live out halfe their days. Psa: 55. 2  

     By reason of ye plottings of the Narigansets, (ever

since ye Pequents warr,) the Indeans were drawne into

a generall conspiracie against ye English in all parts

as was in part discovered ye yeare before; and now

made more plaine and evidente by many discoveries

and free-conffessions of sundrie Indeans (upon severall

occasions) from diverse places, concuring in one; with

such other concuring circomstances as gave them suffis-

sently to understand the trueth therof, and to thinke

of means how to prevente ye same, and secure them

selves.  Which made them enter into this more nere

union & confederation following.

 

[257]  Articles of Conffederation betweene ye Plantations un-

      der ye Govermente of Massachusets, ye Plantations up ye

      Govermente of New-Plimoth, ye Plantations under ye

      Govermente of Conightecute, and ye Govermente of New-

      Haven, with ye Plantations in combination therwith.

 

     Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one

and ye same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome

of our Lord Jesus Christ, & to injoye ye liberties of ye Gospell

in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise

providence of God) we are further disperced upon ye sea


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                497

 

coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so yt we cannot,

according to our desires, with conveniencie comunicate in one

govermente & jurisdiction; aud wheras we live encompassed

with people of severall nations and strang languages, which

hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posteritie; and

for as much as ye natives have formerly comitted sundrie inso-

lencies and outrages upon severall plantations of ye English,

and have of late combined them selves against us; and

seeing, by reason of those distractions in England (which

they have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered

from yt  humble way of seeking advice or reaping those com-

furtable fruits of protection which at other times we might

well expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our bounden duty,

without delay, to enter into a presente consociation amongst

our selves, for mutllall help & strength in all our future

concernments.  That as in nation and religion, so in other

respects, we be & continue one, according to ye tenor and

true meaning of the insuing articles,  (1) Wherfore it is

fully agreed and concluded by & betweene ye parties or

jurisdictions above named, and they joyntly & severally

doe by these presents agree & conclude, that they all be

and henceforth be called by ye name of The United Colonies

of New-England.

    2.  The said United Collonies, for them selves & their pos-

terities, doe joyntly & severally hereby enter into a firme &

perpetuall league of frendship & amitie, for offence and

defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just occasions,

both for preserving & propagating ye truth of ye Gospell, and

for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare.

     3.  It is further agreed that the plantations which at

presente are or hereafter shall be setled with [in] ye limites

of ye Massachusets shall be for ever under ye Massachusets,

and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge them selves in all

cases, as an intire body.  And yt Plimoth, Conightecutt, and


498                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

New-Haven shall each of them have like peculier jurisdition

and govermente within their limites and in refference to ye

plantations which all ready are setled, or shall hereafter be

erected, or shall selle within their limites, respectively; pro-

vided yt no other jurisdition shall hereafter be taken in as

a distincte head or member of this confederation, nor shall

any other plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and

not allready in combination or under ye jurisdiction of any

of these confederats, be received by any of them; nor shall

any tow of ye confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, without

consente of ye rest, which consete to be interpreted as is

expresed in ye sixte article ensewing.

     4.  It is by these conffederats agreed, yt the charge of all

just warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what parte

or member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both

in men, provissions, and all other disbursments, be borne by

all ye parts of this confederation, in differente proportions,

according to their differente abillities, in maner following:

namely, yt the comissioners for each jurisdiction, from time

to time, as ther shall be occasion, bring a true accounte and

number of all their males in every plantation, or any way

belonging too or under their severall jurisdictions, of what

qualitie or condition soever they be, from 16. years old to

60. being inhabitants ther; and yt according to ye differente

numbers which from time to time shall be found in each

jurisdiction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men

and all charges of ye warr be borne by ye pole; each juris-

diction or plantation being left to their owne just course &

custome of rating them selves and people according to their

differente estates, with due respects to their qualities and

exemptions amongst them selves, though the confederats take

no notice of any such priviledg.  And yt according to their

differente charge of each jurisdiction & plantation, the whole

advantage of ye warr, (if it please God to blesse their


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                499

 

indeaours,) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be

proportionably devided amonge ye said confederats.

      5.  It is further agreed, that if these jurisdictions, or any

plantation under or in combynacion with them, be invaded

by any enemie whomsoever, upon notice & requeste of any

3. [258] magistrats of yt jurisdiction so invaded, ye rest

of ye confederats, without any further meeting or expostu-

lation, shall forthwith send ayde to ye confederate in danger,

but in differente proportion; namely, ye Massachusets an

hundred men sufficently armed & provided for such a service

and journey, and each of ye rest forty five so armed & pro-

vided, or any lesser number, if less be required according to

this proportion.  But if such confederate in danger may be

supplyed by their nexte confederates not exeeding ye number

hereby agreed, they may crave help ther, and seeke no further

for ye presente; ye charge to be borne as in this article is

exprest, and at ye returne to be victuled & suplyed with

powder & shote for their jurney (if ther be need) by yt juris-

diction which imployed or sent for them.  But none of ye

jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by a meeting

of ye coimissioners for this confederation, a greater aide

appear nessessarie.  And this proportion to continue till upon

knowlege of greater numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall

be bronght to ye nexte meeting, some other proportion be

ordered.  But in such case of sending men for presente

aide whether before or after such order or alteration, it is

agreed yt at ye meeting of ye comissioners for this confeder-

ation, the cause of such warr or invasion be duly considered;

and if it appeare yt the falte lay in ye parties so invaded,

yt then that jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction

both to ye invaders whom they have injured, and beare all ye

charges of ye warr them selves, without requiring any allow-

ance from ye rest of ye confederats towards ye same.  And

further, yt if any jurisdiction see any danger of any invasion


500                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that in such

a case 3. magistrats of yt jurisdiction may sumone a meeting

at such conveniente place as them selves shall thinke meete,

to consider & provid against ye threatened danger, provided

when they are mett, they may remove to what place they

please; only, whilst any of these foure confederats have but

3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, their requeste, or sum-

mons, from any 2. of them shall be accounted of equall

force with ye 3. mentioned in both the clauses of this arti-

cle, till ther be an increase of majestrats ther.

      6.  It is also agreed yt, for ye managing & concluding of

all affairs propper, & concerning the whole confederation,

tow comissioners shall be chosen by & out of each of these

4.  jurisdictions; namly, 2. for ye Massachusets, 2. for Plim-

oth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for New-Haven, being all

in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full power

from their severall Generall Courts respectively to hear, ex-

amene, waigh, and detirmine all affairs of warr, or peace,

leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for warr, divis-

sions of spoyles, & whatsoever is gotten by conquest; re-

ceiving of more confederats, or plantations into combination

with any of ye confederates, and all things of like nature,

which are ye proper concomitants or consequences of such

a confederation, for amitie, offence, & defence; not inter-

medling with ye govermente of any of ye jurisdictions,

which by ye 3. article is preserved entirely to them selves.

But if these 8. comissioners when they meete shall not all

agree, yet it concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing

shall have power to setle & determine ye bussines in ques-

tion.  But if 6. doe not agree, that then such propositions,

with their reasons, so farr as they have been debated, be

sente, and referred to ye 4.  Generall Courts, viz. ye Massa-

chusets, Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at

all ye said Generall Courts ye bussines so referred be con-


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                501

 

cluded, then to be prosecuted by ye confederats, and all

their members.  It was further agreed that these 8. comis-

sioners shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie

meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, treate,

& conclude of all affaires belonging to this confederation,

which meeting shall ever be ye first Thursday in September.

And yt the next meeting after the date of these presents,

which shall be accounted ye second meeting, shall be at

Boston in ye Massachusets, the 3. at Hartford, the 4. at

New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in course succes-

sively, if in ye meane time some midle place be not found

out and agreed on, which may be comodious for all ye

jurisdictions.

      7.  It is further agreed, yt at each meeting of these 8.

comissioners, whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they all

6. of them agreeing as before, may chuse a presidente out

of them selves, whose office & work shall be to take care

and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of all pro-

ceedings in ye present meeting; but he shall be invested

with no such power or respecte, as by which he shall hin-

der ye propounding or progrese of any bussines, or any

way cast ye scailes otherwise then in ye precedente article

is agreed.

     [259]  8.  It is also agreed, yt the comissioners for this

confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary

or extraordinarie, as they may have comission or oppor-

tunitie, doe incleaover to frame and establish agreements

& orders in generall cases of a civill nature, wherin all

ye plantations are interessed, for ye preserving of peace

amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may be

all occasions of warr or difference with others; as aboute

ye free & speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction,

to all ye confederats equally as to their owne; not receiving

those yt remove from one plantation to another without due


502                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

certificate; how all ye jurisdictions may carry towards ye

Indeans, that they neither growe insolente, nor be injured

without due satisfaction, least warr breake in upon the con-

federats through such miscarriages.  It is also agreed, yt

if any servante rune away from his maister into another

of these confederated jurisdictions, that in such case, upon

ye certificate of one magistrate in ye jurisdiction out of

which ye said servante fledd, or upon other due proofe, the

said servante shall be delivered, either to his maister, or

any other yt pursues & brings such certificate or proofe.

And yt upon ye escape of any Prisoner whatsoever, or fugi-

tive for any criminall cause, whether breaking prison, or

getting from ye officer, or otherwise escaping, upon ye cer-

tificate of 2. magistrats of ye jurisdiction out of which ye

escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender

at ye time of ye escape, they magistrats, or sume of them of

yt jurisdiction wher for ye presente the said prisoner or fugi-

tive abideth, shall forthwith grante such a warrante as ye

case will beare, for ye apprehending of any such person, &

ye delivering of him into ye hands of ye officer, or other

person who pursues him.  And if ther be help required, for

ye safe returning of any such offender, then it shall be

granted to him yt craves ye same, he paying the charges

therof.

     9.  And for yt the justest warrs may be of dangerous

consequence, espetially to ye smaler plantations in these

United Collonies, it is agreed yt neither ye Massachusets,

Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member of

any of them, shall at any time hear after begine, under-

take, or ingage them selves, or this confederation, or any

parte therof, in any warr whatsoever, (sudden* exegents,

with ye necessary consequents therof excepted, which are

also to be moderated as much as ye case will permitte,)

     * Substituted for sundry on the authority of the original MS. Records.

 

1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                503

 

without ye consente and agreemente of ye forementioned 8.

comissioners, or at ye least 6. of them, as in ye sixt article

is provided.  And yt no charge be required of any of they

confederats, in case of a defensive warr, till ye said comis-

sioners have mett, and approved ye justice of ye warr, and

have agreed upon ye sume of money to be levied, which

sume is then to be paid by the severall confederats in pro-

portion according to ye fourth article.

     10.  That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are

summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or 2. as

in ye 5. article, if any of ye comissioners come not, due

warning being given or sente, it is agreed yt 4. of the

comissioners shall have power to directe a warr which can-

not be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out

of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if all mett;

but not less then 6. shall determine the justice of ye warr,

or alow ye demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies

to be made for ye same.

      11.  It is further agreed, yt if any of ye confederats shall

hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or be any

other ways injurious to anyone of ye other jurisdictions,

such breach of agreemente or injurie shall be duly consid-

ered and ordered by ye comissioners for ye other jurisdic-

tion; that both peace and this presente confederation may

be intirly preserved without violation.

     12.  Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and ye severall

articles therof being read, and seriously considered, both by

ye Generall Courte for ye Massachusets, and by ye comis-

sioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, & New-Haven, were fully

alowed & confirmed by 3. of ye forenamed confederats,

namly, ye Massachusets, Conightecutt: and New-Haven;

only ye comissioners for Plimoth haveing no comission to

conclude, desired respite till they might advise with their

Generall Courte; wher upon it was agreed and concluded


504                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

by ye said Courte of ye Massachusets, and the comissioners

for ye other tow confederats, that, if Plimoth consente, then

the whole treaty as it stands in these present articls is, and

shall continue, firme & stable without alteration.  But if

Plimoth come not in, yet ye other three confederats doe by

these presents [260] confeirme ye whole confederation, and

ye articles therof; only in September nexte, when ye second

meeting of ye co missioners is to be at Boston, new consid-

eration may be taken of ye 6. article, which concerns num-

ber of comissioners for meeting & concluding the affaires

of this confederation, to ye satisfaction of ye Courte of ye

Massachusets, and ye comissioners for ye other 2. confed-

erats, but ye rest to stand unquestioned.  In ye testimonie

wherof, ye Generall Courte of ye Massachusets, by ther

Secretary, and ye comissioners for Conightecutt and New-

Haven, have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of

ye third month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643.

      At a meeting of ye comissioners for ye confederation held

at Boston ye 7. of Sept: it appearing that the Generall Courte

of New-Plimoth, and ye severall towneshipes therof, have

read & considered & approved these articles of confederation,

as appeareth by comission from their Generall Courte bearing

date ye 29. of August, 1643. to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr.

William Collier, to ratifie and confirme ye same on their

behalfes.  We, therfore, ye Comissioners for ye Massachusets,

Conightecutt, & New Haven, doe also, for our severall gover-

ments, subscribe unto them.

JOHN WINTHROP,      Govr. of ye Massachusest.

THO: DUDLEY.            THEOPH: EATON.

GEO: FENWICK.          EDWA: HOPKINS.

THOMAS GREGSON.

 

     These were ye articles of agreemente in ye union and

confederation which they now first entered into; and in


1643.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                505

 

this their first meeting, held at Boston ye day & year

abovesaid, amongst other things they had this matter II

of great consequence to considere on: the Narigansets,

after ye subduing of ye Pequents, thought to have ruled

over all ye Indeans aboute them; but ye English, espe-

tially those of Conightecutt holding correspondencie &

frenship with Uncass, sachem of ye Monhigg Indeans

which lived nere them, (as ye Massachusets had done

with ye Narigansets,) and he had been faithfull to them

in ye Pequente warr, they were ingaged to supporte

him in his just liberties, and were contented yt such of

ye surviving Pequents as had submited to him should

remaine with him and quietly under his protection. 

This did much increase his power and augmente his

greatnes, which ye Narigansets could not indure to see.

But Myantinomo, their cheefe sachem, (an ambitious

& politick man,) sought privatly and by trearchery ,

(according to ye lndean maner) to make him away,

by hiring some to kill him.  Sometime they assayed to

poyson him; that not takeing, then in ye night time to

knock him on ye head in his house, or secretly to shoot

him, and such like attempts.  But none of these taking

effecte, he made open warr upon him (though it was

against ye covenants both betweene ye English & them,

as also betweene them selves, and a plaine breach of ye

same).  He came suddanly upon him with 900. or 1000.

men (never denouncing any warr before).  Ye others

power at yt presente was not above halfe so many;


506                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

but it pleased God to give Uncas ye victory, and he

slew many of his men, and wounded many more; but

ye cheefe of all was, he tooke Miantinomo prisoner.

And seeing he was a greate man, and ye Narigansets

a potente people & would seeke revenge, he would doe

nothing in ye case without ye advise of ye English;

so he (by ye help & direction of those of Conightecutt)

kept him prisoner till this meeting of ye comissioners. 

The comissioners weighed ye cause and passages, as

they were clearly represented & sufficently evidenced

betwixte Uncass and Myantinomo; and the things being

duly considered, the comissioners apparently saw yt

Uncass could not be safe whilst Miantynomo lived, but,

either by secrete trechery or open force, his life would

still be in danger.  Wherfore they thought he might

justly put such a false & bloud-thirstie enimie to death;

but in his owne jurisdiction, not in ye English plan-

tations.  And they advised, in ye maner of his death

all mercy and moderation should be showed, contrary

to ye practise of ye lndeans, who exercise torturs and

cruelty.  And, [261] Uncass having hitherto shewed

him selfe a freind to ye English, and in this craving

their advise, if the Narigansett Indeans or others shall

unjustly assaulte Uncass for this execution, upon notice

and request, ye English promise to assiste and protecte

him as farr as they may agaiste such violence.

     This was ye issue of this bussines.  The reasons and

passages hereof are more at large to be seene in ye acts


1644.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                507

 

& records of this meeting of ye comissioners.  And

Uncass follewd this advise, and accordingly executed

him, in a very faire maner, acording as they advised,

with due respecte to his honour & greatnes.  But what

followed on ye Narigansets parte will appear hear after.

 

Anno Dom:  1644.

     MR. EDWARD WINSLOW was chosen Govr this year.

     Many having left this place (as is before noted) by

reason of ye straightnes & barrennes of ye same, and

their finding of better accommodations elsewher, more

sutable to their ends & minds; and sundrie others

still upon every occasion desiring their dismissions,

the church begane seriously to thinke whether it were

not better joyntly to remove to some other place, then

to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dis-

solved.  Many meetings and much consultation was held

hearaboute, and diverse were mens minds and opinions.

Some were still for staying togeather in this place,

aledging men might hear live, if they would be con-

tente with their condition; and yt it was not for wante

or necessitie so much yt they removed, as for ye enrich-

ing of them selves.  Others were resolute upon removall,

and so signified yt hear yey could not stay; but if ye

church did not remove, they must; insomuch as many

were swayed, rather then ther should be a dissolution,

to condescend to a removall, if a fitt place could

be found, that might more conveniently and comforta-


508                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

blie receive ye whole, with such accession of others

as might come to them, for their better strength &

subsistence; and some such like cautions and limita-

tions.  So as, with ye afforesaide provissos, ye greater

parte consented to a removall to a place called Nawsett,

which had been superficially veiwed and ye good will

of ye purchassers (to whom it belonged) obtained, with

some addition thertoo from ye Courte.  But now they

begane to see their errour, that they had given away

already the best & most comodious places to others,

and now wanted them selves; for this place was about

50. myles from hence, and at an outside of ye countrie,

remote from all society; also, that it would prove so

straite, as it would not be competente to receive

ye whole body, much less be capable of any addition

or increase; so as (at least in a shorte time) they

should be worse ther then they are now hear. The

which, with sundery other like considerations and in-

conveniences, made them chaing their resolutions; but

such as were before resolved upon removall tooke advan-

tage of this agreemente, & wente on notwithstanding,

neither could ye rest hinder them, they haveing made

some begining.  And thus was this poore church left,

like an anciente mother, growne olde, and forsaken of

her children, (though not in their affections,) yett in

regarde of their bodily presence and personall help-

fullness.  Her anciente members being most of them

worne away by death; and these of later time being


1644.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                509

 

like children translated into other families, and she like

a widow left only to trust in God.  Thus she that had

made many rich became her selfe poore.

 

[262] handled, and pacified by ye comissioner

this year.

     Wheras, by a wise providence of God, tow of ye jurisdic-

tions in ye westerne parts, viz. Conightecutt & New-haven,

have beene latly exercised by sundrie insolencies & outrages

from ye Indeans; as, first, an Englishman, runing from his

mr. out of ye Massachusets, was murdered in ye woods, in or

nere ye limites of Conightecute jurisdiction; and aboute 6.

weeks after, upon discovery by an Indean, ye Indean saga-

more in these parts promised to deliver the murderer to ye

English, bound; and having accordingly brought him within

ye sight of Uncaway, by their joynte consente, as it is

informed, he was ther unbound, and left to shifte for him

selfe; wherupon 10. Englishmen forthwith coming to ye place,

being sente by Mr. Ludlow, at ye lndeans desire, to receive

ye murderer, who seeing him escaped, layed hold of 8. of ye

Indeans ther presente, amongst whom ther was a sagamore

or 2. and kept them in hold 2. days, till 4. sagamors ingaged

themselves within one month to deliver ye prisoner.  And

about a weeke after this agreemente, an Indean came pre-

sumtuously and with guile, in ye day time, and murtherously

assalted an English woman in her house at Stamford, and

by 3. wounds, supposed mortall, left her for dead, after he

had robbed ye house.  By which passages ye English were

provoked, & called to a due consideration of their owne

saftie; and ye Indeans generally in those parts arose in an

hostile maner, refused to come to ye English to carry

on treaties of peace, departed from their wigwames, left

their corne unweeded, and shewed them selves tumultuously


510                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

about some of ye English plantations, & shott of peeces

within hearing of ye towne; and some Indeans came to ye :

English & tould them ye Indeans would fall upon them.

So yt most of ye English thought it unsafe to travel in those

parts by land, and some of ye plantations were put upon

strong watchs and ward, night & day, & could not attend

their private occasions, and yet distrusted their owne strength

for their defence.  Wherupon Hartford & New-Haven were

sent unto for aide, and saw cause both to send into ye weaker

parts of their owne jurisdiction thus in danger, and New-

Haven, for conveniencie of situation, sente aide to Uncaway,

though belonging to Conightecutt.  Of all which passages

they presently acquainted ye comissioners in ye Bay, & had

ye allowance & approbation from ye Generall Courte ther,

with directions neither to hasten warr nor to bear such inso-

lencies too longe.  Which courses, though chargable to them

selves, yet through Gods blessing they hope fruite is, & will

be, sweete and wholsome to all ye collonies; the murderers

are since delivered to justice, the publick peace preserved for

ye presente, & probabillitie it may be better secured for ye

future.

 

     Thus this mischeefe was prevented, and ye fear of

a warr hereby diverted.  But now an other broyle was

begune by ye Narigansets; though they unjustly had

made warr upon Uncass, (as is before declared,) and

had, ye winter before this, ernestly presed ye Gover

of ye Massachusets that they might still make warr

upon them to revenge ye death of their sagamore, wch,

being taken prisoner, was by them put to death, (as

before was noted,) pretending that they had first received

and accepted his ransome, and then put him to death.


1644.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                511

 

But ye Gover refused their presents, and tould them

yt it was them selves had done ye wronge, & broaken

ye conditions of peace; and he nor ye English neither

could nor would allow them to make any further warr

upon him, but if they did, must assiste him, & oppose

them; but if it did appeare, upon good proofe, that

he had received a ransome for his life, before he put

him to death, when ye comissioners mett, they should

have a fair hearing, and they would cause Uncass

to returne ye same.  But notwithstanding, at ye spring

of ye year they gathered a great power, and fell upon

Uncass, and slue sundrie of his men, and wounded;

more, and also had some loss them selves.  Uncass  

cald for aide from ye English; they tould him what

ye Narigansets objected, he deney the same; they tould

him it must come to triall, and if he was inocente, if

ye Narigansets would not desiste, they would aide &

assiste him.  So at this meeting they [263] sent both

to Uncass & ye Narrigansets, and required their saga-

mors to come or send to ye comissioners now mete

at Hartford, and they should have a faire & inpartiall

hearing in all their greevances, and would endeavor

yt all wrongs should be rectified wher they should be

found; and they promised that they should safly come

and returne without any danger or molestation; and.

sundry ye like things, as appears more at large in

ye messengers instructions.  Upon wch the Narigansets

sent one sagamore and some other deputies, with full


512                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

power to doe in ye case as should be meete. Uncass

came in person, accompanyed with some cheefe aboute

him.  After the agitation of ye bussines, ye issue was

this.  The comissioners declared to ye Narigansett depu-

ties as followeth.

 

     1.  That they did not find any proofe of any ransome

agreed on.

     2.  It appeared not yt any wampam had been paied as a

ransome, or any parte of a ransome, for Myantinomos life.

     3.  That if they had in any measure proved their charge

against Uncass, the comissioners would have required him

to have made answerable satisfaction.

      4.  That if hereafter they can make satisfing profe, ye Eng-

lish will consider ye same, & proceed accordingly.

      5.  The comissioners did require yt neither them selves nor

ye Nyanticks make any warr or injulious assaulte upon

Unquass or any of his company untill they make profe

of ye ransume charged, and yt due satisfaction be deneyed,

unless he first assaulte them.

      6.  That if they assaulte Uncass, the English are engaged

to assist him.

      Hearupon ye Narigansette sachim, advising with ye other

deputies, ingaged him selfe in the behalfe of ye Nariganset

& Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be comitted upon

Uncass, or any of his, untill after ye next planting of corne;

and yt after that, before they begine any warr, they will give

30. days wflrning to ye Gover of the Massachusets or Con-

ightecutt.  The comissioners approving of this offer, and

taking their ingagmente under their hands, required Uncass,

as he expected ye continuance of ye favour of the English,

to observe the same termes of peace with ye Narigansets

and theirs.


1645.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                513

 

     These foregoing conclusions were subscribed by ye comis-

sioners, for ye severall jurisdictions, ye 19. of Sept: 1644.

EDWA: HOPKINS, Presidente.

SIMON BRADSTREETE.

WILLM. HATHORNE.

EDW: WINSLOW.

JOHN BROWNE.

GEOR: FENWICK.

THEOPH: EATON.

THO: GREGSON.

      The forenamed Narigansets deputies did further promise, that

if, contrary to this agreemente, any of ye Nyantick Pequents

should make any assaulte upon Uncass, or any of his, they

would deliver them up to ye English, to be punished accord-

ing to their demerits; and that they would not use any means

to procure the Mowacks to come against Uncass during this

truce.

 

     These were their names subscribed with their marks.

WEETOWISH.             CHINNOUGH.

PAMPIAMETT. PUMMUNISH.

 

[264] Anno Dom: 1645.

    THE comissioners this year were caled to meete to-

gither at Boston, before their ordinarie time; partly in

regard of some differances falen betweene ye French and

ye govermente of ye Massachusets, about their aiding

of Munseire Latore against Munsseire de Aulney, and

partly aboute ye Indeans, who had broaken ye former

agreements aboute the peace concluded ye last year.

This meeting was held at Boston, ye 28. of July.


514                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

     Besids some underhand assualts made on both sids,

the Narigansets gathered a great power, and fell upon

Uncass, and slew many of his men, and wounded

more, by reason yt they farr exseeded him in number,

and had gott store of peeces, with which they did him

most hurte.  And as they did this withoute ye knowl-

edg and consente of ye English, (contrary to former

agree mente,) so they were resolved to prosecute ye same,

notwithstanding any thing ye English said or should doe

against them.  So, being incouraged by ther late vic-

torie, and promise of assistance from ye Mowaks, (being

a strong, warlike, and desperate people,) they had all-

ready devoured Uncass & his, in their hops; and surly

they had done it in deed, if the English had not timly

sett in for his aide.  For those of Conightecute sent

him 40. men, who were a garison to him, till ye comis-

sioners could meete and take further order.

     Being thus mett, they forthwith sente 3. messengers,

viz. Sargent John Davis, Benedicte Arnold, and Francis

Smith, with full & ample instructions, both to ye Nari-

gansets and Uncass; to require them yt they should

either come in person or send sufficiente men fully

instructed to deale in ye bussines; and if the) refused

or delayed, to let them know (according to former

agreements) yt the English are engaged to assiste

against these hostile invasions, and yt they have sente

their men to defend Uncass, and to know of ye Nari-

gansets whether they will stand to ye former peace,


1645.]           PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                   515

 

or they will assaulte ye English also, that they may

provid accordingly.

     But ye messengers returned, not only with a sleight-

ing, but a threatening answer from the Narigansets

(as will more appear hereafter).  Also they brought

a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, wherin he assures

them that ye warr would presenly breake forth, & ye

whole country would be all of a flame.  And yt the

sachems of ye Narigansets had concluded a newtrality

with ye English of Providence and those of Aquidnett

Iland.   Wherupon ye comissioners, considering ye great

danger  & provocations offered, and ye necessitie we

should  be put unto of making warr with ye Narigan-

setts, and being also carfull, in a matter of so great

waight & generall concernmente, to see ye way cleared,

and to give satisfaction to all ye colonies, did thinke

fitte to advise with such of ye magistrats & elders of

ye Massaechusets as were then at hand, and also with

some of ye cheefe millitary comanders ther; who being

assembled, it was then agreed, --

   First, yt our ingagmente bound us to aide &, defend

Uncass.   2.  That this ayde could not be intended only

to defend him & his forte, or habitation, but (according

to ye comone acceptation of such covenants, or ingag-

ments, considered with ye grounds or occasion therof)

so to ayde him as he might be preserved in his liberty

and estate.  3ly.  That this ayde [265] must be speedy,

least he might be swalowed up in ye mean time, and


516                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

so come to late.  41y.  The justice of this warr being

cleared to our selves and ye rest then presente, it was

thought meete yt the case should be stated, and ye

reasons & grounds of ye warr declared and published.

51y.  That a day of humilliation should be apoynted,

which was ye 5. day of ye weeke following.   61y.  It was

then allso agreed by ye comissioners that ye whole num~

ber of men to be raised in all ye colonies should be 300.

Wherof from ye Massachusets a 190.  Plimoth, 40.

Conightecute, 40.  New-Haven, 30.  And considering

yt Uncass was in present danger, 40. men of this num-

ber were forthwith sente from ye Massachusets for his

sucoure; and it was but neede, for ye other 40. from

Conightecutt had order to stay but a month, & their

time being out, they returned; and ye Narigansets, hear-

ing therof, tooke the advantage, and came suddanly

upon him, and gave him another blow, to his further

loss, and were ready to doe ye like againe; but these

40. men being arrived, they returned, and did nothing.

       The declaration which they sett forth I shall not

transcribe, it being very larg, and put forth in printe,

to which I referr those yt would see ye same, in which

all passages are layed open from ye first.  I shall only

note their prowd carriage, and answers to ye 3. mes-

sengers sent from ye comissioners.  They received them

with scorne & contempte, and tould them they resolved

to have no peace without Uncass his head; also they

gave them this further answer:  that it mattered not


1645.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                517

 

who begane ye warr, they were resolved to follow it,

and that ye English should withdraw their garison from

Uncass, or they would procure ye Mowakes against

them; and withall gave them this threatening answer:

that they would lay ye English catle on heaps, as high

as their houses, and yt no English-man should sturr out

of his dore to pisse, but he should be kild.  And

wheras they required guids to pass throw their countrie,

to deliver their message to Uncass from ye comissioners,

they deneyed them, but at length (in way of scorne)

offered them an old Pequente woman.  Besids allso

they conceived them selves in danger, for whilst ye in-

terpretour was speakeing with them about ye answer

he should returne, 3. men came & stood behind him

with ther hatchets, according to their murderous maner;

but one of his fellows gave him notice of it, so they

broak of & came away; with sundry such like affrontes,

which made those Indeans they carryed with them to

rune away for fear, and leave them to goe home as

they could.

     Thus whilst ye comissioners in care of ye publick

peace sought to quench ye fire kindled amongst ye

Indeans, these children of strife breath out threatenings,

provocations, and warr against ye English them selves.

So that, unless they should dishonour & provoak God,

by violating a just ingagmente, and expose ye colonies to

contempte & danger from ye barbarians, they cannot but

exerciese force, when no other means will prevaile to


518                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

reduse ye Narigansets & their confederats to a more

just & sober temper.

     So as here upon they went on to hasten ye prep-

rations, according to ye former agreemente, and sent to

Plimoth to send forth their 40. men with all speed,

to lye at Seacunke, least any deanger should befalle

it, before ye rest were ready, it lying next ye enemie,

and ther to stay till ye Massachusetts should joyne with

them.  Allso Conigtecute & Newhaven forces were to

joyne togeather, and march with all speed, and ye

Indean confederats of those parts with them.  All which

was done accordingly; and the souldiers of this place

were at Seacunk, the place of their rendevouze, 8. or

10. days before ye rest were ready; they were well

armed all with snaphance peeces, and wente under

ye camand of Captain [266] Standish.  Those from

other places were led likwise by able comanders, * as

Captaine Mason for Conigtecute, &c.; and Majore

Gibons was made generall over ye whole, with such

comissions & instructions as was meete.

      Upon ye suden dispatch of these souldiears, (the

present necessitie requiring it,) the deputies of ye

Massachusetts Courte (being now assembled imediatly

after ye setting forth of their 40. men) made a ques-

tion whether it was legally done, without their comis-

sion.  It was answered, that howsoever it did properly

belong to ye authority of ye severall jurisdictions (after

* Comander in the MS.


1645.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                519

 

ye warr was agreed upon by ye comissioners, & the

number of men) to provid ye men & means to carry

on ye warr; yet in this presente case, the proceeding

of ye comissioners and ye comission given was as suffi-

ciente as if it had been done by ye Generall Courte.

 

First, it was a case of such presente & urgente necessitie,

as could not stay ye calling of ye Courte or Counsell.  21y.

In ye Articles of Confederation, power is given to ye comis-

sioners to consult, order, & determine all affaires of warr,

&c.  And ye word determine comprehends all acts of author-

ity belonging therunto.

    31y.  The comissioners are ye judges of ye necessitie of the

expedition.

    41y.  The Generall Courte have made their owne comis-

sioners their sole counsell for these affires.

    51y.  These counsels could not have had their due effecte

excepte they had power to proceede in this case, as they

have done; which were to make ye comissioners power, and

ye maine end of ye confederation, to be frustrate, and that

mearly for observing a ceremony.

     61y.  The comissioners haveing sole power to manage ye

warr for number of men, for time, place, &c., they only

know their owne counsells, & determinations, and therfore

none can grante comission to acte according to these but

them selves.

 

     All things being thus in readines, and some of ye

souldiers gone forth, and the rest ready to march,

the comissioners thought it meete before any hostile

acte was performed, to cause a presente to be re-

turned, which had been sente to ye Gover of the Mas-

sachusetts from ye Narigansett sachems, but not by


520                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

him received, but layed up to be accepted or refused

as they should carry them selves, and observe ye cove-

nants.  Therfore they violating the same, & standing

out thus to a warr, it was againe returned, by 2. mes-

sengers & an interpretour.  And further to let know

that their men already sent to Uncass (& other wher

sent forth) have hitherto had express order only to

stand upon his & their owne defence, and not to

attempte any invasion of ye Narigansetts country; and

yet if they may have due reperation for what is past,

and good securitie for ye future, it shall appear they

are as desirous of peace, and shall be as tender of ye

Narigansets blood as ever.  If therefore Pessecuss,

Innemo, with other sachemes, will (without further

delay) come along with you to Boston, the comis-

sioners doe promise & assure them, they shall have

free liberty to come, and retourne without molesta-

tion or any just greevance from ye English.  But

deputies will not now serve, nor may the prepara-

tions in hand be now stayed, or ye directions given

recalled, till ye forementioned sagamors come, and

some further order be taken.  But if they will have

nothing but warr, the English are providing, and will

proceede accordingly.

     Pessecouss, Mixano, & Witowash, 3. principall sa-

chems of ye Narigansett Indeans, and Awasequen, dep-

utie for ye Nyanticks, with a large traine of men,

within a few days after came to Boston.


1645.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                521

 

      And to omitte all other circomstances and debats yt

past betweene them and the comissioners, they came

to this conclusion following.

 

     [267] 1.  It was agreed betwixte ye comissioners of ye

United Collonies, and ye fore mentioned sagamores, & Nian-

tick deputie, that ye said Narigansets & Niantick, sagamores

should pay or cause to be payed at Boston, to ye Massa-

chusets comissioners, ye full sume of 2000. fathome of good

white wampame, or a third parte of black wampampeage,

in 4. payments; namely, 500. fathome within 20. days,

500. fathome within 4. months, 500. fathome at or before

next planting time, and 500. fathome within 2. years next

after ye date of these presents; which 2000. fathome ye

comissioners accepte for satisfaction of former charges ex-

pended.

     2.  The foresaid sagamors & deputie (on ye behalfe of ye

Narigansett & Niantick Indeans) hereby promise & cove-

nante that they upon demand and profe satisfie & re-

store unto Uncass, ye Mohigan sagamore, all such cap-

tives, whether men, or women, or children, and all such

canowes, as they or any of their men have taken, or as

many of their owne canowes in ye roome of them, full as

good as they were, with full satisfaction for all such corne

as they or any of theire men have spoyled or destroyed, of

his or his mens, since last planting time; and ye English

comissioners hereby promise yt Uncass shall doe ye like.

      3.  Wheras ther are sundry differences & greevances be-

twixte Narigansett & Niantick Indeans, and Uncass & his

men, (which in Uncass his absence cannot now be detir-

mined,) it is hearby agreed yt Nariganset & Niantick saga-

mores either come them selves, or send their deputies to ye

next meeting of ye comissioners for ye collonies, either at

New-Haven in Sept 1646. or sooner (upon conveniente warn-


522                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

ing, if ye said comissioners doe meete sooner), fully instructed

to declare & make due proofe of their injuries, and to sub-

mite to ye judgmente of ye comissioners, in giving or receiv-

ing satisfaction; and ye said comissioners (not doubting but

Uncass will either come him selfe, or send his deputies,

in like maner furnished) promising to give a full hearing

to both parties with equall justice, without any partiall

respects, according to their allegations and profs.

     4.  The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamors& deputies

doe hearby promise & covenante to keep and maintaine a

firme & perpetuall peace, both with all ye English United

Colonies & their successors, and with Uncass, ye Monhegen

sachem, & his men; with Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke,

Cutsharuakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, and all other Indean

sagamors, and their companies, who are in freindship with

or subjecte to any of ye English; hearby ingaging them

selves, that they will not at any time hearafter disturbe ye

peace of ye cuntry, by any assaults, hostile attempts, inva-

sions, or other injuries, to any of ye Unnited Collonies, or

their successors; or to ye afforesaid Indeans; either in their

persons, buildings, catle, or goods, directly or indirectly; nor

will they confederate with any other against them; & if

they know of any Indeans or others yt conspire or intend

hurt against ye said English, or any Indeans subjecte to or in

freindship with them, they will without delay acquainte & give

notice therof to ye English cofiiissioners, or some of them.

     Or if any questions or differences shall at any time here-

after arise or grow betwext them & Uncass, or any Endeans

before mentioned, they will, according to former ingagments

(which they hearby confirme & ratifie) first acquainte ye

English, and crave their judgments & advice therin; and

will not attempte or begine any warr, or hostille invasion,

till they have liberty and alowance from ye comissioners of

ye United Collonies so to doe.


1645.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                523

 

    5.  The said Narigansets & Niantick sagamores & depu-

ties doe hearby promise yt they will forthwth deliver & re-

store all such Indean fugitives, or captives which have at

any time fled from any of ye English, and are now living

or abiding amongst them, or give due satisfaction for them

to ye comissioners for ye Massachusets; and further, that

they will (without more delays) pay, or cause to be payed,

a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after

this, at Boston, to ye English Colonies, for all such Pequents

as live amongst them, according to ye former treaty &

agreemente, made at Hartford, 1638. namly, one fathome

of white wampam for every Pequente man, & halfe a

fathume for each Pequente youth, and one hand length

for each mal-child.  And if Weequashcooke refuse to pay

this tlibute for any Pequents with him, the Narigansetts

sagamores promise to assiste ye English againt him.  And

they further covenante yt they will resigne & yeeld up the

whole Pequente cuntrie, and every parte of it, to ye Eng-

lish collonies, as due to them by conquest.

      6.  The said Narigansett & Niantick sagamores & deputie

doe hereby promise & covenante yt within 14. days they will

bring & deliver to ye Massachusetts comissioners on ye be-

halfe of ye collonies, [268] foure of their children, viz.

Pessecous his eldest son, the sone Tassaquanawite, brother

to Pessecouss, Awashawe his sone, and Ewangsos sone, a

Niantick, to be kepte (as hostages & pledges) by ye English,

till both ye forementioned 2000. fathome of wampam be payed

at ye times appoynted, and ye differences betweexte themselves

& Uncass be heard & ordered, and till these artickles be

under writen at Boston, by Jenemo & Wipetock.  And fur-

ther they hereby promise & covenante, yt if at any time

hearafter any of ye said children shall make escape, or be

conveyed away from ye English, before ye premisses be fully

accomplished, they will either bring back & deliver to ye


524                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

Massachusett comissioners ye same children, or, if they be not

to be founde, such & so many other children, to be chosen

by ye comissioners for ye United Collonies, or their assignes,

and yt within 20. days after demand, and in ye mean time,

untill ye said 4. children be delivered as hostages, ye Nari-

gansett & Niantick sagamors & deputy doe, freely & of their

owne accorde, leave with ye Massachusett comissioners, as

pledges for presente securitie, 4. Indeans, namely, Witowash,

Pumanise, Jawashoe, Waughwamino, who allso freely con-

sente, and offer them selves to stay as pledges, till ye said

children be brought & delivered as abovesaid.

     7.  The comissioners for ye United Collonies doe hereby

promise & agree that, at ye charge of ye United Collonies,

ye 4.  Indeans now left as pledges shall be provided for, and yt

the 4. children to be brought & delivered as hostages shall

be kepte & maintained at ye same charge; that they will

require Uncass & his men, with all other Indean sagamors

before named, to forbear all acts of hostilitie againste ye Nari-

gansetts and Niantick Indeans for ye future.  And further,

all ye promises being duly observed & kept by ye Narigansett

& Niantick Indians and their company, they will at ye end

of 2. years restore ye said children delivered as hostiages,

and retaine a firme peace with ye Narigansets & Nianticke

Indeans aud their successours.

      8.  It is fully agreed by & betwixte ye said parties, yt if

any hostile attempte be made while this treaty is in hand,

or before notice of this agreemente (to stay further prepara-

tions & directions) can be given, such attempts & ye conse-

quencts therof shall on neither parte be accounted a violation

of this treaty, nor a breach of ye peace hear made & con-

cluded.

      9.  The Narigansets & Niantick sagamors & deputie hereby

agree & covenante to & with ye comissioners of ye United

Collonies, yt henceforth they will neither give, grante, sell,

or in any maner alienate, any parte of their countrie, nor


1645.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                525

 

any parcell of land therin, either to any of ye English or

others, without consente or allowance of ye comissioners.

     10.  Lastly, they promise that, if any Pequente or other be

found & discovered amongst them who hath in time of peace

murdered any of ye English, he or they shall be delivered to

just punishmente.

      In witness wherof ye parties above named have inter-

chaingablie subscribed these presents, the day & year above

writen.

JOHN WINTHROP, President.

HERBERT PELHAM.

THO: PRENCE.

JOHN BROWNE.

GEO: FENWICK.

EDW A: HOPKINS.

THEOPH: EATON.

STEVEN GOODYEARE.

PESSECOUSS his mark

MEEKESANO his mark

WITOWASH his mark

AUMSEQUEN his mark           the Niantick

ABDAS his mark

PUMMASH his mark

CUTCHAMAKIN his mark

 

     This treaty and agreemente betwixte the comissioners of ye

United Collonies and ye sagamores and deputy of Narrigansets

and Niantick Indeans was made and concluded, Benedicte

Arnold being interpretour upon his oath; Sergante Callicate

& an Indean, his man, being presente, and Josias & Cut-

shamakin, tow Indeans aquainted with ye English language,

assisting therin; who opened & cleared the whole treaty, &

every article, to ye sagamores and deputie there presente.

     And thus was ye warr at this time stayed and pre-

vented.


526                                HISTORY OF                        [BOOK II.

 

[269] Anno Dom: 1646.

     ABOUT ye midle of May, this year, came in 3. ships

into this harbor, in warrlike order; they were found to

be men of warr.  The captains name was Crumwell,

who had taken sundrie prizes from ye Spaniards in ye

West Indies.  He had a comission from ye Earle of

Warwick.  He had abord his vessels aboute 80. lustie

men, (but very unruly,) who, after they came ashore,

did so distemper them selves with drinke as they be-

came like madd-men; and though some of them were

punished & imprisoned, yet could they hardly be re-

strained; yet in ye ende they became more moderate

& orderly.  They continued here aboute a month or

6. weeks, and then went to ye Massachusets; ill which

time they spente and scattered a great deale of money

among ye people, and yet more sine (I fear) then

money, notwithstanding all ye care & watchfullnes that

was used towards them, to prevente what might be.

      In which time one sadd accidente fell out.  A des-

perate fellow of ye company fell a quarling with some

of his company.  His captine comanded him to be quiet

& surcease his quarelling; but he would not, but

reviled his captaine with base language, & in ye end

halfe drew his rapier, & intended to rune at his captien;

but he closed with him, and wrasted his rapier from

him, and gave him a boxe on ye earr; but he would

not give over, but still assaulted his captaine.  Wher-


1646.]                  PLYMOUTH  PLANTATION.                527

 

upon he tooke ye same rapier: as it was in ye scaberd,

and gave him a blow with ye hilts; but it light on his

head, & ye smal end of ye bar of ye rapier hilts peirct

his scull, & he dyed a few days after.  But ye captaine

was cleared by a counsell of warr.  This fellow was

so desperate a quareller as ye captaine was faine many

times to chaine him under hatches from hurting his

fellows, as ye company did testifie; and this was his

end.

     This Captaine Thomas Cromuell sett forth another

vioage to the Westindeas, from the Bay of the Massa-

chusets, well maned & victuled; and was out 3. years,

and tooke sundry prises, and returned rich unto the

Massachusets, and ther dyed the same somere, having

gott a fall from his horse, in which fall he fell on his

rapeir hilts, and so brused his body as he shortly after

dyed therof, with some other distempers, which brought

him into a feavor.  Some observed that ther might be

somthing of the hand of God herein; that as the fore-

named man dyed of ye blow he gave him with ye rapeir

hilts, so his owne death was occationed by a like means.

     This year Mr. Edward Winslow went into England,

upon this occation: some discontented persons under

ye govermente of the Massachusets sought to trouble

their peace, and disturbe, if not innovate, their gover-

mente, by laying many [270] scandals upon them;

and intended to prosecute against them in England, by

petitioning & complaining to the Parlemente.  Allso


528 HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.[BOOK II.

 

Samuell Gorton & his company made complaints against

them; so as they made choyse of Mr. Winslow to be

their agente, to make their defence, and gave him

comission & instructions for that end; in which he so

carried him selfe as did well answer their ends, and

cleared them from any blame or dishonour, to the

shame of their adversaries.  But by reason of the great

alterations in the State, he was detained longer then

was expected; and afterwards fell into other imploy-

ments their, so as he hath now bene absente this

4. years, which hath been much to the weakning of

this govermente, without whose consente he tooke these

imployments upon him.

 

Anno 1647. And Anno 1648.



 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX.



 

APPENDIX.

 

No. I.

[Passengers of the Mayflower.]

The names of those which came over first, in ye year 1620.

    and were by t!1e blessing of God the first beginers and

    (in a sort) the foundation of all the Plantations and

    Colonies in New-England; and their families.

 

         Mr. John Carver; Kathrine, his wife; Desire Minter;

      & 2. man-servants, John Howland, Roger Wilder; Wil-

8.    liam Latham, a boy; & a maid servant, & a child yt

       was put to him, called Jasper More.

 

           Mr. William Brewster; Mary, his wife; with 2. sons,

        whose names were Love & Wrasling; and a boy was.

 6.    put to him called Richard More; and another of his

        brothers.  The rest of his children were left behind, &

        came over afterwards.

 

             Mr. Edward Winslow; Elizabeth, his wife; & 2. men

         servants, caled Georg Sowle and Elias Story; also a litle

5.      girle was put to him, caled Ellen, the sister of Richard

         More.

 

              William Bradford, and Dorothy, his wife; having but

2.       one child, a sone, left behind, who came afterward.

 

              Mr. Isaack Allerton, and Mary, his wife; with 3. chil-

 6.       dren, Bartholmew, Remember, & Mary; and a servant

            boy, John Hooke..

 

 


532                                APPENDIX.

 

            Mr. Samuell Fuller, and a servant, caled William But-

 2.    ten.  His wife was behind, & a child, which came after-

        wards.

 

2.         John Crakston, and his sone, John Crakston.

 

2.         Captin Myles Standish, and Rose, his wife.

 

             Mr. Christopher Martin, and his wife, and 2. servants,

4.     Salamon Prower and John Langemore.

 

              Mr. William Mullines, and his wife, and 2. children,

5.      Joseph & Priscila; and a servant, Robart Carter.

 

               Mr. William White, and Susana, his wife, and one

          sone, caled Resolved, and one borne a ship-bord, caled

6.       Peregriene; & 2. servants, named William Holbeck &

          Edward Thomson.

 

                Mr. Steven Hopkins, & Elizabeth, his wife, and 2. chil-

           dren, caled Giles, and Constanta, a doughter, both by

8.        a former wife; and 2. more by this wife, caled Damaris

           & Oceanus; the last was borne at sea; and 2. servants,

           called Edward Doty and Edward Litster.

 

                 Mr. Richard Warren; but his wife and children were

1.         lefte behind, and came afterwards.

 

                  John Billinton, and Elen, his wife; and 2. sones, John

4.         & Francis.

 

                  Edward Tillie, and Ann, his wife; and 2. children that

4.         were their cossens, Henery Samson and Humillity Coper.

 

                  John Tillie, and his wife; and Eelizabeth, their

3.          doughter.    

                   Francis Cooke, and his sone John. But his wife &

2.          other children came afterwards.

APPENDIX.                           533

 

           Thomas Rogers, and Joseph, his sone. His other chil-

2.    dren came afterwards.

 

3.*       Thomas Tinker, and his wife, and a sone.

 

2.         John Rigdale, and Alice, his wife.

 

            James Chilton, and his wife, and Mary, their dougter.

3.     They had an other doughter, yt was maried, came after-

         ward.

 

3.         Edward Fuller, and his wife, and Samuell, their sonne.

 

            John Turner, and 2. sones.  He had a doughter came

3.     some years after to Salem, wher she is now living.

 

             Francis Eaton, and Sarah, his wife, and Samuell, their

3.      sone, a yong child.

 

             Moyses Fletcher, John Goodman, Thomas Williams,

          Digerie Preist, Edmond Margeson, Peter Browne, Richard

10.     Britterige, Richard Clarke, Richard Gardenar, Gilbart

          Winslow.

 

               John Alden was hired for a cooper, at South-Hampton,

           wher the ship victuled; and being a hopfull yong man,

1.        was much desired, but left to his owne liking to go or

           stay when he came here; but he stayed, and maryed here.

 

               John Allerton and Thomas Enlish were both hired, the

           later to goe mr of a shalop here, and ye other was reputed

2.        as one of ye company, but was to go back (being a sea-

           man) for the help of others behind.  But they both dyed

           here, before the shipe returned.

* Written 2 in MS.


534                                APPENDIX.

 

            There were allso other 2. seamen hired to stay a year

2.     here in the country, Willaim Trevore, and one Ely.  But

        when their time was out, they both returned.

 

             These, bening aboute a hundred sowls, came over in

         this first ship; and began this worke, which God of his

         goodnes hath hithertoo blesed; let his holy name have

         ye praise.

 

And seeing it hath pleased him to give me to see 30. years

      compleated since these beginings; and that the great

      works of his providence are to be observed, I have

      thought it not unworthy my paines to take a veiw of the

      decreasings & increasings of these persons, and such

      changs as hath pased over them & theirs, in this thirty

      years.  It may be of some use to such as come after;

      but, however, I shall rest in my owne benefite.

I will therfore take them in order as they lye.

 

         Mr. Carver and his wife dyed the first year; he in ye

      spring, she in ye somer; also, his man Roger and ye litle

      boy Jasper dyed before either of them, of ye commone in-

      fection.  Desire Minter returned to her freinds, & proved

      not very well, and dyed in England.  His servant boy

      Latham, after more then 20. years stay in the country,

      went into England, and from thence to the Bahamy Ilands

      in ye West Indies, and ther, with some others, was starved

      for want of food.  His maid servant maried, & dyed

      a year or tow after, here in this place.

          His servant, John Howland, maried the doughter of

      John Tillie, Elizabeth, and they are both now living,

      and have 10. children, now all living; and their eldest

15. daughter hath 4. children.  And ther 2. daughter, 1. all

      living; and other of their children mariagable.  So 15.

      are come of them.

APPENDIX.                           535

 

          Mr. Brewster lived to very old age; about 80. years he

      was when he dyed, having lived some 23. or 24. years

      here in ye countrie; & though his wife dyed long before,

      yet she dyed aged.  His sone Wrastle dyed a yonge man

4.   unmaried; his sone Love lived till this year 1650. and

      dyed, & left 4. children, now living.  His doughters

      which came over after him are dead, but have left sundry

      children alive; his eldst sone is still liveing, and hath 9.

2.   or 10 children; one maried, who hath a child or 2.

           Richard More his brother dyed the first winter; but he

4.   is maried, and hath 4. or 5. children, all living.

 

            Mr. Ed: Winslow his wife dyed the first winter; and he

2.    maried with the widow of Mr. White, and hath 2. children

       living by her marigable, besids sundry that are dead.

            One of his servants dyed, as also the litle girle, soone

8.    after the ships arivall.  But his man, Georg Sowle, is still

       living, and hath 8. childre.

 

            William Bradford his wife dyed soone after their arivall;

4.     and he maried againe; and hath 4. children, 3. wherof are

        maried.

             Mr. Allerton his wife dyed with the first, and his ser-

         vant, John Hooke.  His sone Bartle is maned in England,

         but I know not how many children he hath.  His doughter

         Remember is maried at Salem, & hath 3. or 4. children

         living.  And his doughter Mary is maried here, & hath 4.

8.      children.  Him selfe maried againe with ye doughter of

         Mr. Brewster, & hath one sane living by her, but she

         is long since dead.  And he is maried againe, and hath

         left this place long agoe.  So I account his increase to

         be 8. besids his sons in England.

             Mr. Fuller his selovant dyed at sea; and after his wife

2.      came over, he had tow children by her, which are living

         and growne up to years; but he dyed some 15. years agoe.


536                                         APPENDIX.

 

           John Crakston dyed in the first mortality; and about

       some 5. or 6. years after, his sone dyed; having lost him

       selie in ye wodes, his feet became frosen, which put him

       into a feavor, of which he dyed.

 

          *Captain Standish his wife dyed in the first sicknes,

4.    and he maried againe, and hath 4. sones liveing, and

       some are dead.

 

            Mr. Martin, he & all his, dyed in the first infection

        not long after the arivall.

 

            Mr. Molines, and his wife, his sone, and his servant,

        dyed the first winter.  Only his dougter Priscila survied,

15.   and maried with John Alden, who are both living, and

        have 11. children.  And their eldest daughter is maried,

        & hath five children.

             Mr. White and his 2. servants dyed soone after ther

        landing.  His wife maried with Mr. Winslow (as is be-

7.     fore noted).  His 2. sons are maried, and Resolved hath

        5. children, Perigrine tow, all living.  So their increase

        are 7.

              Mr. Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they

         lived above 20. years in this place, and had one sone and

5.      4. doughters borne here.  Ther sone became a seaman, &

         dyed at Barbadoes; one daughter dyed here, and 2. are

         maried; one of them hath 2. children; & one is yet to

         mary.  So their increase which still survive are 5.  But

4.      his sone Giles is maried, and hath 4. children.

 

                His doughter Constanta is also maried, and hath 12.

12.     children, all of them living, an one of them maried.

 

* Who dyed 3. of Octob. 1655.


APPENDIX.                                    537

 

          Mr. Richard Warren lived some 4. or 5. years, and had

      his wife come over to him, by whom he had 2. sons

      before dyed; and one of them is maryed, and hath 2.

4.   children.  So his increase is 4.  But he had 5. doughters

      more came over with his wife, who are all maried, &

      living, & have many children.

 

           John Billinton, after he had bene here 10. yers,

       was executed for killing a man; and his eldest sone dyed

8.     before him; but his 2. sone is alive, and maried, & hath

        8. children.

 

            Edward Tillie and his wife both dyed soon after their

7.      arivall; and the girle Humility, their cousen, was sent for;

         into England, and dyed ther.  But the youth Henery

         Samson is still liveing, and is maned, & hath 7. children.

 

              John Tillie and his wife both dyed a litle after they

         came ashore; and their daughter Elizabeth maried with

         John Howland, and hath issue as is before noted.

 

               Francis Cooke is still living, a very olde man, and hath

          seene his childrens children have children; after his wife

8.       came over, (with other of his children,) he hath 3. still

          living by her, all maried, and have 5. children; so their

          encrease is 8.  And his sone John, which came over with

4.       him, is maried, and hath 4. chilldren living.

 

                Thomas Rogers dyed in the first sicknes, but his

          sone Joseph is still living, and is maried, and hath 6.

6.       children.  The rest of Thomas Rogers [children] came

          over, & are maried, & have many children.

                Thomas Tinker and his wife and sone all dyed in the

            first sicknes.

                 And so did John Rigdale and his wife.


538                                APPENDIX.

 

           James Chilton and his wife also dyed in the first infec-

        tion.  But their daughter Mary is still living, and hath 9.

10.   children; and one daughter is maried, & hath a child; so

        their increase is 10.

             Edward Fuller and his wife dyed soon after they came

4.     ashore; but their sone Samuell is living, & maried, and

        hath 4. children or more.

              John Turner and his 2. sones all dyed in the first

        siknes.  But he hath a daugter still living at Salem, well

        maried, and approved of.

              Francis Eaton his first wife dyed in the generall

        sicknes; and he maried againe, & his 2. wife dyed, &

4.     he maried the 3. and had by her 3. children.  One of

        them is maried, & hath a child; the other are living,

        but one of them is an ideote.  He dyed about 16. years

        agoe.  His sone Samuell, who came over a sucking child,

 1.    is allso maried, & hath a child.

               Moyses Fletcher, Thomas Williams, Digerie Preist,

        John Goodman, Edmond Margeson, Richard Britteridge,

        Richard Clarke.  All these dyed sone after their arivall,

        in the generall sicknes that befell.  But Digerie Preist

        had his wife & children sent hither afterwards, she being

        Mr. Allertons sister.  But the rest left no posteritie here.

 

               Richard Gardinar became a seaman, and died in Eng-

         land, or at sea.

               Gilbert Winslow, aftei' diverse years aboad here, re-

          turned into England, and dyed ther.

                Peter Browne maried twise.  By his first wife he had

          2. children, who are living, & both of them maried, and

6.       the one of them hath 2. children; by his second wife he

          had 2. more.  He dyed about 16. years since.


APPENDIX.                           539

 

            Thomas English and John Allerton dyed in the generall

        siknes.

             John Alden maried with Priscila, Mr. Mollines his

         doughter, and had issue by her as is before related.

             Edward Doty & Edward Litster, the servants of Mr.

         Hopkins. Litster, after he was at liberty, went to Vir-

         ginia, & ther dyed.  But Edward Doty by a second wife

         hath 7. children, and both he and they are living.

 

              Of these 100. persons which came first over in this

         first ship together, the greater halfe dyed in the generall

         mortality; and most of them in 2. or three monthes time.

         And for those which survied, though some were ancient

         & past procreation, & others left ye place and cuntrie,

         yet of those few remaining are sprunge up above 160.

         persons, in this 30. years, and are now living in this

         presente year, 1650. besids many of their children which

         are dead, and come not within this account.

              And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet

         living this present year, 1650. nere 30. persons.  Let the

         Lord have ye praise, who is the High Preserver of men.

 

          * Twelfe persons liveing of the old stock this present

       yeare, 1679.

            Two persons liveing that came over in the first shipe

         1620, this present yeare, 1690.  Resolved White and Mary

         Chusman,! the daughter of Mr. Allerton.

               And John Cooke, the son of Frances Cooke, that came

          in the first ship, is still liveing this present yeare, 1694;

          & Mary Cushman is still living, this present year, 1698.

 

            * The following memoranda are in a later hand.

             ! Obviously intended for Cushman.

 

 


540                                APPENDIX.

 

 

 

 

No. II.

[Commission for Regulating Plantations.]

Charles by ye grace of God king of England, Scotland, France,

and Ireland, Defender of ye Faith, &c.*

To the most Reved father in Christ, our well beloved & faith-

     full counsellour, William, by devine providence Archbishop

     of Counterbery, of all England Primate & Metropolitan;

     Thomas Lord Coventry, Keeper of our Great Seale of

     England; the most Reverente father in Christ our wellbe-

     loved and most faithful Counselour, Richard, by devine

     providence Archbishop of Yorke, Primate & Metropolitan;

     our wellbeloved and most faithfull coussens & Coullselours,

     Richard, Earle of Portland, our High Treasurer of Eng-

     land; Henery, Earle of Manchester, Keeper of our Privie

     Seale; Thomas, Earle of Arundalle & Surry, Earle Mar-

     shall of England; Edward, Earle of Dorsett, Chamberline

     of our most dear consorte, the Queene; and our beloved &

     faithfull Counselours, Francis Lord Cottington, Counseler,

     and Undertreasurour of our Eschequour; Sr: Thomas Ed-

     monds, knight, Treasourer of our houshould; Sr: Henery

     Vane, Knight, controuler of ye same houshould; Sr: John

     Cooke, Knight, one of our Privie Secretaries; and Francis

     Windebanck, Knight, another of our Privie Secretaries,

 

      Wheras very many of our subjects, & of our late fathers

of beloved memory, our sovereigne lord James, late king

of England, by means of licence royall, not only with

 

* See page 381.  This document was written on the reverse of folio 201

et seq. of the original manuscript, and for the sake of convenience is trans-

ferred to this place.


                                      APPENDIX.                           541

 

desire of inlarging ye teritories of our empire, but cheefly

out of a pious & religious affection, & desire of propagat-

ing ye gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ, with great industrie

& expences have caused to be planted large Collonies of

ye English nation, in diverse parts of ye world alltogether

unmanured, and voyd of inhabitants, or occupied of ye bar- 

barous people that have no knowledg of divine worship.

We being willing to provid a remedy for ye tranquillity &

quietnes of those people, and being very confidente of your

faith & wisdom, justice & providente circomspection, have

constituted you ye aforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie,

Lord Keeper of ye Great Seale of England, ye Archbishop

of Yorke, &c. and any 5. or more, of you, our Comission-

ers; and to you, and any 5. or more of you, we doe give

and comite power for ye govermente & saftie of ye said

collonies, drawen, or which, out of ye English nation into

those parts hereafter, shall be drawne, to make lawes, con-

stitutions, & ordinances, pertaining ether to ye publick state

of these collonies, or ye private profite of them; and con-

cerning ye lands, goods, debts, & succession in those parts,

and how they shall demaine them selves, towards foraigne

princes, and their people, or how they shall bear them

selves towards us, and our subjects, as well in any foraine

parts whatsoever, or on ye seas in those parts, or in their

returne sayling home; or which may pertaine to ye clergie

govermente, or to ye cure of soules, among ye people ther

living, and exercising trad in those parts; by designing out

congruente porcions arising in tithes, oblations, & other

things ther, according to your sound discretions, in politi-

call & civill causes; and by haveing ye advise of 2. or 3.

bishops, for ye setling, making, & ordering of ye bussines,

for ye designeing of necessary ecclesiasticall, and clargie

porcions, which you shall cause to be called, and taken to

you.  And to make provission against ye violation of those


542                                APPENDIX.

 

laws, constitutions, and ordinances, by imposing penealties

& mulcts, imprisonmente if ther be cause, and yt ye quality

of ye offence doe require it, by deprivation of member, or

life, to be inflicted.  With power allso (our assente being

had) to remove, & displace ye governours or rulers of those

collonies, for causes which to you shall seeme lawfull, and

others in their stead to constitute; and require an accounte

of their rule & govermente, and whom you shall finde cul-

pable, either by deprivation from their place, or by imposi-

tion of a mulcte upon ye goods of them in those parts to

be levied, or banishmente from those provinces in wch they

have been gover  or otherwise to cashier according to ye

quantity of ye offence.  And to constitute judges, & magis-

trats politicall & civill, for civill causes and under ye power

and forme, which to you 5. or more of you shall seeme ex-

pediente.  And judges & magistrats & dignities, to causes

Ecclesiasticall, and under ye power & forme which to you

5. or more of you, with the bishops vicegerents (provided

by ye Archbishop of Counterbure for ye time being), shall

seeme expediente; and to ordaine courts, pretoriane and

tribunall, as well ecclesiasticall, as civill, of judgmentes;

to detirmine of ye formes and maner of procceedings in

ye same; and of appealing from them in matters & causes

as well criminall, as civill, personall, reale, and mixte, and

to their seats of justice, what may be equall & well ordered,

and what crimes, faults, or exessess, of contracts or injuries

ought to belonge to ye Ecclesiasticall courte, and what to ye

civill courte, and seate of justice.

     Provided never ye less, yt the laws, ordinances, & consti-

tutions of this kinde, shall not be put in execution, before

our assent be had therunto in writing under our signet,

signed at least, and this assente being had, and ye same

publikly proclaimed in ye provinces in which they are to

be executed, we will & comand yt those lawes, ordinances,

and constitutions more fully to obtaine strength and be ob-


APPENDIX.                                    543

 

served * shall be inviolably of all men whom they shall con- cerne.

      Notwithstanding it shall be for you, or any 5. or more of

you, (as is afforsaid,) allthough those lawes, constitu-

tions, and ordinances shalbe proclaimed with our royall

assente, to chainge, revocke, & abrogate them, and other

new ones, in forme afforsaid, from time to time frame and

make as afforesaid; and to new evills arissing, or new

dangers, to apply new remedyes as is fitting, so often

as to you it shall seeme expediente.  Furthermore you shall

understand that we have constituted you, and every 5. or

more of you, the afforesaid Archbishop of Counterburie,

Thomas Lord Coventrie, Keeper of ye Great Seale of Eng-

land, Richard, Bishop of Yorke, Richard, Earle of Portland,

Henery, Earle of Manchester, Thomas, Earle of Arundale

& Surry, Edward, Earell of Dorsett, Francis Lord Cottin-

ton, Sr Thomas Edmonds, ! knighte, Sr Henry Vane, knight,

Sr Francis Windebanke, knight, our comissioners to hear,

& determine, according to your sound discretions, all maner

of complaints either against those collonies, or their rulers,

or govenours, at ye instance of ye parties greeved, or at

their accusation brought concerning injuries from hence, or

from thence, betweene them, & their members to be moved,

and to call ye parties before you; and to the parties or to

their procurators, from hence, or from thence being heard

ye full complemente of justice to be exhibted.  Giving unto

you, or any 5. or more of you power, yt if you shall find

any of ye collonies afforesaid, or any of ye cheefe rulers

upon ye jurisdictions of others by unjust possession, or

usurpation, or one against another making greevance, or

in rebelion against us, or withdrawing from our alegance,

or our comandments, not obeying, consultation first with us

in yt case had, to cause those colonies, or ye rulers of them,

     * A superfluous and comes after "observed" in the manuscript.

      !  Edwards in the mannscript.


544                                APPENDIX.

 

for ye causes afforesaid, or for other just causes, either

to returne to England, or to comand them to other places

designed, even as according to your sounde discretions it

shall seeme to stand with equitie, & justice, or necessitie.

Moreover, we doe give unto you, & any 5. or more of you,

power & spetiall comand over all ye charters, leters patents,

and rescripts royall, of ye regions, provinces, ilands, or

lands in foraigne parts, granted for raising colonies, to

cause them to be brought before you, & ye same being

received, if any thing surrepticiously or unduly have been

obtained, or yt by the same priviledges, liberties, & preroga-

tives hurtfull to us, or to our crowne, or to foraigne princes,

have been prejudicially suffered, or granted; the same being

better made knowne unto you 5. or more of you, to comand

them according to ye laws and customs of England to be

revoked, and to doe such other things, which to ye profite

& safgard of ye afforesaid collonies, and of our subjects

residente in ye same, shall be necessary.  And therfore

we doe comand you that aboute ye premisses at days &

times, which for these things you shall make provission,

that you be diligente in attendance, as it becometh you;

giving in precepte also, & firmly injoyning, we doe give

comand to all and singuler cheefe rulers of provinces into

which ye colonies afforesald have been drawne, or shall

be drawne, & concerning ye colonies themselves, & concern-

ing others, yt have been interest therein, yt they give atend-

ance upon you, and be observante and obediente unto your

warrants in those affaires, as often as, and even as in our

name they shall be required, at their perill.  In testimoney

wherof, we have caused these our letters to be made pat-

tente:  Wittnes our selfe at Westminster the 28. day of

Aprill, in ye tenth year of our Raigne.

By write from ye privie seale,

WILLIES.

Anno Dom: 1634.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

INDEX.

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

INDEX.

 

Abdas, an Indian, 525.                                                        Aquidnett Island, 434,461,515.

Accord Pond, 442.                                                               Argoll, Captain, 47,48.

Acoughcouss, 445.                                                              Arminians, 27, 28.

Adventurers. See Merchant Adventur-                           Arnold, Benedict, 514, 525.

     ers.                                                                                     Ashley, Edward, 307. His patent and

Alden, John, arrested in Massachusetts,                                              business, 308 et seq. Sends beaver

     379. Party to contract, 452,458. Set-                                   home, 318,326. Trades with Indians,

     tlement with, 478, 481. Family, 533,                                     327.  Referred to, 333, 335, 337, 339,

     536, 539.                                                                  346, 349.  His death, 328.

Alden, Robert, 256.                                                              Assistants at Plymouth, 121, 187.

Allerton, Bartholomew, 531, 535.                                       Atwood, John, agent for Sherley, 449

Allerton, Isaac,62. Assistant, 121, 242.                                  et seq. Sherley's letter to, 478.

     Goes to England, 252, 267, 274, 313,                             Aulney, Monsieur d.', captures Penob-

     328. Agreement with, 254 et seq.,                                       271, scot, 395, 513.

     272. Brings over Mr. Rogers, 292.                                Aurelius, Marcus, 24.

      Marries Elder Brewster's daughter,                             Awasequin, chief, 518,.525. 305.

      Discharged, 329,333,358. Dis-                                      Awasbawe, Indian, 523.

      ciplined by church, 349. Disregards                            Babb, Mr., 412.

      his bond, 357, 362. Referred to, 276,                            Baker, master of the Cbarity, 202.

      278-280, 294, 296, 297, 300-303, 305-                            Baptism, differences respecting, 457,

      312, 318-327. 335, 336, 340-350, 357-                                 461.

      359, 361, 363-369, 375, 394, 432, 436,                            Barnstable, 441

      452. Family, 531.                                                             Bass, Edward, 255, 256.

Allerton, John, 533, 539.                                                      Beastliness, 459 et seq.

Allerton, Mary, 531,535.                                                      Beauchamp, John, 133, 141, 255, 256,

Allerton, Remember, 531, 535.                                                 275, 276, 296. Patent in his name,

Alltham, Emanuel, 256.                                                             307.  Referred to, 333, 342, 343, 368,

Amsterdam, 23, 66, 70, 73.                                         394,412,414,431, 435, 439, 451. Set-

Anabaptistry, 461.                                                                     tlement with, 452.

Andrews, Richard, adventurer, 256.                  Bellingham, Richard, deputy governor

       Undertaker, 275, 279, 296, 307, 333,                            of Massachusetts,399. Letters from,

       342, 343, 394. Beaver sent to, 431,                                     400,461.

       435. Takes land at Scituate, 439.                                 Billirike (Billerica) Pilgrims came from,

        Settlement with, 452. Letter to Free-                                 69

        man, 482. Referred to, 410, 412, 414,                          Billington, Elen, 532.

        436,447.                                                                          Billington, Francis, 532.

Andrews, Thomas, adventurer, 256.                                 Billington, John, 218. Loses himself,

Ann See Cape Ann.                                                                  123. Tried for murder and executed,

Anne, ship, 168, 171, 177, 215                                                 329 Family, 532. 537.

Anthony, Lawrence, 256.                                                    Billington, John, Jr., 532.


548                                         INDEX.

 

Blackwell, Sir Francis, 47-50,54.                                         Carver, John, agent to England, 40.

Block Island, 418, 421.                                                              Deacon, 40. Letter from Staresmore,

Blossom, Thomas, 374.                                                            50; from Robinson, 58; from So F.

Boston in England, 16.                                                             et al., 61; from Cnshman, 69; from

Boston in New England, 342, 354,383,                                   Robinson, 77; from Weston, 128, 137

     417, 501, 518.                                                         140. Keeps letter, 66. Chosen gov-

Bound Broolt, 442.                                                                    ernor, 109. Mentioned, 50, 54, 58, 61

Bradford, Dorothy, 531, 535.                                                   63,67-70, 76, 131. At Sonthampton,

Bradford, Wm., begins writing, 9. W.                                    74. Dies, 121. Family, 531, 534.

    B., 62. Chosen governor, 121. Ill-                   Carver, Kathrine, 531, 534.

    ness, 111, 121. Letter to Weston, 131.                          Cattle, first arrival of, 189.

    Letter from Weston, 142. Letter from                            Cawsumsett Neck, 445.

    Pickering and Greene, 144, 272. With                            Charity, ship, 190, 207.

    others appoints Sherley and Beau-                               Charles I., commission by, for regulat-

    champ agents, 278. Patent at Ken-                                       ing plantations, 249, 540.

    nebec, 376. Surrenders patent, 444.                               Charles River, 440.

    Letter from, 462. Family, 531, 535.                  Charlestown, 441.

Bradstreet, Simon, 399, 513.                                                Charlton, 116.

Brewer, Thomas, 60, 256.                                                    Chauncey, Charles, invited to Plymouth,

Brewster, Jonathan, letter from, 403.                                      456, 558. Letter from, 467.

Brewster, Love, 531, 535.                                                    Chilton, James, 533, 538.

Brewster, Mary, 531.                                                            Chilton, Mary, 533, 538.

Brewster, Wm., Elder, 14. Goes to                                     Chinnongh, an Indian, 513.

     Holland, 22. Assistant to Robinson,                            Christmas at Plymonth, 134.

     24. Correspondence with Sandys and                         Church covenant, 331.

     Worstenholme, 40-45. As to going to                         Clapham, 411, 451.

     America, 53. Labors for sick, 111.                                 Clarlte, pilot of the Mayflower, 67.

     Letters from Pickering, Greene and                              Clarke, Richard, 533, 538.

     Weston,l44-146. Letter from Robin-                             Clifton, Rev. Richard, 14.

      son, 198. Letter from Roger White,                             Cobiseconte, 376.

      248. Referred to, 153, 205, 208, 278,                             Coddington, Wm., 332, 399.

      380, 452. Dies, 487. Character, 488                               Cohasset, 442.

      et seq. Family, 531, 535.                                                 Collier, Wm., 256, 340, 367. Sherley's

Brewster, Wrestling, 531, 535.                                                  agent, 449.

Bristol, England, 320, 333, 338, 340, 347,                           Colonies of New England, confederation

      359.                                                                                        of, 496.

Britteridge, Richard, 535, 538.                                             Commissioners for the plantation, 540.

Brook, Lord, 378.                                                        Winslow petitions the, 390.

Brown; John, 513, 525.                                                        Compact of the Pilgrims, 109.

Brown, Peter, 533, 538.                                                        Connecticut371, 386, 387, 391, 402, 405

Browning, Henry, 256.                                                               415, 419, 424, 425, 430, 506, 509.

Brownists, 238.                                                                     Cooke, Francis, 532, 537, 539.

Butten, Wm., dies, 93. Family, 532.                    Cooke, John, 532, 537, 539.

Callicote, Sergeant, 525.                                                      Cooke, Lord, 50;

Calvin, John, 7.                                                                     Cooper, Humility, 532, 537.

Capawack, 117, 125, 148.                                                     Coppin, Robert, Mayflower pilot, de-

Cape Ann, patent for, 192.  Mentioned,                               ceived,l04

     202, 204, 237,265.                                                             Corbitant takes Squanto, 124, 136.

Cape Cod, 90. Arrive at, 93. Explore                  Corn. See Indian Corn.

     bay of, 101. French ship lost on, 118.                          Cotton, Rev. John, 332.

     Mentioned, 97, 123, 127, 132, 148, 153,                        Coventry, Thomas, 256.

     154,186,231,261,266.                                                        Crabe, Rev. Mr., 71.

Carter, Robert, 532.                                                              Crackston, John, family, 532, 536.


INDEX.                                  549

 

Cromwell, Thomas, Captain, and his                                 Fitcher, Lieutenant, at Merry-Mount

    crew, 526, 527.                                                         284, 285.

Crose, Daniel, murderer, escapes, 432.                             Fleet Prison, 328, 393, 447.

Cushman, Mary, 539.                                                           Fletcher, Moses, 533, 538.

Cushman, Robert, agent to England,                                Fletcher, Thomas, 256. 40.

      Letters from, 46-49. Letter from                    Florida, 37.

      S. F. et al., 61, 62. Letters to SF.                   Fogg, 339.

      et al., 63-68; to John Carver, 69; to                              Fort Orange, now Albany, 282.

      Ed. S., 86-90. Comes in the Fortune,                            Fortune, arrival of the, 126. Departs,

      126. Condemns Weston's colonists,                                 133,142.

      147. Letters from, 172, 191. Men-                                 France, 147, 148, 448.

       tioned, 49, 50, 54, 58, 60, 69, 74-76, 85,       Freeman, Edmund, 451, 456.

       137. His death, 249.                                                       French robbery at Penobscot, 350.

Cutshamakin, 522, 525.                                                        French ship lost on Cape Cod, 118, 137.

Damariscove Islands, 137, 187, 228, 251.                          Friendship, ship, 320, 328, 329, 333, 336,

Dartmouth, England, 83, 86, 90.                                              338, 342, 343, 346, 347, 358, 360, 413,

Davenport, Lieutenant, 428.                                                    455.

Davidson, Wm., 488.                                                           Fuller, Edward, and family, 533,538.

Davis, John, Sergeant, 514.                                                Fuller, Samuel, letter from, 61. Letters

Delft-Haven, 72.                                                                        from Cushman, 63-68. Meutioned,93,

Dennison, Wm, 343.                                                                 220, 315.  His death, 374. Family,

Dermer, Captain, 115, 118.                                        532,535.

Dorchester, 402, 406.                                                           Furnival's Inn, 284.

Doty, Edward, 532, 539.                                                       Galopp, John, 429.

Dudley, Thomas, 232, 342. Letter from,                            Gardenar, Richard, 533, 538.

       379. Mentioned, 384, 399, 504.                    Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 352 et seq.

Dumer, Richard, 399.                                                            Gibbons commands, 518.

Dutch, 54, 196. Send letters, 281. Men-                            Gibbs, Mr., mate of the Sparrow, 275.

     tioned, 370, 372-374, 388.                                               Girling, expedition of, to recover Penob-

Dutch letter, 268.                                                       scot, 396.

Dutchman at Hull, 17, 18,409.                                             Glover, Rev. Mr., 408.

Duxbury, 362, 444, 457, 458, 474.                                        Goffe, Thomas, 256, 275.

Earthquake in 1638, 437.                                                      Goodman, John, 533, 538.

Eaton, Francis, 533, 538.                                                      Goodyeare, Stephen, 525.

Eaton, Samuel, 533, 538.                                                      Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 115,180,300,329,

Eaton, Sarah, 533, 538.                                                              355, 391.

Eaton, Theoph., 504,513,525.                                              Gorges, Robert, grant to, 178. Meets

Elizabeth, Queen, 7.                                                                  Mr. Weston, 179. Arrests him, 183.

Ely, seaman of Mayflower, 533.                                              Returns to England, 184.

Endicott, John, arrival of, with patent                               Gorton, Samuel, 528.

     for Massachusetts, 286:314. Letter to                          Gosnold, Captain, names Cape Cod,

     Governor Bradford, 315, 442.                                              94.

English, Thomas, seaman on the May-                            Gott, Charles, 316.

      flower, 533, 539.                                                              Granger, Thomas, 474.

Episcopius,28.                                                                      Graves, Mr., 412.

Ewangsos, an Indian, 523.                                  Greene, Wm., 143, 144.

Exeter jail, 303.                                                                      Green's harbor, 362.

Falcon ship 410.                                                                   Gregson, Thomas, 504, 513.

Familism 461.                                                                         Greville, Sir Fulke, 46.

Farrar, Sir George, 63.                                                          Griffin, Mr., 412.

Fast, in Holland, 52; in Plymouth, 170.                             Grimsbe and Hull, 18.

Fells, Mr., 264, 265.                                                              Gudburn, Peter, 256.

Fenwick, George, 504, 513, 525.                                          Guiana, 36, 55.


550                                INDEX.

 

Hall, Mr., 410.                                                                        Hurricane at Plymouth, 401.

Hampton, 332.                                                                       Indian corn, 100. Pilgrims take, and

Hanson, Captain, 183.                                                               later pay for, 100, 123. Squanto

Hartford, 501, 510.                                                                      teaches how to plant, 120. Indians

Hatherly, Timothy, 256, 296, 307, 309.                                     raise more, 122. Pilgrims do not yet

     Arrives in Massachusetts Bay, 319-                                  know how to raise, 152. Several hogs.

     329, 334, 335, 340. Affirms by oath,                                    heads secured, 155. Each man to plant

     342,343,345. At Bristol, 347. Again                                     for himself, 162. Women and children

      comes to America, 360, 439.                                               set, 162. Fear about supply, 176.

Hathorne, Wm., 513.                                                            Indians, expected danger from, 34, 95.

Haynes, John, governor of Massachu.                                  First seen, 98. Their corn found, 99.

      setts, 399.                                                                              About a grampus, 101. First alarm of,

Heath, Thomas, 256.                                                                  102-104, 106. Skulking, 113. Men-

Hedgehog, fable of the, 211.                                                    tioned, 119, 123, 127, 134, 136, 156, 157

Hendrick, Prince, 249.                                                                Resolve to destroy western people, 158.

Hibbins, Wm., 479.                                                                     Mentioned, 232, 253, 262. Value of

Higginson, Francis, 317.                                                            wampum, 282. Taught by Morton,

Hingham, 439. Boundaries of, 440, 442.                                   286.

Hobbamok, an Indian, 123-125, 135-                                 -- Long Island, sachems of, 428.

      137.                                                                                   -- Mohawks, 427. Kill Sassacus, 430.

Hobson, Wm., 256.                                                                    Mentioned, 514.

Hocking, killed at the Kennebec, 377-                              -- Monhiggs beat the Narragansetts,

     384.                                                                                           430.

Holbeck, Wm., 532.                                                              -- Narragansetts, 123, 133,135,136,148,

Holland, 15, 22, 30, 34, 42, 69, 71, 374,                                      152, 186, 282, 416, 423, 424, 426, 430,

      393, 490.                                                                                  433,496, 505. Agreement with, 521.

Holland, Robert, 243, 256.                                   -- Neepnetts, 429.

Hooke, John, 531,535.                                                          -- Nyanticks, 512, 518. Agreement

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 234.                                                      with,521.

Hopkins, Constanta, 532, 536.                                            -- Pequots, 232, 282, 371, 415, 416, 418.

Hopkins, Damaris, 532.                                                              Attack English, 419,420, 423-426,430,

Hopkins, Edward, 504, 513, 525.                                               496, 505. 

Hopkins, Elizabeth, 532, 536.                                              Innemo, Indian chief, 518.

Hopkins, Giles, 536.                                                             Irish servants, 264.

Hopkins, Oceanus, born at sea, 532.                                 Isle of Shoals, 291.

Hopkins, Stephen, 122. Visits Massa-                              Jackson, Thomas, executed, 432.

     soit, 122. Family, 532, 536.                                              James, a physician, 434.

Houghe, Atherton, 399.                                                      James I., 13. Dies, 249. Named, 356.

Howland, Elizabeth, 534.                                                     James, ship, 192.

Howland, John, falls overboard, 92,                  Jeffrey, Sergeant, 328.

     452. Family, 531, 534.                                                      Jenemo and Wipelock..523.

Hubbard, Wm., historian, 329.                                           Johnson, Rev. Francis, 48, 49.

Huddleston, John, letter from, 150,                                   Johnson, Mr., 330, 332.

     151.                                                                                    Johnsone, alderman, 47.

Hudson, Thomas, 256.                                                        Jonas, 525.

Hudson's Bay, 199.                                                              Jones, captain of the Discovery, 153.

Hudson's River, 13.                                                              Jones, captain of the Mayflower, 83.

Hull, 17, 18.                                                                            Kean, Robert, 255,256.

Humber River, 441.                                                               Kennebec, load of corn sent np the, 246.

Humfray, John, 399.                                                                 Mentioned, 267, 280, 282, 293,300, 311,

Hunt, Thomas, Captain, captor of                                          326,348, 379,407,421,437. Patent at,

       Squanto, 115, 116.                                                              376.

Hunter, Rev. Joseph, 151, 197.                                           Kent, 70.


INDEX.                                  551

 

King, Wm., 89.                                                                      Mary and Anne, 435.

Knight, Eliza, 256.                                                                 Mason, Captain, with Gorges, 355, 391,

Knight, John, 256.                                                                     392.

Knowles, Myles, 256.                                                          Mason, John, Captain, and the Pequots,

Land's End, 84.                                                                          428, 518.

Langemore, John, 532.                                                         Massachusetts, location of, 117. Bay,

Langrume, master of a ship, 410, 412.                                    149, 232, 265, 295. Gorges arrives in

Latham, Wm., 531,534.                                                              Bay, 178,181. Arrival of Ra1fe Smith

LaTour, French governor, 513.                                               314. Mr. Pierce and Mr. Hatherley

Laud, Wm., archbishop, 391, 392.                                           come, 319, 320, 330, 342. Gardiner

Lee, Lord, 430.                                                                           in, 352, 361. Roger Williams comes,

Levett, Christopher, 179. 369.                                                  Mentioned, 371,372,382,383,403,

Leyden, 23, 54, 56, 66, 70. Departure                                      416, 419, 433. Boundaries between

     thence, 71. Mentioned, 85, 96, 130,                              Massachusetts and Plymouth, 447.

     143, 148, 189, 216, 249, 271, 293, 314.                            Massasoit visits Plymouth, 114. Treaty

Lincoln, Countess of, 51.                                                         with, 114. Embassy to, 122. Sends

Lincolnshire, 13, 16.                                                                  word concerning Billington, 123-125,

Ling, John, 256.                                                                         134, 136. Seeks Squanto's life, 137.

Lister, Edward, 532, 539.                                                            Is sick, 158.

London, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 115, 195, 244.                           Masterson, Richard, 50, 374.

      Plague in, 246, 357, 410.                                                 Manrice, Grave, dies, 249.

London bridge, fire on, 367.                                               Mayflower, 296.

Low countries, 22, 26, 121, 296, 448,                  May-pole at Merry-Monnt, 285, 286.

     489.                                                                                    Meekesano, 525.

Ludlow, Mr., 428,509.                                                          Merchant adventurers, agreement with,

Lyford, John, arrives, 204. Letters in-                                     70, 76. Weston and the, 138, 143.

     tercepted, 207, 208. Sets up a public                                  As to Lyford, 234. Broken up, 237.

     meeting, 209. Cited before the court,                                 Names of, 256.

     210. Mentioned, 213,215,219,238,292.                          Merrimac River, 160.

     His acknowledgment, 220. Writes to                           Merry-Mouut, 284.

     adventurers, 221. Their opinion of                               Miantonimo, 505, 512.

     him, 223 et seq, 227, 229, 230. Cen-                               Milford-Haven, 348.

     sured, 232. Facts concerning, 232 et                            Millsop, Thomas, 256.

     seq. Goes to Nantasket, 236. Dies,                               Minter, Desire, 531, 534.

     237.                                                                                    Mixano, 518.

Lyon, ship, 363.                                                                    Monhegan, 148, 185, 251.

Maggner, Mr., 47.                                                                Mononotto, an Indian, and his wife, 429,

Mahue, Mr., 360.                                                                       430.

Malabar, Cape, 94.                                                               More, Ellen, 531.

Manamoick (Chatham), 117, 125, 155,                               More, Jasper, 531, 534.

     262.                                                                                    More, Richard, 531, 533.

Manoanscnssett, 281,415.                                                  Morrell, Wm., Rev.,, comes with Robert

Manomet (Sandwich), 123. Pinace built                                 Gorges, 185.

     at, 266. Mentioned, 281, 402.                                         Morton, George, 59.

Margeson, Edmond, 533, 538.                                            Morton, Thomas, at Monnt Wollaston,

Marriage first at Plymouth 121. By                                          284 et seq.Arrested, 291, 302. Im-

      magistrates,393.                                                                    prisoned in Boston, 303, 392.

Marshfield, 444, 458.                                                            Mott, Thomas, 256.

Martin, Christopher, 69, 70, 76, 87, 88,                              Monnt Wollaston, 284 et seq.

     532, 536.                                                                            Mullines, Joseph, 532, 536.

Martyr, Peter, 164.                                                                Mullines, Priscila, 532, 536, 539.

Mary, Qneen, 7, 352.                                                            Mullines, Wm., 76. Family, 532, 536.

Mary, Queen of Scots, 489.                                                Nacata, 445.


552                                INDEX.

 

Naemscbatet, 445.                                                                Peirce, Wm., master of Paragon, 169.

Namasket, 116.                                                                          Master of the Anne, 171,186,202,207,

Namassakett, 124.                                                                    216. Comes from England, 230, 232,

Namskeket Creek, 263.                                                             234, 308, 319, 333, 361, 363. Letter

Nantasket, 236, 289.                                                                  from Virginia, 365-367,412,414. Car-

Narragansetts. See Indians.                                                    ries Indians to West Indies, 429.

Nash, Mr., 61, 62.                                                                 Pelham, Herbert, 525.

Natawanute,373.                                                                   Pemaquid, 401.

Naumkeag (Salem), 235, 316.                                              Pemberton, Jobn, 208.

Naunton, Sir Robert, 38.                                                      Pennington, Wm., 256.

Nauset (Eastham), 116, 123, 444.                                        Penobscot, 116, 309, 326, 333, 349, 350,

Nequamkecl. falls of, 376.                                         382, 395, 400.

Newbald, Fria, 256.                                                               Pequots. See Indians.

New-comin, Jobn, killed by Billington,                             Perkins, Mr., 9.

    330.                                                                                     Perrin, Wm., 256.

New England, 108, 115. Grant from                    Pessecuss, an Indian, 520, 524, 525.

     council of, 167,169, 178,245. Confed-                           Peters, Hugb, 479 et seq.

     eration of plantations of, 496.                                       Pickering, Edward, 58,60, 138,140, 143.

Newfoundland, 115.                                                                  Letter to Bradford and Brewster, 144,

New Haven, 458, 500-502, 509, 521.                        145.

Newtown, 399, 407.                                                              Pierce, Jobn, 76, 143. Likes not Wes-

Norton, Captain, 386.                                                                ton's company, 148. Sends the Para-

Norton, Rev. Jobn, 408.                                                            gon,166 etseq. Charter taken in name

Norway, 19.                                                                                of, 167.

Nottinghamsbire, 13.                                                           Pilgrims resolve to go to the low coun-

Novatians, 9.                                                                              tries, 14. Fate of families left behind,

Nowell, Increase, 399.                                                               20. Remove to Leyden, 23. Obtain

Nyanticks. See Indians.                                                            patent from Virginia company, 50,51.

Old-comers, 444.                                                        Agreement with Weston and merchant

Oldham, Jobn, 206, 208. Resists Captain                               adventurers, 56,70. Their vessels, 71,

      Standisb,209. Cited before the court, 72.                         Choose governor and assistants,

      210. Named, 216, 218, 219. Comes                                     83. Sail, 83. Put bacl.:, 83. Dismiss

       again, 229. Sent away, 230. Con-                                      the Speedwell, 84. List of the, in the

       fesses,231. Killed, 232. Mentioned,                                  Mayflower, 531 et seq. Descry Cape

       237,417, 418.                                                         Cod, 93. Give thanks, 94. First see

Oporto, 327, 343.                                                        Indians, 98. Find kettle and Indian

Orania (Orange) fort, 282.                                                         com, 99. First encounter with In-

Ossamequine, 522.                                                                     dians, 102. Layout house lots, 107.

Ouse River, 441.                                                                         Their compact, 109. Choose Jobn Car-

Paddy, Wm., 456.                                                                        ver governor,109. Visited by Samo-

Pampiamett,513.                                                                           set, 113; by Squanto and Massasoit,

Paragon, ship, sent out by John Peirce,                                  114. Treaty with Massasoit, 114.

    166-168.                                                                                     Harvest, 1622, 152. Their meeting

Partridge, Ralpb, discusses baptism with                               house, 152.

     Chauncey, 457. Letter from, 466.                   Pincbon, 399, 404.

Passaconaway,522.                                                              Piscataqua River, 160, 251, 267, 377,

Passengers in the Mayflower, 531 et                                     383.

     seq.                                                                                    Plague in London, 246, 357.

Patrick, Captain, 328.                                                           Plantations, commission for regulating, ..

Patucket River, 445.                                                                  249, 540.

Patuxet {Plymouth),116.                                                      Pliny, 201.

Peach, Artbur, executed for murder,                                 Plymouth, Eng., Pilgrims put into, 84,

      432.                                                                                         244.


INDEX.                                  553

 

Plymouth, N. E., I, 90, 116, 117, 127,                  Salt-making, 191, 192, 203.

      160, 251, 314, 332, 349, 363, 380.                   Saly (Saller), 245.

      Bounds between, and Massachusetts,                      Samoset visits Plymouth, 113.

       442.                                                                  Samson, Henry, 532, 537.

Pocock, John, 256.                                                               Sanders, John, chief of Weston's men

Point Care, 94.                                                                             155.

Point Peril, 445.                                                                     Sandwich, 444.

Pokanokets, 116.                                                                  Sandys, Sir Edwin, letter from, 40-43,

Poliander, John, 28.                                                                   46. Governor of Virginia company,

Portsmouth, 169, 244, 246.                                       41.

Pory, John, secretary; 153.                                                 Sassacus, sachem, 427. Killed, 430.

Powows, 118.                                                                        Satucket, 116.

Poynton, Daniel,256.                                                           Say, Lord, 378,384.

Preist, Digerie, 533, 538.                                                      Scituate, 440-444, 458.

Prince, Thos., chosen governor, 375,432.                        Scotland, 448.

      Mentioued, 380, 381, 452, 525.                                     Scott, false, 351.

Prices of live stock, 436.                                                      Scurvy, Pilgrims suffer from, 110.

Providence, 515.                                                                   Seekonk, 434, 444, 518.

Prower, Salamon, 532.                                                          Seneca, 94, 200.

Punham, 522.                                                                         Sharpe, Samuel, 256.

Pummunish, 513, 525.                                                          Sheriver, Mr., 50.

Puritans, name, 8.                                                                 Sherley, James, letters to Pilgrims, 189

Quarles, Wm., 256.                                                                     et aeq., 193, 300, 302, 304, 321, 333.

Rasdell, Mr., at Mt. Wollaston, 284.                                       Letters to Governor Bradford, 275 et

Rasieres, Isaac de, 269. Reply to his                                       seq., 295. Letters from, 335 et seq.,

      letter, 270, 281.                                                                      346,359,367 et seq., 381, 394, 410,412,

Rayner, John, Rev., 419, 457. Letter                        450. Settlement with, 452. Letters to

      from, 464.                                                                               Atwood, 478; to partners, 478, 485.

Rehoboth, 444.                                                                           His release, 480. Mentioned., 249, 255,

Revell, John, 256.                                                                       256, 278, 279, 293, 304, 306, 307, 309,

Reynolds, 67. Captain of the Speed-                                       313, 318, 340, 342, 344, 347-350, 357,

      well, 83. Puts back twice, 83, 84.                         360, 363, 375, 414, 415, 431, 435, 439,

Referred to, 147, 208.                                                                  446.

Rigdale, Alice, 533, 537.                                                      Shoanan, sachem, 522.

Rigdale, John, 533, 537.                                                       Sibsie, Mr., 220.

Riggs, Sergeant, 328.                                                           Skelton, Samuel, 317.

Robinson, John, Rev., 14. Goes to                                    Small-pox among Indians on the Con-

      Holland, 22-24, 27. Disputes with                                    necticut, 388.

      Arminius, 28. Correspondence with                            Smith, Francis, 514.

       Sir Edwin Sandys, 40-43; with Sir                               Smith, John, 23, 94. His map, 441.

       John Worstenholm, 43-46, 48, 54.                               Smith, John, Rev., 14, 23.

       Letters to John Carver, 58;.61, 77,                              Smith, Ralph, Rev., 314. Resigns his

       78; to Pilgrims, 78 -82, 88, 130, 153.                                  ministry, 418.

       Letter to Governor Bradford, 197; to                          Smith, Sir Thomas, 47.

       Wm. Brewster, 198, 216, 238. Dead,                            Sodomy, 459 et seq.

        247 et aeq.                                                                     Sokanoke, 522.

Rogers, Mr., at Plymouth, 292.                                           Southampton, 67. Arrive at, 71. Men-

Rogers, Joseph, 533, 537.                                                          tioned, 73, 87, 88, 533.

Rogers, Thomas, 533, 537.                                  Souther, Nathaniel, 456.

Rome, 25, 66.                                                                         Southworth, Edward, letter from Robt.

Rookes, Newman, 256.                                                              Cushman, 86-90.

Sagadahoc, wreck at, 251.                                                   Sowams, 115.

Salem, 235, 295, 316, 317,330,370,383.                                Sowansett River, 445.


554                                INDEX.

 

Sowle, George, 531, 535.                                                      Trent, River, 441.

Spain, 115,358.                                                                      Trevore Wm 148, 533

Sparrow, ship, 145.                                                               Trumball, Wm., 357.

Speedwell, ship, 71, 72, 84.                                                 Tucker's Terror, 94.

Squanto, history of, 113-117. Teaches                             Turkeys, wild, 126.

     corn planting, 120. With embassy                                Turner, John, 66, 67, 533, 538

     to Massasoit, 122. Mentioned, 124,                             Uncas, Monhigg chief, 430, 505, 510 et

     125, 130, 135, 148. Seeks his own                       seq., 514, 521, 523.

     ends, 136, 137. Dies, 155.                                               Uncaway, 509.

Stamford, 509.                                                                       Union of the New England colonies, 496

Standish, Myles, leads a party up Cape                           Vane, Sir Harry, 419, 430.

      Cod, 98. Labors for sick, 111. Goes                             Vines, Richard, 338.

      with party about Cape Cod, 155. Res-                        Virginia, 36, 37, 41, 49, 55, 67, 86, 108,

      cues some of Weston's people, 159.                                 117,127,138,149,150,152,153, 170

      Lyford's opinionof,217. Sent to Eng-                                181. Ship bound for 261 2135 266

      land, 245. Comes home, 247,252,272,                                 Mentioned, 364, 385, 414.

      278. Arrests Morton, 291, 379-381.                              Virginia company, 38, 39, 46,47, 54,

       Goes to the Penobscot, 397. Men-                                    108.

        tioned, 446, 452, 458, 518, 532, 536.                            Virginia court and council, 46.

Standish, Rose, 532, 536.                                                    Walloons, 27.

Stanton, Thomas, interpreter, 428.                                    Wampum, value of, 282.

Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 46. Letter                  Ward, Thomas, 256.

       to Carver, 56, 51.                                                            Warren, Richard, 532, 537.

Stinnings, Richard, executed for mur-                               Warwick, Earl of, 300, 526.

       der,432.                                                                           Water, first drink of, in New England,

Stone, Captain, influences governor of                                  99.

       Dutch plantation, 385. Killed, 386.                              Waughwamino, 524.

       Mentioned, 416, 418.                                                    Weequashcooke, 523.

Story, Elias, 531.                                                                   Weesagascussett, 289.

Stoughton, Israel, commissioner, 442.                              Weetowish, 513, 518, 525.

Stoughton, Mr., 429.                                                            Weld, Thomas, 479 et seq.

Straton,339.                                                                           West, Francis, admiral for New Eng-

Sturgs, Thomas, 481.                                                                land, 169, 178.

Taborites, 25.                                                                        Weston, Andrew, 144.

Talbut, ship, 296.                                                  Weston, Thos., 52, 54-56, 59, 60, 62, 63,

Tarantines, 125.                                                                         67,69,74, 88. Writes Governor Car-

Tassaquanawite,523.                                                                ver, 128, 129. Sends fishing vessel,

Taunton, 444.                                                                             137. Letters to Mr. Carver, 137-140.

Thanksgiving, first, 126.                                                          Letter to Governor Bradford, 142-144.

Thomas, Wm., 565.                                                                   Remarks in letter of Pickering and

Thompson, David, at the mouth of the                                 Greene, 145. Mentioned, 141, 146,

     Piscataqua, 185, 251, 252.                                                    149, 1.50, 166, 178, 186, 189. His

Thompson, Edward, 532.                                                         people in trouble, 154 et Beg. Comes

Thorned, Thomas, 256.                                                            in disguise, 160. His ingratitude, 161.

Thornhill, Matthew, 256.                                                          Arrives with small ship, 179. Cited

Tilden, Joseph, 256.                                                                  before Robert Gorges, 179 et Beg. Ar-

Tillie, Ann, 532, 537.                                                                 rested, 183. Dies, 184.

Tillie, Edward, 532,537.                                                        Westminster, 411.

Tillie, Elizabeth, 532, 534, 537.                                            Weymouth,442.

Tillie, John, 532, 534, 537.                                    White, Mr., counsellor, 234.

Tinker, Thomas, 533, 537.                                   White, John, Rev., 256.

Tirrey, Arthur, 481.                                                              White, Peregrine, 532, 536.

Trask, Captain, 328.                                                             White, Resolved, 532, 536, 539.


INDEX.                                  555

 

White, Roger, letter from, 248.                                                 Mentioned, 134, 177, 191, 208,216,234,

White, Snsannah, 532, 535.                                                      242, 244, 251, 278, 300, 312, 319, 329,

White, Wm., 532, 535, 536.                                        333, 336, 337, 344, 346, 350, 357, 380,

White Angel, ship, 320, 321, 326, 328,                                    384, 392-394, 408, 442, 446, 452, 513,

     329, 333-335, 337, 338, 343, 344, 346,                                    527. Chosen governor, 366, 409, 507.

     350, 361, 364, 390, 394, 395. 413, 455.                                   In England, 389. Petition of, 390.

Wilder, Roger, 531, 534.                                                             Family, 531, 535.

Wilkinson, Ed., master of the Falcon,                               Winslow, Elizabeth, 531.

      410,412.                                                                            Winslow, Gilbert, 533, 538.

Willett, Thomas, agent at Penobscot,                              Winslow, Josias, 452.

      395.                                                                                   Winthrop, John, 330-332, 342. Letters

Williams, Roger, 369 et seq. Pacifies                                       from, 354, 417, 420, 427. Mentioned,

       Indians, 434, 515.                                                                 382-384, 399, 446, 504, 525.

Williams, Thomas, 533, 538.                                               Wollaston, Captain, 283. His ventnres-,

Willson, Mr., surgeon, 430.                                                      284.

Wilson, John, 332.                                                               Worstenholme, Sir John, 43, 45, 47.

Wincot, Jacob, 51.                                                               Wraight, Henry, 256.

Winnisimmet,289.                                                                 Yarmonth, 444, 445.

Winslow, Edward, 62. Visits Massa-                                Yeardley, Sir Geo., 47.

      soit,122. Visits Captain Huddleston,                           Yonge, Joseph, 435. 151.

      Brings cattle, 189 Comes from                                      Yorkshire, 13.

      England, 230. Calls Lyford a knave,                            Zealand. 17.

      236. Goes np the Kennebec, 247.                                 Ziska, 25.